Alexandre Dumas - "Bric à brac"

Arthur Conan Doyle - "The Last Galley Impressions and Tales"

Sidney R. Kennedy and Alden C. Noble - "White Ashes"

Charles Kingsley - "Women and Politics"

Annual Bibliography of Commonwealth Literature 2007
This paper argues that discourses of love in Ghanaian market literature for youth offer a view into complex negotiations of agency and empowerment. Drawing on Deborah Durham's notion of youth as "social `shifters'" and Francis Nyamnjoh's conception of the "interconnectedness" of agency, I take Ghanaian market literature as one specific case of how African literature for youth foregrounds questions of continuity and change as African societies enter into increasingly complex global relations. In this literature for youth, received notions of love, often constructed out of impressions from American pop and hip hop music, carry new notions of agency that compete with existing "domesticated" forms. Authors like Ike Tandoh and Evelyn Tay employ discourses of love to offer youth alternative avenues for empowerment in a context of socio-economic disenfranchizement. In a creative process of "straddling", this writing both reveals and reproduces the contradictions that obtain in youth configurations of agency.

Ethics in Service

W >> William Howard Taft >> Ethics in Service




Another sign of the times is trades-unionism. Trades-unionism is
essential in the cause of labor. One man as a laborer is in a position
where it is utterly impossible for him to deal on an equality with his
employer. The employer has capital and can get along without his
services, but he cannot get along without the wages which the employer
pays him. Therefore, laborers unite and contribute to a fund which
enables them to withdraw together and say to the employer: "Here, we
propose to deal with you on a level. We have great force. We have a fund
which will enable us to live while out of work and we are going to
embarrass you as far as possible by withdrawing from your employ unless
you do justice to us in the matter of terms of service." That power of
union cultivated in organized labor has done a great deal to raise
wages and bring about equitable terms of service.

Organized labor is only a small part of labor generally; but organized
labor exercises great influence in legislatures. It is thought to hold
the balance of power at the polls and has undoubtedly exercised
beneficent influence in securing laws to control healthy conditions for
work, safety appliances on railroads, limitation upon the hours of labor
and a number of other laws that would not have been passed if organized
labor had not brought political influence to bear upon members of the
legislature.

On the other hand, a sense of their power has sometimes given leaders of
labor unions a lack of discretion, a truculence and an unreasonable and
unjust attitude. Like the employers, they have been dependent upon
public opinion and after a time public opinion has controlled them.
Probably the greatest evil that stands out from all the good work unions
have done, is the dead level to which they seek to bring the wages of
skilled manual labor. Organized labor insists on making a class and then
having that class receive the same wages, and it does nothing to
encourage individual effort by consenting to the payment of higher wages
to the man of experience, industry and skill than to the mediocre and
lazy. It will in some way have to obviate that difficulty which works
against the cause of labor and the interest of society. Moreover, its
leaders do not discourage, as they should, lawlessness as a means of
achieving their industrial ends. The history of the dynamiters in
California and of the civil war in Colorado shows this.

On the other hand, we find many in the ranks of labor offering the most
effective opposition to the increase in socialism. The leaders of
trades-unionism have no sympathy with the I. W. W. The I. W. W., however,
led by Haywood and others, serve a useful purpose by furnishing an awful
example for the average workingman. When they go around with the signs,
"No God, No Country, No Law," creating disgust and conservatism in the
ranks of organized labor, they do not know what a good thing they are
doing. They act blindly, but they are offering a sample of what may be
expected if organized labor is tempted to excesses. We are going to have
organized labor for all time, and we ought to have it. While I would go
to the fullest extent with courts and even with the army to protect a
non-union man in freedom of labor, if I were a workingman myself I would
join a labor union because I believe that if such unions can be properly
conducted, they are useful to promote the best interests of labor and of
society. What trades-unionism needs is leaders to teach its members
common sense.

The truth is, the longer you live, the more you will find that nothing
is perfect, and everything has a side that can be criticised. What you
have to do is to sum up the whole, take the average benefit which comes
from it, and attempt to increase that average. Now I am an optimist.
People say the initiative and the referendum, against which I have
talked, are like a ratchet wheel. If you extend power to the people and
the voters, you will never get it back again. I agree that is a rule
that generally works, but with respect to the initiative and the
referendum there is an element that may cause an exception to the rule.
The initiative will throw a heavy burden on the electorate. Cranks and
their followers will constantly be compelling voters to act upon wild
proposals. As the popular disgust grows, the requirements in respect to
the number of signers will be made so heavy that a successful petition
can rarely be secured. The referendum will then be limited to such
matters as the legislature chooses to refer and will then cease to be a
practical burden.

We must pray that the injurious excesses which I have been describing as
the cost we have to pay for a great reform, may not unsettle the
foundation of our government and destroy the self-imposed restraint
arranged in the Constitution to make that government just to the
individual, to the minority and to those who do not vote. If we do not
disturb those foundations, we can count on the common sense of the
American people to bring them back to sane views, and we can rejoice and
continue to rejoice in the preservation of a popular government that for
one hundred and twenty-five years has vindicated its conservatism and
justice before the world and will continue to do so forever.




PAGE LECTURES

PUBLISHED BY YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS


MORALS IN MODERN BUSINESS. Addresses by Edward D. Page, George W.
Alger, Henry Holt, A. Barton Hepburn, Edward W. Bemis and James McKeen.

_(Second printing) 12mo, cloth binding, leather label, 162 pages,
syllabi. Price $1.25 net, delivered._

EVERYDAY ETHICS. Addresses by Norman Hapgood, Joseph E. Sterrett, John
Brooks Leavitt, Charles A. Prouty.

_12mo, cloth binding, leather label, 150 pages, index. Price $1.25 net,
delivered._

INDUSTRY AND PROGRESS. By Norman Hapgood.

_12mo, cloth binding, 123 pages. Price $1.25 net, delivered._

POLITICIAN, PARTY AND PEOPLE. By Henry C. Emery.

_12mo, cloth binding, 183 pages, index. Price $1.25 net, delivered._

QUESTIONS OF PUBLIC POLICY. Addresses by J. W. Jenks, A. Platt Andrew,
Emory R. Johnson and Willard V. King.

_12mo, cloth binding, leather label, 140 pages, index. Price $1.25 net,
delivered._

TRADE MORALS: THEIR ORIGIN, GROWTH AND PROVINCE. By Edward D. Page.

_12mo, cloth binding, 276 pages, index. Price $1.50 net, delivered._

ETHICS IN SERVICE. By William Howard Taft.

_12mo, cloth binding, 101 pages, index. Price $1.15 net, delivered._

[Transcriber's Note: this list of publications appeared inside the front
cover of the original book]

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