Historical and Political Essays

W >> William Edward Hartpole Lecky >> Historical and Political Essays

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A large group of proposals are to the effect that old-age pensions
should be granted to all poor persons over the age of sixty-five whose
total income is less than 10_s._ a week, provided that a certain
portion of that income consists of a fixed annuity acquired by their
own industry and thrift. It is urged that in most of the great
branches of industry a deserving man in his earlier and stronger years
could easily earn such an annuity; and it is suggested that the State
should double it, or add to it sufficient to make it up to 10_s._ a
week, or supplement it by a fixed grant of 2_s._ 6_d._, or 5_s._, or
even 7_s._ a week.

The objections to such schemes are very serious. It is obvious that if
they encourage a workman to save up to the amount required to secure a
pension, they would have a directly opposite effect as soon as that
amount had been attained. The first result of any addition to his
income would then be to disqualify him for a pension. It is also
obvious that the pensioner of sixty-five would have a strong
inducement to abstain from the work he could easily do, and that if he
continued to do it he would compete on exceptionally favourable terms
with the workman who, though he had passed the prime of life, was not
yet entitled to a pension, restricting his means of employment and
beating down his wages. Many of the most necessitous and deserving
poor would also be left unrelieved.

Although it is true that in the more flourishing trades men could
easily in early life save out of their wages a sufficient sum to
acquire this annuity, there are large fields of industry in which such
a saving would be almost or absolutely impossible. We have had
melancholy evidence of how utterly insufficient most forms of women's
wages are to provide the needed margin. The same thing is true of the
agricultural labourer in the more depressed districts in England and
in large tracts of Ireland and Scotland. Even in the more remunerative
employments innumerable special circumstances would prevent a thrifty
and deserving man from obtaining this annuity. Certainly no one is
more deserving of compassion and State aid than the widow and young
orphans of a working man; but the scheme we are considering would not
only not help them, but would most seriously injure them. It is a
direct incentive to the workman to sink his savings in an annuity
which would terminate with his own life.

The whole policy, indeed, of attempting to turn all working-class
savings into this one channel is a false one; and it has been shown
that no kind of saving is in fact less popular among working men than
the purchase of a deferred annuity. I may here be allowed to quote a
few lines from my own report:

'In the infinitely various conditions of a working-man's life thrift
will take many forms, and an attempt to prescribe a single form is
eminently injudicious. The whole life-plan of a farmer whose farm will
remain with him to the end will be different from that of an artisan
or a domestic servant whose power of earning a livelihood depends
entirely upon his physical strength. The former will probably find it
most profitable to expend his savings on the improvement of his farm.
Where the system of peasant proprietorship prevails most agricultural
thrift is directed to the purchase and enlargement of farms. In
Ireland it is largely directed to the purchase of tenant right, or to
enabling the younger members of the family to emigrate.

'Nor is it true that even the artisan will find the purchase of an
annuity the best thing to be aimed at. To buy a house or some
furniture; to start a small business; to expend his savings in tiding
over periods of slack or failing work; to avail himself of the
advantage which some fluctuation in the market gives to the man who
can transport himself promptly to a new locality or a new business is
often far more to his advantage. Above all, money expended in settling
his family is often his best policy as well as the course which is
most beneficial to the community. At present a large proportion of
working men look forward to their children to help them in their old
age, and make it a main object of their lives to place them in a
position to do so. It does not seem to me a wise thing for the State
either to emancipate children from this duty or to induce every
married working man to sink his savings in an annuity which will end
with his life and from which his widow and children can derive no
benefit. It is certainly not for the advantage of the country that in
selecting between alternative ways of providing for old age he should
be induced to choose that which throws the greatest burden on the
State. With the vast increase of population, with the great
fluctuations of modern industry, and with the rapid development of the
colonies, it is extremely desirable both in the interest of the
working men and of the State that they should be induced to transfer
themselves from congested towns and from exhausted industries to new
fields. A general pension system would certainly contribute most
powerfully to prevent them from doing so.'

It has been proposed by others that the pension fund should be placed
in the hands of Friendly or Benefit Societies, and that they should be
intrusted with its administration, or that subscription to such
societies for a certain number of years should be taken by the State
as the thrift test. On the first proposal it is sufficient to say,
that these great voluntary societies are themselves opposed to it; for
if they were directly subsidised by the State, they would be obliged
to submit to a State control of their management and their finances
which they do not desire. It is observed that only a very small
proportion of the subscribers to these societies ever find it
necessary to come upon the poor rates; and if a system of old-age
pensions were confined to these limits, it would act in the most
unequal manner. Their members are drawn in a far larger proportion
from the lucrative and flourishing trades than from those which are
struggling and underpaid. Few women belong to them. In Ireland, which
is the poorest part of the Empire, Friendly Societies scarcely exist;
and the same thing is true of large districts in Wales and Scotland.
The main result of such proposals would be to concentrate the new
State fund for the relief of poverty on the richest parts of the
Empire, and on the trades that need it the least.

The extreme difficulty of finding any efficient test of thrift is very
evident; and those proposed by a large number of the advocates of
old-age pensions are so easy as to be almost worthless. Some consider
it sufficient that a man has for a certain number of years not been in
receipt of poor-law relief, except medical relief or relief granted
under 'exceptional circumstances.' Others would accept the mere fact
that a man has lived to be sixty-five, as the drunken and disreputable
workman seldom lives so long. A large number of resolutions have
condemned Mr. Chaplin's report on the grounds that old-age pensions
ought not to be confined to the 'deserving' poor; that they ought to
begin at an earlier age than sixty-five; that they ought to be
administered by a body totally unconnected with the poor law, so as to
carry with them no taint of pauperism or eleemosynary relief. They
ought, it is said, to be universal; to be looked on as a matter of
strict right; to be considered as of the same nature as the pension
given to the soldier or the Civil Servant.

It is obvious that all this may carry us very far. It is estimated
that some of the most popular proposals would involve an annual
expenditure of considerably more than twenty millions of
pounds--making allowance for the saving that might be effected in the
ordinary poor-law relief, but not counting the cost of administration.
And this expenditure would be a growing one; and once accepted it
could hardly be withdrawn. The vast addition to the national debt that
might follow a great European war or the great shrinkage of the
national income that might easily follow some revolution in trade or
manufacture, might render the burden of taxation incomparably more
serious than at present; but once the great mass of the population had
learned to regard State support in old age as their normal prospect
and their inalienable right, it would be impossible, without producing
a social revolution, to recede. All the advantages gained by
generations of economical administration of the national finance would
be nullified; while the certain result of this crushing addition to
taxation would be to weaken incalculably the spirit of thrift,
providence, and self-reliance, and at the same time to lower wages, by
removing one of the great considerations by which they are regulated.
And this reduction of wages would fall not only on the recipient of
the pension, but also on multitudes who would never live to attain it.
Nothing can be more certain than that a general system of pensions
attached to the labour of the wage-earner must lower wages, at least
among all those who are approaching the pension age; while it would
prevent or retard their natural increase over a far wider area.

It would also most certainly bring with it the gravest danger of
corruption. It would not be easy to secure the pure and the impartial
administration of these vast funds; but the political dangers would be
much more serious. It is proposed that the pension system should be
first introduced on a small scale, but gradually extended till it
included all the aged poor, or at least all who were deserving. Such a
question would infallibly pass into the competitions of party warfare.
It would become in most constituencies one of the most prominent of
electioneering tests. Rival candidates would be competing for the
votes of a wage-earning electorate who had a direct pecuniary interest
in increasing or extending pensions and in relaxing the conditions on
which they are given. Can it be doubted that in many cases their first
object would be to outbid one another, and that national and party
politics would soon be forced into a demoralising race of
extravagance?

I cannot conclude without protesting against the supposition that
those who think with me are indifferent to the great evil of old-age
destitution and propose nothing for its relief. The committees which
have most clearly pointed out the dangers of old-age pensions have
also urged, that within the lines of our present poor-law system it is
quite possible to do much, by an improved classification, to
distinguish among the recipients of poor-law relief between the
respectable and the worthless. Much has already been done, and in the
most important unions the guardians have introduced a large amount of
classification by merit. As I have already said, the immense majority
of the respectable aged poor are now relieved only in their own homes
or in comfortable infirmaries. The severe test of absolute destitution
has in practice been greatly relaxed; there is a legal provision
preventing those who are receiving help from Friendly Societies from
being disqualified for relief; husbands and wives are no longer
separated in the workhouse; and in some unions of which we had
evidence much more has been done. This, however, depends too much on
the will of particular Boards of Guardians, and there are in
consequence great inequalities of treatment. The condition of the
deserving poor may be greatly improved by relaxation in points of
hours, discipline, and visitors, and by workhouse arrangements
securing more universally that paupers who have lived respectable
lives should not be obliged to mix with the drunken, the disreputable,
and the hopelessly idle. And, though extensions of outdoor relief
should be carefully watched, and entail great dangers, yet under wise
and strict administration something more may be done in this
direction.

But all this should be regarded as essentially poor-law relief, and
not as the recognition of a claim of right for services supposed to
have been rendered to the community. No form of State Socialism is
more dangerous than the doctrine which has been countenanced by Prince
Bismarck, and which is making many disciples in England--namely, that
an industrious man, who has pursued his course in life with perfect
independence, made his own contracts, chosen his own work, and been
paid for it by stipulated wages, is entitled, if he fails in obtaining
a sufficiency for his old age, to be placed as a 'soldier of industry'
in the same category as State servants, and to receive like them, not
on the ground of compassion, but of right, a State pension drawn from
the taxation of the community. There is no real analogy between the
relief that is very properly granted to such workmen in their
destitution, and the pensions--largely of the nature of deferred
pay--that are given by the State or by private employers, under the
terms of distinct contracts, and for specific services duly rendered,
to those who have entered into their employment and placed themselves
under their control.

INDEX

Aberdare Commission, 303

Addington, 273

American Revolution, 34-37, 55-57, 77, 78

Anne, Queen, 295

Anti-Semite movement, 116-121, 123-125, 128

Arnold, Dr., 251

Australia, 58

Austria, 116, 145

Bacon, 28, 94, 101

Bayard, Mr., 48

Bayle, 97

Beaconsfield, Earl of (B. Disraeli), 126, 151, 153, 207, 211, 214,
215, 217, 283;
imperialism, 46;
policy regarding Eastern Crisis, 222;
relations with Lord Derby, 223;
Queen Victoria's regard for, 296

Beer, George, 56

Bentham, J., 43, 101

Bernard, Claude, 121

Bismarck, Prince, 288, 289, 317

Blackley, Canon, 310

Blennerhassett, Lady, 131-133, 145, 148, 149

Blomfield, Bishop, 263

Bossuet, 96-98

Boulanger, General, 116

Bright, 207, 208

British Empire, growth, 51, 53, 64;
defence, 61, 65;
unity, 45, 48, 51, 62, 67

Browning, Robert, 105, 251

Buckle, H.T., 29, 100-102, 251, 269

Burke, Edmund, 28, 54, 55, 151, 295

Butler's 'Analogy,' 91, 92

Caird, Principal, 294

Canada, 59, 60

Canning, 151, 174, 188, 189, 198, 199;
attitude towards Catholic Question, 156, 160, 161, 166-170, 172, 188;
quoted, 213

Cardan, quoted, 10

Carlyle, Thomas, 47, 91, 216, 247, 251;
school of, 29;
style, 105;
characteristics, 106-113;
teaching, 107, 108, 110-115

Caroline, Queen, 295

Castlereagh, Viscount, 156, 157, 160, 161, 167, 169, 170, 188

Catherine, of Russia, Empress, 291, 295

Catholic Emancipation, 78-86, 152, 153, 157-174, 187-190, 193, 194, 197;
_see also under_ Ireland

Cato, 15

Chamberlain, Joseph, 303-304, 309

Charlemagne, 17-19, 266

Charlemont, 73, 81

Chartism, 108, 115

Chatham, Lord, 85, 86, 138, 151, 157-160, 165, 186, 273

Chaucer, 18, 117

Chivalry, 17, 19, 295

Chrysostom, Dio, 16

Church, Dean, 250, 265

Clarendon, Lord, 244, 246, 280

Cobden, Richard, 44, 46, 62

Colenso, Bishop, 272

Coleridge, 22, 96, 112, 147

Colonial policy of Great Britain, 43-46, 52, 53, 55-61

Colonies, British:
defence, 49, 56, 65;
federation, 63, 64;
governors, 52, 54, 60;
representation, 51, 65, 66;
trade, 47, 56, 63-65, 225;
value of, 47-50;
attachment to the Crown, 277

Comte, 100

Constant, Benjamin, 142, 144, 148

Constitutional sovereignty, 277

Co-operation, 108, 217, 299

Croker, 177, 178

Crusades, 18, 19, 266

Curchod, Mlle., _see_ Necker, Mme.

Curwen's Act, 177

Dalling, Lord, 151

Darwin and his teaching, 90, 101, 114, 247, 251

Davies, Sir John, quoted, 70

Delane, J.T., 243

De Quincey, 107

Derby, 14th Earl of, 201, 202, 204-206, 208-210, 212, 214, 215

Derby, 15th Earl of:
career, 200, 205-213, 215, 217, 218, 222-224, 234, 235;
views on Church questions, 205, 210, 214, 232, 233;
on Reform Bill, 210;
Indian policy, 205, 209, 210;
foreign policy, 212, 213, 217-224;
colonial policy, 208, 224, 225, 228-230;
attitude towards Home Rule, 234;
contemporary opinion of him, 206-209, 211-213, 219, 220;
marriage 215;
interest in social questions, 205, 206, 212, 216, 217, 224, 235;
in working men, 205, 206, 210, 216, 217, 237;
tastes, 239, 240;
conversation, 240, 241;
estimate of his talents and character, 202-204, 207, 209, 212, 217,
219-224;
speeches, 202, 205, 211, 212, 214, 215, 217, 222-224, 229, 234-236

Dicey, Professor 89

Disraeli, B., _see_ Beaconsfield

Duigenan, 169, 174

Eastern Question, Lord Derby's views on, 218-223

_Edinburgh Review_, 242, 243, 246, 247

Education, popular, 108, 185

Eldon, Lord, 160, 174, 189, 190, 192, 253

Elizabeth, Queen, 291, 295;
inscription on tomb of, 187

Ellenborough, Lord, 208, 209

Emerson, R.W., 96, 104

Emigration, 49, 50, 53, 108

Erasmus, 257

'Essays and Reviews,' 90

Faber, 250

Factory legislation, 108

Federation, 63, 64, 225

Feudalism, 17, 69, 110

Fitzwilliam, Lord, 85

Flood, 73, 81

Foster, Leslie, 195

Fox, 158, 162, 174

France, 73, 97, 98, 116

Franklin, Benjamin, 94

_Fraser's Magazine_, 104

Free Trade, 44, 45, 47, 63, 64, 78, 225

French Revolution, 28, 37, 38, 82, 139, 141, 142

Froude, J.A., 251, 269

Galdos' 'Gloria,' 117

George II., 295

George III. and Catholic Emancipation, 85, 86, 157-162, 194

George IV., as Prince Regent, 162, 163, 165, 166;
as King, 188-191, 194

German literature, 146, 147

Germany, 106, 107, 116, 118, 145, 260, 262, 310, 317

Gibbon, 3, 134, 263, 264

Giffen, Sir Robert, 307, 308

Gladstone, W.E., 214, 246, 249, 250, 283, 286-288

Goethe, 107, 147

Gordon, General, 286

Goulburn, 196, 197

Grattan, 78, 81, 82, 84, 161, 163, 164, 166, 168-171, 174, 186, 187,
195, 197

Grenville, George, 36, 56, 57

Grenville, Lord, 158, 161, 162, 166

Greville, Charles, 206, 207, 209, 243

Grey, Lord, 166, 280

Grote, 251, 269

Guizot, 151, 244

Gustavus III., King of Sweden, 138

Hallam, A., 96, 251, 269

Harcourt, Sir William, quoted, 290

Hastings, Warren, 54, 55

Haussonville, M. d', 134, 138

Hawkesbury, Lord, 161

Hawtrey, Provost, 265

Heber, Bishop, 255

High Church movement, 90, 92, 249-251, 270

Hippisley, Sir John, 163, 169

Historians, qualities requisite, 2, 4-6, 10-12;
motto for, 10;
scientific school, 2-4;
literary, 3;
methods, 7, 8, 22, 23;
applied to religion, 97-99;
eighteenth century, 22, 23;
fatalist school, 29, 30;
individualist school, 29, 31

History:
biographical element, 7, 9;
individual influences, 12, 13;
fiction and, 20;
accident as affecting, 31, 100;
of institutions, 27, 28;
of revolutions, 29, 30, 34-38;
speculations, 32, 33;
advantages of studying, 38-40;
moral lessons, 40, 42

Hobbes, 94, 98, 99

Home Rule, _see under_ Ireland

Homer, 16, 22

Ideals, varying popular, 14-19

Imperial Institute, 43

Imperialism, 46-51, 63, 64, 296

India, 44, 46-48, 54, 55, 57, 58, 61, 62, 277

Ireland (_see also_ Ulster):
invasions, 69;
rebellions, 71, 82, 83, 85, 157;
influence of the Reformation, 70;
under the Stuarts, 71;
trade, 71, 72, 75, 78;
effects of English Revolution, 71, 72;
of American Revolution, 77, 78;
of French Revolution, 82;
Young's views on, 76, 77;
Catholics and Protestants, 70-79, 81-87;
Volunteer movement, 78, 87;
political agitation, 77, 78, 82, 87, 88;
union with Great Britain, 74, 75, 81, 83-85, 157;
Catholic Emancipation, 81-86, 157-174, 189, 194-198;
corruption, 175-179, 181, 183;
discontent, 165, 183, 184, 189, 194;
tithe commutation, 185-187;
Church disestablishment, 214, 215, 250, 283;
land tenure, 70, 75-77, 86, 87;
landlords, 75-77, 79, 86, 87;
Home Rule, 25, 87-89, 234, 246, 286, 296;
Queen Victoria's visit, 290, 291;
present condition, 86, 87;
representation in Parliament, 86

Irish Acts of Parliament,
of settlement, 71;
octennial, 77;
of 1793, 85, 158, 159;
of union, 74, 75, 81, 83-85

Irish Parliament, 71, 72, 74, 75, 77-83, 85

Irishmen, United, 81, 84, 85

Isabella of Spain, Queen, 295

Italian art, 103

Italy, 97, 98, 145, 146

Jefferson, quoted, 37, 38

Jeffrey, 107

Jewish type,
stability of, 120, 121;
trade, 118, 119, 121;
writings, modern investigation of, 8, 9, 257-259, 261, 262, 271, 272

Jews,
calumnies against, 117, 118;
characteristics, 118-130;
code, 121;
compared with other tribes, 119;
continuity of race, 119, 120;
distinguished, 126-129;
persecution of, 116-121, 123-126;
return of, to Palestine, 129, 130;
Milman's 'History of the', 257, 258, 262, 272

Kant, Immanuel, 92, 147, 247

Keats, John, 256

Keble, John, 250, 270

Kruger, President, 226-228

Landor, Walter Savage, quoted, 22

Leroy, Beaulieu, M. Anatole, 116-128

Lewis, Sir G. Cornewall, 45, 153, 246, 273

Liverpool, Lord, 156, 166, 168, 182, 188, 192-194, 197-199

Lloyd, Dr., 192

Locke, 96, 101

Lockhart, 255

Loughborough, Lord, 186

Louis Napoleon, _see_ Napoleon III.

Lyall, Sir Alfred, 240

Macaulay, Lord, 3, 6, 8, 55, 204, 246, 251, 268, 269, 272, 273

Macleod, Norman, 294

Malmesbury, Lord, 206, 210

Manchester School, 44, 45, 47, 50, 299

Marie Antoinette, Queen, 140, 141

Martin, Sir Theodore, 287

Masson's 'Life of Milton,' 132

Melbourne, Lord, 282, 296

Mill, James, 43, 55

Mill, John Stuart, 90, 96, 206, 210, 251

Milman, Dean,
career, 253, 256, 262, 263, 271-274;
dramatist, 253;
poet, 254, 255;
translator, 256;
hymns, 255;
historian, 257-270;
critic, 252, 256-261, 263-267, 269;
learning, 269;
style, 268, 269;
views on miracles, 258-260;
on German criticism, 260-262;
on Christianity, 268;
on Tractarian movement, 270;
on clerical subscription, 271;
Mr. Reeve and, 246;
Dean Stanley and, 271;
friendships, 252, 273;
private correspondence, 253;
social gifts, 272, 273;
characteristics, 252, 253, 257, 265, 266, 268, 269, 271, 272-274;
works, 252-270, 272, 273;
portrait, 274

Milman, Arthur, 252

Milner, Bishop, 163, 164

Milton, 132

Mohammedanism, rise of, 32, 101

Molyneux, 74

Monasticism, 24

Montesquieu, 132, 136

Montmorin, Mme, de, 139

Moral standard, changes in, 14-19, 266

Murray, 254

Napoleon I., 142-146, 149

Napoleon III., 280, 288

Narbonne, Louis de, 138-141

Necker, Mme., 134, 135, 142

Necker, Monsieur, 133, 138, 140, 144, 146, 149

Necker, Germaine, _see_ Stael, Mme. de

Newcastle, Duke of, 45, 189

Newman, Cardinal, 90, 96, 249-251, 269, 270

O'Connell, 164, 165, 171, 174, 189, 192, 193, 286

Old-age pensions, 307, 309, 311-316;
proposals for, 300, 309, 310, 313;
Royal Commission, 303;
Rothschild Committee, 304, 305;
Chaplin Committee, 305, 307

Orangemen, 84, 173, 189, 190

Palestine, return of Jews to, 129, 130

Paley, 95, 260

Palmerston, Lord, 46, 178, 206-209, 211, 246, 279-282

Parker, editor of Peel Correspondence, 153, 156, 192

Parnell, C.S., 186

Parnell Commission, 88, 89

Parsons, 73, 84

Pasteur, 121

Pauperism, diminution of, 298-309

Peel, Sir Lawrence, 156

Peel, Sir Robert,
education, 154, 155;
career, 151, 153-156, 168, 172, 177, 187, 188, 194;
abolition of Corn Laws, 152, 153;
Irish Secretary, 156, 157, 167, 174-187;
relations with O'Connell, 174;
correspondence, 153, 173, 175-185, 189, 190, 191, 197-199;
Croker and, 177, 178;
advocates unsectarian education for Ireland, 185, 190;
Catholic Emancipation, 152, 153, 168-174, 187, 189-191, 193-195, 197-199;
financial measures, 187, 194, 195;
patronage, 178-183, 191, 192;
police force organised, 184, 185;
Home Secretary, 188-198;
parliamentary skill, 152, 153, 157, 181, 191;
debating powers, 172, 173;
Queen Victoria and, 282, 286;
recantations, 152, 153, 187, 193, 194;
estimate of his character and abilities, 151-154, 156, 157, 172, 181, 191

Perceval, 155, 156, 159-161, 165, 166

Pitt, William, _see_ Chatham

Pliny, quoted, 102

Plunket, 84, 168, 174, 188

Pobedonosteff, 117

Pole, Wellesley, 168

Poor-law relief,
improvement in, 316, 317;
principles of, 298, 299

Portland, Duke of, 159-161

Portugal, Jews in, 120, 121

Prince Consort, 278-280, 282, 284

Prince Regent, _see_ George IV

Prison reform, Carlyle's views on, 114

Pusey, 250

'Quarterly Review,' 256, 257

Rationalism in Europe, author's History of, 103

Redesdale, Lord, 175, 181, 182, 186

Reeve, Henry:
education, 243;
career, 243, 245, 246;
editor of _Edinburgh Review_, 242, 246, 247;
historical knowledge, 246;
views on Home Rule, 246;
linguistic talent, 243;
literary judgment, 246, 247;
religious and philosophical views, 247;
political and social influence, 242, 244-246;
friendships, 243, 244, 247, 248;
writings of, 242-244, 247;
closing days, 248

Reform Bills, 210, 211, 213

Reformation,
causes of the, 29, 30;
effect in Ireland, 70

Revolution,
American, 34-37;
effects of, in Ireland, 77, 78

Revolution,
English, effect of, in Ireland, 71, 72;
on trade, 72, 74

Revolutions, history of, 29, 30, 34-38

Richmond, Duke of, 165, 167, 187

Ristori, Mme., 245

Rocca, 148, 149

Rogers, Sir Frederick, 45, 46

Roumania, anti-Semite movement in, 116, 118

Rousseau, 96, 132, 136

Ruskin, 251

Russell, Lord John, 46, 47, 211-213, 241, 246, 263, 280, 281, 285

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