Negritos of Zambales

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Rude guitars are occasionally found among the Negritos. They are made
of two pieces of wood; one is hollowed out and has a neck carved at
one end, and a flat piece is glued to this with gum. These instruments
have six strings. If a string breaks or becomes useless it is only
a question of cutting down a banana stalk and stripping it for a new
one. These guitars and violins are by no means common, though nearly
every village possesses one. The ability to play is regarded as an
accomplishment. A stringed instrument still more primitive is made
from a single section of bamboo, from which two or three fine strips
of outer bark are split away in the center but are still attached
at the ends. These strips are of different lengths and are held
apart from the body and made tight with little wedges. (Figs. 4, 5,
Pl. XLVI.) Another instrument is made by stretching fiber strings over
bamboo tubes, different tensions producing different tones. (Figs. 8,
9, Pl. XLVI.) These simpler instruments are the product of the
Negrito's own brain, but they have probably borrowed the idea of
stringed violins and guitars from the Christianized natives.

The Negritos of the entire territory have but two songs, at least so
they affirmed, and two were all I heard. Strange as it may seem, at
least one of these is found at both the extreme ends of the region. An
extended acquaintance with them might, and probably would, reveal
more songs, but they are reluctant to sing before white men. One of
these songs, called "du-nu-ra," is a kind of love song. Owing to the
extreme embarrassment of the performer I was able to hear it only by
going into my tent where I could not see the singer. It consisted of
a great many verses--was interminable, in fact.

The second of the two songs was called "tal-bun'." This is sung on
festive occasions, especially when visitors come. The words are
improvised to suit the occasion, but the tune and the manner of
rendering never vary.

Five or six men, each holding with one hand the flowing end of the
breechcloth of the one in front or with the hand on his shoulder and
the other hand shading the mouth, walk slowly about a circle in a
crouching posture, their eyes always cast on the ground. Presently
the leader strikes a note, which he holds as long as possible and
which the others take up as soon as he has sounded it. This is kept
up a few minutes, different tones being so sounded and drawn out as
long as the performers have breath. The movement becomes more rapid
until it is nearly a run, when the performers stop abruptly, back a
few steps, and proceed as before. After they have about exhausted the
gamut of long-drawn "O's" they sing the words, usually a plea for some
favor or gift, being first sung by the leader and repeated after him
by the chorus. I did not get the native words of the song I heard,
but it was translated to me as follows:

We are singing to the American to show him what we can do;
perhaps if we sing well he will give us some rice or some cloth.

The words are repeated over and over, with only the variation of
raising or lowering the tone. At intervals all the performers stop
and yell at the top of their voices. Sometimes a person on the
outside of the circle will take up the strain on a long-held note
of the singers. This song also serves for festive occasions, such as
weddings. (See Pl. XLVII.)

Dancing

Dancing forms the chief amusement of the Negritos and allows an
outlet for their naturally exuberant spirits. I had no more than set,
up camp near the first rancheria I visited than I was entertained by
dancing. Among the Negritos helping me was one with an old violin,
and as soon as a place was cleared of brush and the tent was up
he struck up a tune. Whereupon two or three youngsters jumped out
and performed a good imitation of a buck-and-wing dance. However,
dancing is not generally indulged in by everybody, but two or three
in every rancheria are especially adept at it. Aside from the general
dances, called "ta-li'-pi," which consist of a series of heel-and-toe
movements in excellent time to the music of violin or guitar, and
which are performed on any occasion such as the setting up of my
tent, there are several mimetic dances having a special character or
meaning. Such are the potato dance, the bee dance, the torture dance,
the lover's dance, and the duel dance. (See Pls. XLVIII, XLIX.)

The Potato Dance, or Pina Camote

Only one person takes part in the potato dance. At first the
performer leaps into the open space and dances around in a circle,
clapping his hands as if warming up, the usual preliminary to all
the dances. Presently in pantomime he finds a potato patch, and
goes through the various motions of digging the potatoes, putting
them in a sack, and throwing the sack over his shoulder, all the
time keeping close watch to prevent his being caught in the act of
stealing. He comes to the brush fence which surrounds every "caingin,"
draws his bolo, cuts his way through, and proceeds until he comes to
a river. This is significant as showing that the potato patch he is
robbing does not belong to anyone in his own village but is across a
river which he must pass on his way home. He sounds for deep water
with a stick. It is too deep, and he tries another place. Here he
loses his footing, drops his sack, and the swift current carries it
beyond his reach. While going through the various motions necessary
to depict these actions the movement of the dance is kept up, the
body bent forward in a crouching position, the feet leaving the ground
alternately in rapid motion but never out of time with the music. Such
agility and tirelessness one could scarcely find anywhere else.

The Bee Dance, or Pina Pa-ni-lan

This dance is also performed by one person and in a similar manner
as the potato dance. A piece of cloth tied to a pole serves as a
nest of bees. The performer dances around the circle several times;
presently he spies the nest and approaches slowly, shading his eyes
for a better view. Having satisfied himself that he has really made
a find, he lights a smudge, goes through the motion of climbing the
tree, and in holding the smudge under the nest he is stung several
times and has to retreat. This is repeated until all the bees are
smoked out and the honey is gathered. Then comes a feast in which,
drunk with honey, he becomes hilarious.

The Torture Dance

This dance, which commemorates the capture of an enemy, is performed
in much the same manner as the "talbun" except that there is no song
connected with it. The captive is bound to a stake in the center and
a dozen men circle slowly around him, in the same manner as already
described, one hand over the mouth and uttering long-drawn notes. The
movement becomes faster and faster until it consists wholly of frenzied
leaps, and the performers, worked up to the proper pitch draw their
bolos, close in on their victim, and slash him to pieces.

When executed at night in the light of a bonfire this dance is most
grotesque and terrible. The naked black bodies, gleaming in the fire,
the blood-curdling yells, and the demoniacal figures of the howling,
leaping dancers, remind one of the Indian war dances.

The dance seems to be a relic of more barbarous days when the Negritos
were, in truth, savages. They say that they never kill a prisoner in
this manner now, but that when they find it necessary to put a man
to death they do it in the quickest manner possible with a single
blow of the knife. (See Pl. L.)

The Lovers' Dance

As might be expected, a man and a woman take part in the lovers'
dance. The women are not such energetic and tireless dancers as the
men, and in the lovers' dance the woman, although keeping her feet
moving in time to the music, performs in an indolent, passive manner,
and does not move from the spot where she begins. But the man circles
about her, casting amorous glances, now coming up quite close, and
then backing away again, and at times clapping his hands and going
through all sorts of evolutions as if to attract the woman. This sort
of thing is kept up until one or both are tired.

The Duel Dance

The duel dance is by far the most realistic and interesting of any of
the Negrito dances. Is the name suggests, the dance, is performed by
two men, warriors, armed with bows and arrows and bolos. An oblong
space about 8 feet in width and 15 feet long serves as an arena for
the imaginary conflict. After the musician has got well into his
tune the performers jump into either end of the space with a whoop
and a flourish of weapons, and go through the characteristic Negrito
heel-and-toe movement, all the time casting looks of malignant hate at
each, other but each keeping well to his end of the ring. Then they
advance slowly toward each other, swinging the drawn bow and arrow
into play as if to shoot, then, apparently changing their minds or
the opportunity not being good for a death shot, they withdraw again
to the far ends of the ring. Advancing once more each one throws the
drawn bow and arrow upward, then toward the ground, calling heaven
and earth to witness his vow to kill the other. Presently one gets a
favorable opportunity, his bowstring twangs, and his opponent falls to
the ground. The victor utters a cry of triumph, dances up to the body
of his fallen foe, and cuts off the head with his bolo. He beckons
and cries out to the relatives of the dead man to come and avenge the
deed. Nobody appearing, he bears aloft the head of the enemy, shouting
exultingly and triumphantly as if to taunt them to respond. Still no
one comes. Then after waiting and listening for a time he replaces the
head with the trunk and covers the body over with leaves and dirt. This
ends the dance. Ordinarily it requires fifteen minutes for the full
performance. During this time the one who by previous arrangement
was to be the victor never for a single instant pauses or loses step.

CHAPTER VI

GENERAL SOCIAL LIFE

The Child

I was unable to learn anything in support of Montano's statement
that immediately after the birth of a child the mother rushes to a
river with it and plunges into the cold water. [20] On the contrary,
the child is not washed at all until it is several days old, and
the mother does not go to the stream until at least two days have
elapsed. It is customary to bury the placenta. The birth of a child
is not made the occasion of any special festivity. The naming is
usually done on the day of birth, but it may be done any time within
a few days. It is not common for the parents of the child to do the
naming, though they may do so, but some of the old people of the tribe
generally gather and select the name. Names of trees, objects, animals,
places near which the child was born, or of certain qualities and acts
or deeds all furnish material from which to select. For instance,
if a child is born under a guijo tree he may be called "Guijo;" a
monkey may be playing in the tree and the child will be named "Barac"
(monkey); or if the birth was during a heavy rain the child may be
called "Layos" (flood). Usually the most striking object near at hand
is selected. Like most primitive peoples, the Negritos use only one
name. If the child is sickly or cries very much, the name is changed,
because the Negritos believe that the spirit inhabiting the place
where the child was born is displeased at the choice of the name and
takes this means of showing its displeasure, and that if the name is
not changed the child will soon die.

Apparently no distinction is made between the names for the two
sexes. The child may be given the name of the father, to whose
name the word "pan," meaning elder, is prefixed for the sake of
distinction. For instance, if a man named Manya should have either
a son or a daughter the child might be called Manya, and the father
would henceforth be known as Pan-Manya. This practice is very common,
and when names like Pan-Benandoc, Pan-Turico, and Pan-Palaquan' are
encountered it may be regarded as a certainty that the owners of these
names have children of the same name without the prefix. Although one
may change his name at any time of life, if the years of infancy are
safely passed, no change is likely to be made.

It is regarded as a sign of disrespect to address elders or superiors
by name. The word "pan" alone is frequently used. Relatives are
addressed by the term which shows the relationship, as "anac" (son),
and names are used only when speaking of persons and seldom if ever
when speaking to them.

Parents seem to have great affection for their children, but exact
obedience from them. Punishment is inflicted for small offenses,
striking with the hand being the usual method. I have never seen a
switch used. Sometimes, as in cases of continual crying, the child
is severely pinched in the face or neck. Children also exhibit great
affection for their parents; this continues through life, as is shown
in the care which the aged receive at the hands of their juniors. (See
Pls. LI et seq.)

Marriage

Whatever differences there may be in the manner of conducting the
preliminaries to a wedding and of performing the ceremony, there is one
feature that never varies, the gift of some articles of value from the
prospective bridegroom to the parents of the girl he wishes to marry.

With the Negritos a daughter is regarded as an asset of so much value,
not to be parted with until that price is paid, and, while she is
allowed some freedom in the choice of a husband, parental pressure
usually forces her to the highest bidder.

The following is the customary procedure: The young man who wishes
to marry and has found a girl to suit him informs his parents of the
fact. He has probably already talked the matter over with the girl,
though not necessarily so. The affair is discussed in the family of
the suitor, the main topic being how much the girl is worth and how
much they can afford to pay. Then either the suitor or some relative
acting for him goes to the parents of the girl to ask if the suit
will be favorably considered. If it will, they return and a few days
later go again bearing presents of tobacco, maize, bejuco, knives,
cloth, forest products, or anything else they may happen to have. If
these gifts are of sufficient value to compensate the father for the
loss of his girl, he gives his consent. Value is determined by the
attractiveness of a girl and hence the probability of her making a
good match, also by her health and strength, as women are good workers
on the little farms. If the first gifts do not come up to the demands
of the girl's parents the wedding can not take place until the amount
lacking is made up. As to the money value of these gifts I have been
told different things by Negritos in different villages, the values
given ranging from 25 pesos to 500 pesos. As a matter of fact this
means nothing, for the Negrito's idea of value as measured by pesos is
extremely vague; but there is no doubt that the gifts made represent
almost all the wealth of which a young man and his family can boast.

This system of selling girls, for that is what it amounts to, is
carried to an extreme by parents who contract their daughters at an
early age to the parents of some boy, and the children are regarded
as man and wife, though of course each remains with the parents until
the age of puberty is reached. Whether or not the whole payment is
made in the beginning or only enough is paid to bind the bargain,
I do not know, but I do know that cases of this kind may be met with
frequently among the Negritos of Pinatubo, who give as an excuse that
the girl is thus protected from being kidnapped by some neighboring
tribe, the relatives of the boy making common cause with those of the
girl in case anything like this should happen. It seems more likely,
however, that the contract is simply a desire on the part of the
parents of the girl to come into early possession of the things
which are paid for her, and of the parents of the boy to get her
cheaper than they could by waiting until she was of marriageable
age. This practice is not met with in southern Zambales and Bataan,
where marriage does not seem to partake so much of the nature of a
sale but where presents are nevertheless made to a girl's parents.

If it happens that there is a young man in the girl's family who is
seeking a wife in that of the boy, an even exchange may be made and
neither family has to part with any of its possessions. I was told also
that in lieu of other articles a young man might give a relative to
the bride's family, who was to remain as a sort of slave and work for
his master until he was ransomed by payment of the necessary amount;
or he might buy a person condemned to death and turn him over at an
increased price, or sell children stolen from another barrio. As a
bride may be worth as much as 500 pesos and a slave never more than
40 pesos, it would seem necessary to secure several individuals as
payment. This was told me more than once and in different villages,
but I was unable to find any examples, and am forced to conclude that
if it ever was the practice, it is no longer so, at least among the
"conquistas." As to the true savages, still lurking in the inmost
recesses of the Zambales mountains, I am unable to say. The question
of slavery among Negritos is reserved to another chapter.

Rice Ceremony

All the preliminaries having been satisfactorily attended to,
it remains only to perform the ceremony. This proceeding varies
in different sections from practically no ceremony at all in the
Pinatubo region to a rather complicated performance around Subig and
Olongapo. In some of the northern villages, when the matter of payment
has been arranged, a feast and dancing usually follow, in which all
the relatives of both families participate, and after this the couple
go to their own house. There may be two feasts on succeeding days,
one given by the parents of the boy to the relatives of the girl,
and vice versa. If only one feast is given both families contribute
equally in the matter of food. No single act can be pointed out
as constituting a ceremony. In other places, especially at Cabayan
and Aglao, near Santa Fe, an exchange of food between the pair is a
necessary part of the performance.

A mat is placed on the ground, and in the center is set a dish of
cooked rice or some other food. The pair seat themselves on either
side of the dish, facing each other, while all the relatives and
spectators crowd around. The man takes a small piece of the food and
places it in the mouth of the girl, and she does the same for the
man. At this happy conclusion of the affair all the people around
give a great shout. Sometimes the girl leaps to her feet and runs
away pursued by her husband, who calls after her to stop. This she
does after a little, and the two return together; or they may take
a bamboo tube used for carrying water and set off to the river to
bring water for the others to drink, thus performing in unison the
first act of labor of their married life.

I was fortunate enough to witness a ceremony where the exchange of food
was the important feature. In this instance a piece of brown bread
which I was about to throw away served as the wedding cake. It seems
that the girl had been contracted by her parents when very young to
a man old enough to be her father, and when the time for the wedding
arrived she refused to have anything to do with it. For two years she
had resisted entreaties and threats, displaying more force of will than
one would expect from a Negrito girl of 15. The man had paid a large
price for her--200 pesos, he said--and the girl's parents did not
have it to return to him. It was suggested that if we made her some
presents it might induce her to yield. She was presented with enough
cloth for two or three camisas and sayas, a mirror, and a string of
beads, and she finally gave an unwilling assent to the entreaties of
her relatives, and the ceremony was performed in the manner already
described. At the conclusion a yell went up from the assembly, and
I, at the request of the capitan, fired three pistol shots into the
air. Everybody seemed satisfied except the poor girl, who still wept
furtively over her new treasures. Some days later, however, when I
saw her she appeared to be reconciled to her fate, and was happy in
the possession of more valuables than any other woman in the rancheria.

Head Ceremony

In the southern rancherias a bamboo platform is erected 20 or 30
feet high, with a ladder leading up to it from the ground. On the
day fixed for the marriage the groom, accompanied by his parents,
goes to the house of the bride and asks for her. They are usually
told that she has gone away, but some small gifts are sufficient
to have her produced, and the whole party proceeds to the place of
marriage. Here bride and groom mount the ladder--some accounts say
the bride is carried up by her prospective father-in-law.

An old man of the tribe, and, if the platform be large enough, also
the parents of the pair, go up and squat down in the rear. The bride
and bridegroom also squat down facing each other, and the old man
comes forward and knocks their heads together. I was told at Subig
that only the bride and groom mount the platform and seat themselves
for a talk, the relatives remaining below facing each other with
drawn weapons. If by any chance the pair can not agree, it means a
fight. But if they do agree, they descend from the platform and the
head bumping completes the ceremony. This is an extremely unlikely
story, probably the product of Malayan imagination.

"Leput," or Home Coming

After the ceremony has been performed the newly wedded pair return
to the home of the girl's parents where they remain a few days. When
the husband possesses enough gifts for his bride to fulfill the
requirements of the leput that important event takes place.

Although the writer heard repeated accounts of this ceremony in
southern Zambales he never had an opportunity to witness it. However,
the leput is described as follows by Mr. C. J. Cooke, who saw it in
Bataan: [21]

The bride had already left the home of her mother and formed the
center of a group passing through a grove of heavy timber with
very little underbrush. The evening sun cast strange shadows on
the weird procession as it moved snakelike along the narrow path.

Occasionally there would be short stops, when the bride would squat
to receive some bribes or tokens from her husband, his relatives,
or friends. Nor would she move until she received something each
time she elected to stop.

Clad in a bright-red breechcloth and extra-high silk hat was the
capitan who headed the procession. He carried a silver-headed
cane. Next in order came some of the elders of both sexes. Then
came the bride attended by four women and closely followed by
her husband, who also had a like number of attendants. Last
came the main body, all walking in single file. Two musicians
were continually executing a running dance from one end of the
procession to the other and always keeping time with their crude
drums or copper gongs, the noise of which could be heard for
miles around. Whenever they passed the bride they would hold
the instruments high in the air, leaping and gyrating at their
best. When the bride would squat the dancers would even increase
their efforts, running a little way to the front and returning
to the bride as if endeavoring to induce her to proceed. It did
not avail, for she would hot move till she received some trinket.

In crossing streams or other obstacles the bride was carried
by her father-in-law; the bridegroom was carried by one of his
attendants. Presently they arrived at a critical spot. This is
the place where many a man has to let his wife return to her
mother; for here it is the bride wants to see how many presents
are coming to her. If satisfied, she goes on. In this case there
was a shortage, and everybody became excited. The husband huddled
to the side of his bride and looked into her face with a very
pitiful expression, as if pleading with her to continue. But she
was firm. In a few minutes several people formed a circle and
commenced dancing in the same way as at their religious ceremony,
and chanting low and solemnly an admonition to the husband's
parents and friends to give presents to the bride. This was
repeated several times, when there came a lull. The bride was still
firm in her opinion that the amount offered was insufficient. I
had supplied myself with some cheap jewelry, and a few trinkets
satisfied her desires; so the "music" again started. Louder it
became--wilder--resounding with a thousand echoes, and as the
nude bodies of the Negritos glided at lightning speed from the
glare of one torchlight to the other, with no word uttered but a
continual clangor of the metal gongs, one thought that here was
a dance of devils.

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