The Seventeenth Highland Light Infantry (Glasglow Chamber of Commerce Battalion)
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When 1.30 a.m. came their time was up. The right half Company, under
Major Young, rose silently, and crept off to a place in the wire where
a gap had been arranged for the men to pass through. Captain Russell
with the left half Company followed. The wiring and digging went on
till 3 a.m., protected by patrols sent out in front of the wire. A new
trench, with communication trenches, had been laid 300 yards out from
their old line, protected by treble staked wire, on a frontage of 600
yards. The new trench was held till dawn before handing over. There
was no hitch, and not a man wounded. The Battalion would have given
much to see the Huns' faces when they looked across and found that
long line of serpentine earth and wire shoved out under their noses.
There would probably be some court-martialling of their patrols.
Everything worked in absolute harmony, and with perfect success, and
all got back safe to tell the tale. The Hun discovered what had been
done only the following morning when all was over.
The lack of the more strenuous forms of active service excitement
during the digging of this trench was more than made up for in the
week following--when it was manned nightly in full strength, in spite
of severe bombardment by the enemy.
After the successful and useful piece of work in advancing the line
just described, the Battalion settled down to a period of normal
trench warfare and intensive training, but managed to slip in a game
of Rugger and an Association game or two. Intermittent spells of
artillery and trench mortar and gas shell bombardments of varying
severity disturbed the sector, but despite this the unit not only
immediately repaired any damage done, but considerably extended and
improved the system.
On the 9th of February the shelling became very heavy, culminating
towards evening in an intense bombardment on the sector lying to the
left of F1. At the same time an attempt was made to neutralise the
fire of the British batteries on the Ancre by gas shells. Intense
excitement prevailed in the Battalion, which was billeted in Aveluy,
in Brigade support, when it was called on to "stand to" and man the
bridge-head defences. Meantime the Hun carried out a raid on a part of
the line known as the Nab, which was occupied by the 2nd K.O.Y.L.I.
This point was occupied for half-an-hour or so by the enemy, who
picked up about eleven K.O.Y.L.I. prisoners and then retired. The
K.O.Y.L.I. suffered some sixty casualties in killed, wounded and
missing, so "B" Company and part of "C" of the 17th were rushed up
into the raided sector to reinforce the battered garrison, and stayed
there till morning.
Again the conditions stereotyped themselves into that nerve racking
ordeal known to the civilian public as "nothing to report"--the type
of warfare recognised by all who have any experience of modern active
service life as calling for all that is highest in regimental
efficiency and discipline, and individual initiative and grit. The
weather, taking it all over, was wet and stormy, causing endless work
in repairing the line and pumping the trenches clear of water. But the
bright star in this bloody, muddy firmament was the commencement of
leave, which opened about the 14th February. Even if your name was
well down the list, or not yet even on it at all, a new species of
keen counter-attraction was provided to the demands of war.
THE RAID.
_The "Red" Division--in the line at Authuille--Colonel Morton
wounded on March 21st--a raid postponed--carried out on
22nd--success of Lieut. Begg's party--congratulatory messages
and awards._
On 17th February, 1916, the 97th Brigade was relieved by the 96th
Brigade, and consequently the Battalion moved back for an expected
rest of some weeks. The 15th Lancashire Fusiliers took over the
Battalion Sector, and the 17th went into billets at Millencourt. Many
fatigues were carried out round about Albert, the principal work being
the laying of cables and the improving of roads. On the 24th, quarters
were changed to Henencourt and from billets into huts in the
wood--most unpleasant, firstly on account of snow and frost, and then,
following a thaw, on account of knee-deep mud. But a further change on
the 29th to Dernancourt brought back billets good and comfortable.
The attack on Verdun had upset the plans which had been made to give
the Brigade the rest which it had been anticipating, and this last
move to Dernancourt brought them into the line once more, just south
of Albert.
The 32nd Division, by now, with good cause, had been named by the
Germans as the "Red" Division because the Hun was given no rest by the
Divisional Artillery and constant raids, and on account of the red
distinguishing marks worn by all ranks of the Division on their tunic
sleeves. The 32nd took over from the 18th Division, and on the 1st of
March, 1916, the Brigade was in Divisional Reserve. On the 3rd of
March, the 97th Brigade relieved the 14th Brigade, the 11th Border
Regiment and 2nd K.O.Y.L.I. taking over. On March 10th the 17th H.L.I.
relieved the 11th Border Regiment, and so once more they were in
immediate face of the enemy. This sector was in front of Becourt
Chateau, between Fricourt and La Boiselle.
A considerable amount of wiring was done, but life here was
comparatively pleasant and the return of spring much appreciated.
But, unfortunately, on the 21st of March, Col. Morton was wounded at
Albert, Major Paul taking over command of the Battalion.
Working parties were heavy, and on one occasion the Bosche blew a
camouflet while work was in progress. During this period great
preparations were made for a raid, and there was keen competition for
a place in the selected party. The night selected for the raid, 2nd
April, however, was unfortunately bright, and this combined with the
fact that the enemy, by means of listening apparatus, seemed fully
aware of what was on, led to a postponement when actually in "no man's
land." The hazardous work of laying the guide tape preparatory to the
abandoned raid was carried out by 2nd Lieut. H. MacRobert and Corpl.
J. Chapman.
This Sector was left on the 4th of April, and the Battalion, being
relieved by the 2nd Scottish Rifles, of the 23rd Brigade, 8th
Division, moved to Bouzincourt and went into huts vacated by the 2nd
Inniskillens.
After a week's rest at Bouzincourt the Battalion returned to the line
at Authuille, on 12th April, 1916, the 97th Brigade holding the line
between that village and north to Thiepval, with the two other
Brigades behind, in support and in reserve. Alternately in the line,
in support, and in reserve, the 17th remained in this Sector until the
opening of the Somme Battle on 1st July, 1916. But the period was not
without stirring incident. By the 15th of April final arrangements
were being made to carry out what was to prove a highly successful
raid on the enemy, which operation was accomplished on 22nd April.
"23rd April, 1916,--Last night we made a successful raid against the
enemy's trenches, south-west of Thiepval. Thirteen prisoners were
captured, and in addition, a number of casualties were caused to the
enemy by our men bombing their dug-outs. Our casualties were very
slight."
This bald official statement of the 17th H.L.I.'s first raid is to the
lay mind singularly unimpressive, but behind it there is an interest
and a measure of glory of which the 17th is happy to be proud. Let it
be remembered that it was their first "stunt," their first real hand
to hand brush with the enemy, and that to the 17th fell the honour of
getting the first "jab in" for the 32nd Division.
[Illustration: THE CATHEDRAL, ALBERT--BEFORE THE WAR.]
[Illustration: THE CATHEDRAL, ALBERT--AFTER BOMBARDMENT.
_To face page 34._]
[Illustration: LIEUT.-COLONEL D.S. MORTON, V.D., C.M.G.
_To face page 35._]
It was on the 28th of March, 1916, that volunteers were called for to
raid the enemy's trenches, and out of the hundred who answered, a
party of 45 was selected, under Lieut. A.J. Begg, and Lieut. J.N.
Carpenter. This party went down to Dernancourt, behind Albert, to
complete the training for the raid, and the intention was to rush the
enemy on the night of 2nd April. That night, however, as already
explained, proved unfavourable on account of a bright moon, and the
party, after crawling stealthily towards the enemy's wire were
observed near his trenches and were forced to withdraw. Training was
resumed at Bouzincourt, and it was decided then to have the assistance
of a preliminary artillery bombardment. A point in the enemy's salient
south-west of Thiepval was selected, the wire there was cut in advance
by the artillery, and close observation was maintained on the spot
from day to day. Meanwhile the enemy's fortifications were duplicated
on the ground behind Bouzincourt, and there, night after night, the
raiding party practised the assault. The most careful preparations
were entailed, with much planning and understanding of detail. Every
man had to know thoroughly his part. There had to be no hitch
anywhere. Lieut. Begg saw to it that the training was complete, and
given any luck, success was fully assured.
On the night of the 22nd of April, the party, with blackened hands and
faces, and equipped with an assortment of weapons worthy of Mexican
outlaws, presented themselves at the head of Thiepval Avenue, and
filed up to the "starting point" to await the report of the Patrol
under Lieut. MacRobert, who also had charge of the tape-laying party
which included Corporal Chapman. At 9.30 p.m. our artillery suddenly
opened on the enemy's salient, and poured down on it such a tornado of
steel as the Germans had never experienced before. For twenty minutes
our shells flayed the German front line, and under this arch of
shrieking explosives the battle party crawled right up to the rim of
the bombardment. What wire remained uncut was blown to fragments by a
torpedo, and when the barrage lifted and came down behind, the raiders
jumped into the enemy's trench and set to work. For twenty minutes
they bombed and destroyed, cleared dug-outs, pulled down machine guns,
barricaded communication trenches, and handed prisoners back to
escorts. Then on a signal they as quickly withdrew, and still under
cover of artillery fire made their own trench again. Thirteen
affrighted Germans, of two different units, accompanied the party;
and, finest of all, every man of the party returned. Eleven of them
were wounded, but only one seriously. Among those slightly wounded was
Lieut. Begg, who was the spirit of the assault.
As a result of this success many congratulatory messages were received
and several decorations awarded. Among the list of telegrams were the
following:--
From the G.O.C. 10th CORPS:--"Corps Commander congratulates the
17th H.L.I. on their successful enterprise, which reflects
great credit on all concerned."
From the G.O.C. 32nd DIVISION:--"I congratulate you. I was
confident that the 17th H.L.I. would do the trick. Convey this
message to them."
From Sir HENRY RAWLINSON, G.O.C. 4th ARMY:--"Please convey to 32nd
Division, and particularly to the 97th Brigade and 17th
Battalion Highland Light Infantry, my heartiest
congratulations on their successful raid last night. The
preparations were well and carefully thought out, the
Artillery support was good, and the whole conduct of the
operations reflects credit on all concerned."
From the G.O.C. 97th INFANTRY BRIGADE:--"Commander-in-Chief has
awarded the following decorations:--Lieut. Begg, and 2nd Lieut
Carpenter, Military Cross; 15507 Sergt.-Major Reith, D.C.M.;
15458 Sergeant Taylor, 2797 Private Leiper and 15720 Private
M'Intosh, Military Medal. All 17th H.L.I. Major-General
Rycroft offers his heartiest congratulations to above
officers, N.C.O.s and men on their decorations. Letter with
authority following."
The Battalion had three men killed and four wounded during enemy
retaliation, but any serious effort by the enemy was checked, and on
the 24th the unit went into reserve billets at Bouzincourt.
A LULL BEFORE THE STORM.
_Preparations commenced for the Somme offensive--a complimentary
shoot with "P" Battery--Divisional, Brigade and Battalion
identification marks--happy days at Rubempre._
On 27th April, in brilliant summer weather, the Commanding Officer,
Company Commanders, the Intelligence Officer and four N.C.O.s per
Company attended a Divisional Exercise at Baizieux, and this was the
start of those preparations which were to culminate in the Battle of
the Somme on 1st July.
On 3rd May the Colonel returned and took over command from Major Paul,
and during the following day, Major Lawder, Commanding "A" Battery,
168th Brigade, R.F.A., entertained those who had taken part in the
raid and allowed them to fire the guns which had rendered such fine
support during the sortie.
Identification marks had now been issued for some time for major
operations pending. The Divisional colours were crimson and the sleeve
mark was a red circle for the 97th Brigade. The K.O.Y.L.I. had one bar
below the circle; the Border Regiment, two; the 16th H.L.I., three;
and the 17th, four bars, worn horizontally and parallel. Runners,
bombers, etc., had further identification marks. Prior to this, from
November 1915, to April, 1916, no distinctive mark had been worn on
the sleeve, but on the centre of the tunic collar at the back there
was worn a strip of ribbon coloured yellow, pale blue, and yellow.
During the succeeding period, up to the disbandment of the Battalion,
the sleeve marks were used only. While the circle was always red the
bars were coloured respectively black for Headquarters; red for "A"
Company; green for "B"; yellow for "C"; and blue for "D" Company. The
Divisional sign on flags and limbers, etc., was a red coloured
intertwined double 8.
The weather was now very fine, and when not in the line, delightful
days were spent at Rubempre, Contay and Warloy, and strenuous days on
Divisional exercises at Baizieux in preparation for the Somme. From
this it will be seen that the Battalion was not engaged in killing
Germans all the time, or being killed by them. At times they had a
change. There were periods of rest. The word "rest" is very often the
subject of sarcastic humour amongst troops. "Resting" may mean
anything. It may be quite a good time or it may be worse than the
firing line. Too often it is simply an occasion of smartening
up--guards, ceremonial parades, saluting, and "spit and polish"
generally--in fact the things that can be indulged in to excess. And
very often a rest simply means preparation for a big stunt. But the
17th will remember occasions when they did have a real rest. This was
particularly the case at Rubempre. The weather was good, and they had
a comparatively easy time. They had about three hours' training in the
forenoons. Thereafter they were free. There were sports and games in
the afternoons for the enthusiasts. There were entirely successful
concerts and sing-songs in the evenings. It was a change to see and be
among civilians--to be welcome in the village houses--and generally to
experience peace time conditions again. This may not seem to amount to
very much, but it meant a lot then. And it certainly had a fine effect
on the morale of the Battalion. It was a sheer relief to be out of
sound of the guns, to forget the mud, the exhaustion, mental and
physical, the weary night watches, standing to, and working parties.
But such days passed quickly, and all too soon they found themselves
on the road again, loaded up, silent, thoughtful, on the way back to
the firing line.
THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME.
_Spirit of the Battalion prior to the battle--zero and "over the
top"--Leipzig Trench carried--flanks exposed--precarious
position of the unit--great casualties--protective bombing
posts--consolidation--Battalion relieved--Victoria Cross gained
by Sergeant Turnbull--Roll Call._
Signs of the coming conflict were everywhere. The tremendous
accumulation of men and material had been going on unceasingly for
weeks, and during the long June days clouds of dust hung in the hot,
still air above the roads. For the roads all led towards the line, and
the tramp of men, and the rumble of wheels were unending. The
Battalion had long ago recovered from a hard and monotonous winter of
trench warfare. To each man there remained the joy of remembering days
and nights that were unpleasant--for it is a joy to remember, in the
comfort and happiness of to-day, the discomforts and sorrows of
yesterday. Now the sun was shining. Training was going on apace under
the pleasantest of conditions. They were a healthy family. Each man
felt his potentiality, and unconsciously boasted it in his every
action. Such was the feeling in the Battalion when the certainty of
conflict came. To everyone it was the "Big Push"--the mighty
Armageddon--of which all had thought and spoken during the winter of
waiting. There was no doubt as to the issue. Each man went about his
duties with an eye to an immediate and definite future. If anything he
gave greater care to his rifle. In his feeling the edge and point of
his bayonet, there was something of a caress. Now was the look in each
eye born of the lust of killing. It was the knowledge that on a bright
morning--now only a few hours distant--man would be matched against
man. "Justice of our cause may have been somewhere in our
sub-consciousness. Certainly it was not uppermost. To each man the
coming conflict savoured of individual mortal combat. The days of
waiting were gone. He was going forward to prove his manhood"--so
write two veterans of that fight.
The story of that morning is an epic. For every man it was the first
experience of "over the top." In sun-baked trenches everyone longed
for the zero hour, while the guns rolled and shells crashed with
ever-increasing intensity. Nothing was real. Men stood and waited as
if in a dream. They felt as if they were listening to the overture;
that soon the curtain would rise. Even when the guns ceased their roar
for a few moments towards the end, and in the death-like stillness was
heard the warbling of birds in "no man's land"--the grim reality of it
all was felt. With the lifting mist of the morning, the curtain
rose....
At 7.23 a.m. the Battalion started moving across "no man's land." When
the barrage lifted the men entered the enemy front line and the work
of the moppers-up soon began. The advance across the open was
splendidly carried out, all ranks behaving magnificently, as was the
case throughout the entire action. Leipzig Trench was taken and the
leading lines advanced against the Hindenburg Trench. These were mown
down and by 8.15 a.m. every Company Officer was a casualty. It now
became obvious to Colonel Morton that Leipzig Trench must be held, as
without reinforcements, no further advance could be made, both flanks
being exposed, as the 8th Division on their right had been driven
back. The left was particularly exposed and parties under Sergt.
Macgregor and Sergt. Watt were organised and sent to strengthen the
left where "B" and "D" Companies had been almost annihilated. It was
now 9 o'clock and the Battalion casualties now amounted to 22 officers
and 400 other ranks. The bombers, who had been sent up to replace
casualties, were holding the flanks successfully. By 11.15 the entire
line was very weak, and still at 2 o'clock in the afternoon the
situation was unchanged, 2nd Lieut. Morrison and 2nd Lieut. Marr
working and organising the protective flank bombers without the least
regard for personal safety. At 4 o'clock the 2nd Manchesters
reinforced them with two Companies. Just at this time the line wavered
a little in face of the overwhelming bombardment and the appalling
casualties, but control was immediately gained. At 5 the shattered
unit was ordered to consolidate the ground taken. This was done and
two strong enemy counter attacks repulsed. At 9.30 the Battalion
started to be relieved by the Manchesters, but the relief was not
wholly carried out until near midnight, although several bombing
parties had to carry on till well towards mid-day of the following
day before being relieved. The 17th concentrated on Campbell Post and
held the line in that Sector. In the evening of the next day the
Battalion was relieved and returned to dug-outs at Crucifix Corner.
[Illustration: MAP ILLUSTRATING THE OPERATIONS OF 1st JULY, 1916.
Objective of Attack--Mouquet Farm. First German Line attacked and
taken, C--D. Trench Line from which the attack was launched,
A--B. Second German Line taken and lost, E--F.
Note the Salient C--D and its exposure to German fire and attack
on the Flanks.
_To face page 40._]
The first V.C., not only for the Battalion, but of the Division was
gained in this battle and was won by Sergeant James Young Turnbull.
The following is the extract from _The London Gazette_, of 25th
December, 1916, intimating the award of the Victoria Cross:--
"No. 15888 Sergeant JAMES YOUNG TURNBULL,
late Highland Light Infantry.
"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty, when, having
with his party captured a post apparently of great importance to
the enemy, he was subjected to severe counter attacks, which
were continuous throughout the whole day. Although his party was
wiped out and replaced several times during the day, Sergeant
Turnbull never wavered in his determination to hold the post,
the loss of which would have been very serious. Almost
single-handed he maintained his position and displayed the
highest degree of valour and skill in the performance of his
duties.
"Later in the day this gallant soldier was killed whilst bombing
a counter-attack from the parados of our trench."
Of all the units operating in that ghastly Sector, the 17th H.L.I. was
the only Battalion which reached and occupied and held the enemy's
trenches from La Boiselle northwards. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, writing
of the battle of the Somme in his history of the war, emphasises what
this unadorned record of the day's fighting bears out--that there had
been no flinching anywhere, and the military virtue shown had been of
the highest possible quality; but the losses from the machine guns and
from the barrage was so heavy that they deprived the attack of the
weight and momentum necessary to win their way through the enemy's
position. "In the desperate circumstances," he says, "it might well be
considered a remarkable result that a stretch of the Leipzig Redoubt
should be won and permanently held by the Highlanders, especially by
the 17th Highland Light Infantry."
Throughout these terrible operations Colonel Morton was present in the
most advanced positions encouraging and cheering the men by his
personal example and utter disregard for danger. In this work he was
gallantly seconded by his Adjutant and his Headquarters' Staff, who
were individually forward directing operations when all the Company
Officers had been knocked out. It is not too much to say that the
resolute spirit and example of the Colonel rallied the Battalion to
heights of endurance and endeavour which found their greatest
inspiration in his presence in the firing line.
Great work was also done by Captain D.C. Evans, R.A.M.C., who, for
over forty-eight hours, without interval or rest, attended to the
Battalion wounded. Throughout the action he carried on his task of
relieving suffering and saving life quite heedless of the shelling and
firing and quite cool in the face of the ever growing number of cases
demanding his attention and skill.
At the Battalion parade for Roll Call on the 4th of July, the
casualties totalled 22 officers and 447 other ranks.
A DIARY ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE.
_Extract from the personal diary of the late Lieut. B. Meadows
giving a wonderfully realistic picture of the July 1st Battle._
The narrative of the 1st of July Somme Battle as written in the diary
of the late 2nd Lieut. B. Meadows, who, before taking his commission,
served with the 17th H.L.I., gives such an impressive account of the
battle that we include it here almost in entirety. The foregoing
chapter gives a general idea of the intensity of the great battle from
the impersonal and official viewpoint, with data checked and balanced.
But the following account introduces the personal and human element
with poignant effect. Some of the very minor facts are a little
inaccurate, but that is inevitable when an individual soldier
describes a general action from his own viewpoint. Nevertheless the
editors consider that in no other Battalion source is there such a
vivid record of experiences to be got which reflect the feelings of
all those who took part in the action concerned.
"The last four days before zero," he writes, "were known as 'W,' 'X,'
'Y,' and 'Z' days. By 'W' every enemy observation balloon had been
destroyed and so dense a fleet of aircraft patrolled the battle area
as to make it impossible for the enemy aircraft to approach the lines.
Thus the enemy was made blind. On the night of 'W' we got orders to
move forward. Before leaving the billet we made a large bonfire with
boxes from the C.Q.M.'s stores. On this we burned all our letters, and
round it we had the last sing-song the old 'Seventeenth' ever had. We
then believed it 'Y' night, not 'W' night. The night before we had
gone up to the trenches through Aveluy and Authuille with petrol tins
full of water. These were stocked in dug-outs and along the trench and
formed our reserve water supply. Many of our guns were firing 'gun
fire,' yet the enemy made little artillery reply. He retaliated
chiefly on the front line defences with trench mortars. Of such a
violent nature was this bombardment that the Lonsdales had to call on
our 'D' Company for support to make up for their casualties in shell
shock, etc. Curiously enough, during the days 'D' Company held the
line they suffered no casualties, although the trench was battered out
of all recognition. When it was dark on 'W' night we marched to
Bouzincourt. Here we spent the night in huts. Before daybreak we were
shelled and had one man killed. Day showed an extraordinary sight.
Bouzincourt stands on the hill, the battle area stretched out like a
map below. Near the Crucifix on the Aveluy road a long naval gun
barked. Just behind us was a 15 inch howitzer. Its shells could easily
be watched in their flight overhead. In front were an infinite number
of guns all in action. A long line of observation balloons made a
crescent round Albert. One could count over twenty, and not one
German. The air was thick with our aeroplanes. The German lines looked
like long ribbons of white fur. The air was full of shrapnel balls,
especially over the woods, and the villages were burning. The heavy
howitzers were causing dreadful eruptions on the German strong points.
La Boisselle, believed impregnable, was a concentrated hell. The
Germans were putting shrapnel into the woods that lie in the triangle
between Hamel, Bouzincourt and Aveluy. Here our guns were massed. And
now and then a mushroom of smoke would spring up in unexpected
places. The noise was so terrific that it became monotonous. We were
served out with cotton wool for our ears, but in spite of this the
concussion on the 1st of July was so great that we all became stone
deaf, and for days after almost without the use of our voices. We
prepared for 'battle order.' All our belongings we packed into our
valises, and these were stored in an empty house in Bouzincourt. We
wore steel helmets, at that time they were without sandbag coverings,
and in strong sunlight reflected almost as brilliantly as polished
steel. I noticed on the 1st July, looking back from the advanced line
to the German original front line, how the helmets of our reserves
holding that line shone up and made their wearers clear targets. We
wore the haversack on our back containing mess tin, small kit, two
days' rations, 'iron rations,' pair of socks and waterproof sheet. We
carried four sandbags just below. Then we had the usual equipment,
pouches containing 120 rounds, bayonet, water bottle and entrenching
tool. Another 100 rounds in bandoliers, and I had extra an apron
containing 12 Mill's bombs and butterfly wirecutters. The whole formed
fairly heavy equipment. In the late afternoon when we were all lined
up prepared to march off, orders came to cancel all orders. We stood
by for two days. On 'X' night the 16th H.L.I. sent a platoon over to
find out the condition of the enemy defences. Owing to an accident
they were almost entirely wiped out. On the following morning while
playing a football match the Sixteenth again suffered casualties from
a 5.9 which burst between the goal posts. In the evening of 'Z' day,
the 30th of June, we marched off by platoons. The thunder of the heavy
guns as we passed through their belt was almost unbearable, and nearer
the lines long lines of eighteen-pounders were giving 'battery fire'
down long rows of twenty batteries, sometimes all speaking at once. We
entered 'Oban Avenue' at the right end of the village of Authuille. It
was the 'up' trench for the advance and 'Campbell Avenue' the 'down.'
Both trenches had been deepened, in some places, to twelve feet, and
were fairly safe from shrapnel. The line in which we were to spend the
night had been blown almost completely out of existence and it was
difficult to find sufficient cover for the men. I and the bomber
who was next to me in the line found a corner and there slept for the
night. We were once disturbed by the enemy destroying a trench mortar
store situated close to where we slept. Daybreak came and still there
was no word of 'zero.' We made some breakfast, and about half-past
five word was passed along that zero was 7.30, and to move into battle
positions. We moved to the right until we were in contact with the
next Company. At 6.25 a.m. the final bombardment commenced. Every gun
was firing 'gunfire' and the rush of metal overhead was extraordinary.
The reply was feeble. At 7.25 we left the trench and walked over to
within 60 yards of the barrage. At 7.30 the barrage lifted and we
rushed the front line defences, destroying the garrison, in and out of
dug-outs. I have few definite memories from the time we first saw the
Germans to the time the machine gun swept us down outside the Liepzig
Redoubt. It became evident that we, who were working up between two
communication trenches, after two or three rushes, that further
advancing was impossible without support. We waited for our own
reserve waves and the Lonsdales who should have come on behind. But no
reserves reached us and we saw our only hope lay in the fact that they
had rushed one of the communication trenches and might manage to bomb
out the machine gun. But the bombers were checked out of range of the
gun. We began to work towards the communication trench, but owing to
the lie of the ground we were badly exposed and I at length found
myself the only living occupant of that corner. About twelve o'clock I
managed to leap the parapet without being hit. I found my platoon
officer, Lieut. MacBrayne, lying shot through the head. Of the others
of my platoon I could get no news, except those I saw lying dead or
wounded. Tom Train had completely disappeared. An order came up the
trench, '17th H.L.I. move to the left and prepare to support the
Dorsets.' The communication trench was at this time chiefly manned by
K.O.Y.L.I. (who should have supported the 16th H.L.I. who had been
held up by the German wire and cut up before able to take the first
line of defences. Those left were forced to retire to their own line).
A few Lonsdales (the 11th Borderers had been cut up coming up through
'Blighty Wood,' Colonel and Adjutant killed and all officers
casualties) were able to give us practically no support, and a
Company of Manchesters, sent from Divisional Reserve. I moved to the
left. An officer suddenly jumped the parapet and shouted 'Come on, the
17th!' I followed him along with about twenty others. But we found the
barbed wire impossible to cut through and he gave us the order 'Every
man for himself.'
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