The Journal of Negro History, Volume 2, 1917

V >> Various >> The Journal of Negro History, Volume 2, 1917

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This law appears to me a very prudent one; with some mitigation
it might be of service, even in our countries. I should very much
approve, that all citizens invested with honourable functions,
either at court, in the army, in the church, or in the
magistracy, should be suspended whenever they should be legally
sued by a creditor, and that they should be unremittingly
deprived of their rank whenever they should be declared insolvent
by the tribunals. It appears to me that money would then be lent
with more confidence, and borrowed with greater circumspection.
Another advantage which would accrue from such a regulation,
would be, that the subaltern orders of men, who imitate the
customs and the prejudices of the higher class of citizens, would
soon be apprehensive of incurring the same disgrace; and that
fidelity in engagements would become one of the characteristic of
the national manners.

The annual productions of the Danish islands are reduced to a
small quantity of coffee, to a great deal of cotton, to seventeen
or eighteen millions weight of raw sugar, and to a proportionate
quantity of rum. Part of these commodities are delivered to the
English, who are proprietors of the best plantations, and in
possession of the slave trade. We have before us at present, very
authentic accounts, which prove that from 1756 to 1773, that
nation hath sold in the Danish settlements of the New World, to
the amount of 2,307,686 livres 11 sols (96,153l. 125.1-1/2d.).
and carried off to the value of 3,197,047 livres 5 sols 6 deniers
(133,210l. 6s. 0-3/4d.). North America receives likewise some of
these productions in exchange for its cattle, for its wood, and
for its flour. The remainder is conveyed to the mother-country
upon forty ships of one hundred, and from that to four hundred
tons burden. The greatest part is consumed in Denmark, and there
is scarcely sold in Germany, or in the Baltic, for more than the
value of one million of livres (41,661l. 13s. 4d.).

The lands susceptible of cultivation in the Danish islands are
not all tilled, and those which are, might be improved. According
to the opinion of the best-in-formed men, the produce of these
possessions might easily be increased by one third, or perhaps by
one half.

One great obstacle to this increase of riches, is the extremely
narrow circumstances of the colonists. They owe 4,500,000 livres
(187,500l.) to the government, 1,200,000 livres (50,000l.) to the
trade of the mother-country, and 26,630,170 livres (1,109,590l.
8s. 4d.) to the Dutch, who, from the immensity of their capitals,
and the impossibility of employing them all themselves,
necessarily become the creditors of all nations.

The avidity of the treasury puts fresh restraints upon industry.
The provisions and merchandise which are not peculiar to the
country, or which have not been brought upon Danish vessels, are
obliged to pay four per cent. upon their departure from Europe.
The national and foreign commodities equally pay six per cent. on
their arrival in the islands; 18 livres (15s) are required for
every fresh Negro brought in, and a poll-tax of 4 livres 10 sols
(3s. 9d.). Some heavy duties are laid upon stamp paper; an impost
of 9 livres (7s. 6d.) for each thousand foot square of ground,
and the tenth of the price of every habitation that is sold. The
productions are all subjected to five per cent. duty on their
leaving the colonies, and to three per cent. on their arrival in
any of the ports of the mother-country, exclusive of the duties
which are paid for rum when consumed in retail. These tributes
collectively bring in to the crown an income of eight or nine
hundred thousand livres, (from 33,333 pounds. 6s. 8d. to
37,500l.).

It is time that the court of Copenhagen should give up these
numerous and oppressive taxes. Well-grounded motives of interest
ought certainly to suggest the same kind of conduct to all the
powers that have possessions in the New World. But Denmark is
more particularly compelled to this act of generosity. The
planters are loaded with such enormous debts, that they will
never be able to repay the capitals, and cannot even make good
the arrears, unless the treasury should entirely drop every kind
of claim upon them.

But can such a prudent measure be expected, either in Denmark or
elsewhere, as long as the public expences shall exceed the public
revenues; as long as the fatal events, which, in the present
order, or rather disorder, of things, are perpetually renewed,
shall compel the administration to double or to treble the burden
of their unfortunate, and already overloaded subjects; as long as
the councils of the sovereigns shall act without any certain
views, and without any settled plan; as long as ministers shall
conduct themselves, as if the empire, or their functions, were to
end the next day; as long as the national treasures shall be
exhausted by unparalleled depredations, and that its indigence
shall only be removed by extravagant speculations, the ruinous
consequences of which will not be perceived, or will be
neglected, for the trifling advantages of the moment? and to make
use of an energetic, but true metaphor, one that is terrifying,
but symbolical of what is practised in all countries; as long as
the folly, the avarice, the dissipation, the degradation, or the
tyranny of the rulers, shall have rendered the treasury so much
exhausted or rapacious, as to induce them to _burn the harvest,
in order the more speedily to collect the price of the ashes!_

If the treasury were by chance to become wiser and more generous
in Denmark than they have been, or than they are in any other
part of the globe, the islands of St. Thomas, of St. John, and of
Santa Cruz, might possibly prosper, and their productions might,
in some measure, compensate for the trifling value of those of
the mother-country.--ABBE RAYNAL, _A Philosophical and Political
History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East
and West Indies_, 1798, pp. 256-265.

III

SANTA CRUZ IN GENERAL IN 1838

St. Croix is an island, about eighteen miles long, situated in
latitude 17 deg. 45' north, longitude--west of Greenwich. It is
almost exclusively devoted to the cultivation of sugar-cane, and
the manufacture of sugar molasses, and rum. In a good season it
produces from fifty to sixty thousand hogsheads of muscovado
sugar of the best quality. It is generally calculated that the
molasses and rum will pay all the contingent expenses of the
estates; leaving the sugar for clear income, which at
seventy-five dollars the hogshead, for which it is generally sold
there, in a good season, amounts to three millions seven hundred
and fifty thousand dollars. This great revenue is produced by the
careful cultivation of almost every inch of the soil, the estates
generally consisting of but one hundred and fifty to three
hundred acres each; and nearly one hundred negroes being employed
upon each one hundred and fifty acres. The soil is dry and sweet,
producing the best cane, and consequently the best sugar known. I
had heard much of filthiness in the manufacture of sugar and
molasses, but the first view of a St. Croix sugar works
contradicted it. The kettles, the vats in which the sugar is
cooled, the hogsheads in which it is drained, and even the
molasses vats under them, are so perfectly neat and clean, that
no one who has seen them can feel any squeamishness in eating St.
Croix sugar, or molasses either. To look at a vat-full, a foot
deep, just chrystalizing over the surface, and perfectly
transparent to the bottom, would satisfy the most scrupulous upon
this point. There is about twenty-five thousand black, and three
thousand white population. Of course, it is seldom a white man is
seen in riding through the island.

Many of the blacks are free, and the slaves, by the protection
afforded them by the Danish laws, are about as well satisfied
with slavery as they would be with freedom. No slave can be taken
from the island without security for his or her return; masters
cannot inflict punishment without the intervention of public
authority; no slave can be sold against his or her consent,
except with the estate; and cheap and easy provisions are made
for emancipation. Such is the expectation of a general abolition,
that the prices of slaves are only about one fourth as high as in
the United States. In the village of Christianstadt, a large
proportion of the retail trade, and nearly all the mechanical
labour, is in the hands of the free blacks and mulattoes; and the
politeness, intelligence, and ability of some of these, would
surprise those who think their race by Nature unfit for freedom.
Many of them have good countenances, are well behaved, and appear
to evince as much discretion and judgment as whites under similar
circumstances. Some of them hold commissions in the militia
service; one has been promoted to the distinguished situation of
Governor's aid-de-camp; and instead of considering the race as on
a level with brutes, many of the white inhabitants deem them
nearly, if not quite, on a level with themselves. I listened for
a whole evening to a very warm discussion of the question,
whether a lady would be justified in refusing to dance with a
negro or mulatto at a ball; and the negative was not wanting in
supporters.

It is almost surprising, that so small a number of proprietors
should have had the public spirit and perseverance to make such
costly fine roads, not only as public highways whenever needed,
but should also have made a good private road around almost every
estate; beautifully ornamenting both with palm and cocoa-nut
trees, which cut the whole into squares, and add much to the
beauty of the scenery. On each estate there are generally a fine
mansion, a sugar-house, windmill, and plenty of negro-houses, all
situate upon an eminence and interspersed with fruit and
ornamental trees. Little attention is given, however, to the
cultivation of fruits, and, in many places, not an orange will be
seen for miles. Sugar-cane seems to have engrossed the whole
attention of the inhabitants, and crowded out almost every thing
else.--_A Winter in the West Indies and Florida by an Invalid_,
1839, pp. 62-65.

IV

A LETTER FROM AN AMERICAN VISITING SANTA CRUZ IN 1840

_My dear Friend_,

* * * * *

I understand that the slaves form about four-fifths of the
population, and are in number about 19,000. Time was, when the
treatment to which they were exposed, was harsh and severe; and
then their numbers were constantly declining. Of late years,
however, the Danish government has instituted various
restrictions which have ameliorated the condition of the slaves.
They are not allowed, as I understand, to be worked longer in the
day, than from 6 o'clock in the morning, to the same hour in the
evening, with intervals, (not always long enough) for breakfast
and dinner. Legal provisions are made respecting food and
clothing. The driver in the field is not permitted to carry any
more terrible instrument than a tamarind switch of moderate size;
and twelve lashes with the rope, and a short period of solitary
confinement, (mostly I believe in a light room) are the extent of
punishment which even the manager or master is permitted to
inflict. This rope however, is a dangerous instrument of torture;
and I am told that the reduction of the allowed number of lashes,
from thirty to twelve, is no matter of law, but the simple result
of the imperative benevolence of the governor-general Von
Scholten. Any negro has a right to buy his own freedom; and, in
case of need, the price is settled by a public appraiser. The
consequence of these benevolent provisions is, that the condition
of the slaves is improved, and their number is now kept up, with
a very small increase.

I cannot, however, refrain from observing, that legal provisions
for the amelioration of slavery, are in general of little use. In
the British Colonies, the measures of this kind which were
enacted by the Parliament at home, were constantly frustrated by
local influence; and in spite of law or reason, man will often be
found, in the hour of temptation, to abuse arbitrary power over
his fellow man. I consider it therefore highly probable, that
even in Santa Cruz, where the ameliorating laws are enforced by a
local government, at once vigilant and despotic, acts of
oppression and cruelty may at times take place, which are wholly
unknown to the government; much more, to an occasional visitor of
the island.

In the mean time the degradation occasioned by slavery in the
Danish islands--the low physical, intellectual, and moral
condition of the slaves, as compared with that of the liberated
negroes of the British islands--is obvious and unquestionable.
The worst feature of the system is the "Sunday market," as it is
called. The slaves are allowed no one of the working days of the
week for their own business. The consequence is, that multitudes
of them throng from the country (often from a great distance)
into the towns of Bassin and West End, on the First day of the
week, with their provisions and fruits for sale. The rum shops
are hard by the market places. The buyers, of course, misuse the
day as well as the sellers; and the scene is one, not only of
busy traffic, but of noisy merriment, idleness, and dissipation.
Before we left Santa Cruz, we called on General Soeboetker, the
present Governor, of the island, to take our leave; and we
ventured to press this subject on his consideration, not without
some remarks on slavery in general. He listened to us in a very
obliging manner, and seemed to look forward to better days; but
his last words to us, as we went down the steps from his door,
were, "PATIENCE, PATIENCE, PATIENCE."

It was very satisfactory to us, to learn from our friend Captain
Von Scholten, the brother of the Governor General (then in
Denmark) that a commission had been appointed at Copenhagen, to
enquire into the state of these colonies, with a view to
emancipation. In the meantime, seven large buildings have been
erected in different parts of the island, to serve as chapels
and schools, for the religious and literary instruction of the
Negro population. They are not yet in use: but several of the
planters are making laudable exertions for the education of their
slaves in reading and in a knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. A
colored person of the name of Macfarlane, in every way adapted
for the office, is employed for the purpose; this school
circulates, with excellent effect, from one estate to another.
Having been taught their moral and religious obligations, the
negroes, on these estates, are greatly improved, and are much
more useful to their masters, than in the days of their
ignorance.

The schools held on the First day of the week under the care of
the members of the Episcopal church, at Bassin and West End, are
attended by several hundreds of black, mulatto, and white
children. Some of the planters and their wives are united with
colored persons and others, as instructors in these schools; and
the blessed work is carried on, both among the teachers and the
taught, without prejudice of caste, or distinction of
color.--JOSEPH JOHN GUERNEY, _A Winter in the West Indies
described in familiar Letters to Henry Clay, of Kentucky_, 1840,
pp. 20-23.

V

STADTHAUPTMAND CHAMBERLAIN VON SCHOLTEN'S NARRATIVE OF THE
INSURRECTION OF 1848

In the week that preceded the 3rd July, 1848, I was confined to
my bed with a rheumatic swelling in my right hand. On Sunday the
2nd July I felt a little better, and could more or less use the
hand. On the afternoon of that day I received a visit from one of
our most respectable planters. In the course of our conversation,
he told me that there were strange reports in circulation
concerning the negroes, who, it was said, were to refuse to go to
work on the next day, and to demand their freedom. He could not
assign any further grounds for these reports than hearsay. Being
accustomed to hear of war and revolution in Europe, as well as
disturbances and riot in the French islands, from the fact of the
majority in this little place, Frederiksted, seeking to make up
for the monotony of their existence by spreading and listening to
all sorts of idle rumours and scandals, this information made no
further impression upon me. I bade him, in the meantime, to
acquaint the commander of the fort, and the policemaster with
what he had heard, and promised myself to inform my brother, the
Governor-General, as soon as he arrived here in the "Ornen," a
brig-of-war, which was momentarily expected.

At about eight o'clock in the evening my physician came to attend
to me, and he spoke of the alarming reports that were in
circulation. As he appeared to be somewhat concerned about the
matter, I remonstrated with him and spoke of the evil of
spreading such reports, which, if unfounded, might awaken ideas
among the slaves which it was to the interest of every one to
prevent. Not that I feared that they would be disposed to
violence or riot. They had been generally well treated and were
apparently satisfied.

About nine o'clock, I received a message that the
Governor-General had arrived in Christiansted, and that his
carriage which stood in my yard was to go up there, but as it was
late, I gave orders to the coachman to wait until next day. In
the meantime I went to bed. A short time after my servant told me
that there must be fire in the country as the bells were being
rung and shells blown. As this is the customary manner of giving
notice of such, the thought of anything unusual did not occur to
me. And as I could see no sign of any fire from my house, which
is built on an elevation, I concluded that it was upon a distant
estate, and again sought refuge in sleep. This lasted but a short
time, when I was once again aroused by a loud knocking at my
gate. Opening the window, I immediately recognized the voice of
the Brandmajor commanding in Frederiksted, he told me that the
negroes in the country were rioting and desired their freedom,
and that was the reason why the bell-ringing and blowing of
shells were to be heard. We then spoke about the plan of action
we should adopt, and whether the alarm gun should be fired or the
Brand corps and Militia should be called out. The Major having
stated that the negroes were committing no excesses and only
making a disturbance, I looked upon this as a good sign, for when
one has evil designs he rarely makes a noise, but generally
proceeds to action at once. Nevertheless, it was a doubtful point
with me whether I, as Stadthauptmand, would be justified in
firing the alarm, the militia law not stating anything definite
or to the point as to who should give such an order. On the other
hand, my authority only extended over the militia. Over the Fort
from which the alarm gun should be fired I had no command
whatsoever.

There were many considerations which induced me to proceed with
caution in the matter.

To have fired the alarm would have been equivalent to placing the
island in a state of siege. The power to do this rested only with
the Governor. Moreover, such an act would have summoned the whole
of the white population into town, away from their estates,
leaving their wives, children and old women in the power of the
negroes. With no one to check them, had excesses been committed,
how blameable it would have been to have acted so precipitately.
I was confirmed in this opinion by a planter and military
officer, who shared my views on the subject. The officer
remarking that: "Should the negroes be intent on evil, they could
easily prevent isolated members of the militia from coming in,
and should the opposite be the case, he saw no reason for calling
them from their estates, where they might by their presence be
able to check violence and plunder." The
policemaster--Andersen--coincided with these views, observing:
"Let us not by hasty proceedings provoke the negroes. The
bell-ringing and noise do not indicate that they are intent upon
violence. We must proceed with caution if we do not desire to see
things worse." These words from one who had a large experience of
the character of the negro, carried weight with most of us.

The opinion has since been expressed on more than one occasion,
that the Brand corps, which was composed of free coloured people,
should have been called out, but from prudential motives it was
deemed advisable to limit their action until absolutely
necessary. I shall now attempt to picture the events which
followed.

About two o'clock a.m., eight or ten mounted militiamen came in
from the country and informed me that the condition was such as
the earlier reports had stated. That there were noisy
demonstrations and disorder, but nowhere had actual violence been
committed. These gentlemen had left behind them their wives,
mothers and children, so to speak, in the power of the negroes,
without the least fear that they would be exposed to any kind of
danger. They came to inquire if the alarm gun had been fired, and
if such were the case, to meet as accustomed. I explained to them
that the gun had not been fired, as it was not considered prudent
to call them away at such a moment from their property, where
they could best work to preserve order. They therefore returned
to their homes. At four o'clock a.m., I sent off my brother's
carriage to Christiansted, and by same opportunity a letter in
which I described to him the condition of things in
Frederiksted. At the same time expressing the hope that order and
quiet might be restored by representations and negotiations.

At seven o'clock in the morning, the negroes streamed into the
town in large numbers. Shortly afterwards it was reported to me
that the police office was being plundered and demolished. The
second Brand officer, who was with me, after expressing the
opinion that it was in no way advisable to call out the corps,
undertook with some of the best disposed of his men to assist in
the keeping of order. And it is but fair to say, that it was
owing to the activity and representations of the free coloured
men that more violence was not committed, only three houses being
plundered and wrecked. At about this time a negro came crying to
me and begged me to write a letter to the Governor-General asking
that he would come down to Frederiksted as soon as possible, so
that by his presence he might save the town from further
molestation. With this I joyfully complied, beseeching my brother
not to delay, as only he would be able to quiet the negroes. In
the meantime the Brand major had narrowly escaped with his life.
Riding into town from his estate he was attacked by the negroes,
a negro woman striking at his neck with an axe, which fortunately
glanced off without injuring him. To show that he intended them
no harm, he threw away his sword, exclaiming: "Take my life, if
that can satisfy you, I come not as an enemy, but as a friend!"
With these words they seemed impressed, and allowed him to pass
on his way.

A crowd of negroes came shouting and yelling up the street, and
stood in front of my residence, demanding that I should proclaim
their immediate freedom. Representing to them how wrongly they
had acted by destroying and plundering, I advised them to keep
quiet until the Governor-General arrived, as he alone could
satisfy their demands. Seeing that they were now more peaceable,
I went to the Fort, where several of the inhabitants of the town
had assembled. These were most restless, not to say unreasonable.
Some thought that to save the town from further disturbance, I
should, in the Governor-General's name, have declared the negroes
free, but, as, in my opinion, I had no such power, I could not,
nor would not, take it upon myself to do so. Nevertheless, it was
the opinion of every one that only the prompt emancipation of the
slaves would save the island from further destruction. And now a
considerable number of negroes had assembled together in the
Fort yard. They cried and shouted, demanded their freedom, and
called on the soldiers to fire upon them. This the commander of
the Fort had some difficulty in preventing. Many who were present
begged him also not to do so, as the town would surely be burnt
to ashes. Of this there could not be any doubt, as near by,
behind a corner house, which could not be commanded by the guns
of the Fort there were several negro women gathered together with
"trash" or dry cane leaves, which, at the first shot from the
Fort, it was arranged they should light and throw into the doors
and windows. The fire would thus have spread quickly through the
town, as the houses were mostly deserted, and there was no one to
check it. With a view of quieting the threatening multitude, I
went among them, accompanied by the Catholic priest[397] and a
few of the bravest of the inhabitants. The priest, whose
influence was very great, spoke to them, admonishing and
exhorting them to be quiet. On the other hand, on my addressing
myself to one who appeared to be a leader of them, I received the
following reply: "Massa, we poor negroes cannot fight with the
soldiers, as we have no guns, but we can burn and destroy if we
do not get our freedom, and that is what we intend to do."

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