The Journal of Negro History, Volume 2, 1917

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The details of this insurrection are interesting. On the evening of
Sunday, July 2, 1848, the Negroes began rioting and the ringing of
bells and blowing of horns aroused the island. At first they had
confined themselves to noisy demonstration, but the planters,
remembering the insurrection in St. John's more than 100 years before,
were in a state of great alarm. There was in St. Croix one efficient
company of fire-fighters called the Brand Corps which was composed
entirely of free colored men. The Stadthauptmand was advised to call
them out to put down the disorder, but he hesitated to place so much
authority in their hands. One of the Brand officers, however, took a
few of his men and assisted in maintaining peace. The white major of
the Brand Corps nearly lost his life at the hands of a colored woman
who attacked him with an ax. The blow, aimed at his neck, glanced off
and his brave bearing saved him from a second attack. The rioting,
looting of homes and stores, burning of bonfires and the like
continued through several nights. The slaves were led by a young Negro
whom they called Bourdeaux, and in whom they had great confidence. In
the west end of the islands Martin King, another Negro, was in command
or as the slaves styled it, "chief of the fleet." The free people of
color had little or nothing to do with the outbreak. "It is but fair
to say," says Chamberlain Von Scholten, "that it was owing to the
activity and representations of the free colored people that more
violence was not committed."[384]

"A considerable number of Negroes had assembled together in the Fort
yard," continues he. "They cried and shouted, demanded their freedom,
and called on the soldiers to fire upon them. This the commander of
the fort had some difficulty in preventing. Many who were present
begged him also not to do so, as the town would surely be burnt to
ashes. Of this there could not be any doubt, as near by, behind a
corner house which could not be commanded by the guns of the fort
there were several Negro women gathered together with trash and dry
cane leaves which, at the first shot from the fort, it was arranged
they should light and throw into the doors and windows. The fire would
thus have quickly spread through the town, as the houses were mostly
deserted, and there was no one to check it."[385]

Governor-General von Scholten, the friend of the Negroes, arrived at
the fort in Frederiksted on the morning of July 3 and upon his own
authority proclaimed freedom to all slaves in the Danish West Indies
Islands. As it took some time for this news to spread throughout the
island the rioting continued. Finally the authorities called to their
assistance General Bourdeaux and Martin King, who partly restored
order. The rioters in the eastern part who refused to disperse were
fired upon. A few were killed and many wounded. General von Scholten
did not at first let the military commander fire on the rioters. The
planters appealed to him for permission to take the field against the
Negroes but he refused. Upon renewal of the request, however, the
militant element was allowed to proceed on the condition that they
should not fire on the rioters, unless the latter fired on them.
Accordingly the cavalry ran over the estates and forced and overawed
many Negroes into respecting the law on the north side of the island.
On the south side in the meantime disorder was unusual, but energetic
troops under Major V. Geillerup and Captain V. Castonier scoured the
country, captured leaders of the riot and imprisoned them. In the
meantime Governor Prim of Porto Rico had in response to an appeal for
assistance despatched 600 Spanish troops and two mountain howitzers
that assured peace and order.

The subsequent humiliation of General Bourdeaux is a blot on the
character of the Danish government. After using his influence to save
the lives of many of the planters who assured him of their good will,
he was forcibly abducted from his station and made a prisoner. Major
Gyllich, whose life General Bourdeaux saved, stood by him, sharing
even his imprisonment a few days. He was finally sent aboard a vessel
in the garb of a gentleman, provided with all the necessaries and
comforts and then stripped of them as soon as the vessel was out of
port and forced to toil as a member of the crew. He was taken to the
Port of Spain, Trinidad, where he was told that if he returned to the
Danish West Indies, he would be executed.[386] He was said to have
been seen in Curacao afterwards, whence he proceeded to the United
States of America. Martin King escaped arrest until after the reign of
martial law. He was imprisoned, however, for two years and in 1855
could do no better than serve his community as rat-catcher.

Peter Hansen the next governor undertook to settle these difficulties.
He passed what is known as the "Labor Act," intended to meet the
exigencies of the situation. This was a little better than slavery but
it actually gave the Negroes a status ranging between serfdom and
indentured service. They were still under rigid restrictions.[387]
Thereafter an effort was made to prevent Negroes from assembling,
especially at Christmas dances, which were considered dangerous to the
peace of the colony. On one occasion in 1852 to put a stop to such a
function a squad of militiamen were ordered out and it fired upon the
participants in private dances in their homes, killing many innocent
persons. This caused great alarm. The militia was ordered back to the
barracks, an investigation was made but no one could tell exactly who
gave the order for this cowardly act.

Things went on prosperously for years thereafter. It seemed ideal even
under the Labor Act, which the Negroes learned to endure without
complaint. In this ideal state of things it was thought advisable to
reduce the militia. This was finally done, leaving the whole island
outside of Christiansted defenseless. Forced labor, however, under the
disguise of apprenticeship could not but be odious, especially so when
the differences of blood and color tended to render irritating the
very semblance of restraint, and exaggerate every difficulty of class
and position. Hence, these injudicious artificial regulations, however
seemingly well-intentioned, only gave rise to ill-feeling, mistrust
and eventually resistance. The trouble was that the Negroes had grown
in intelligence and had begun to appreciate the blessings of actual
freedom and free labor. Seeing the trouble in the embryo, the
government procrastinatingly made some amendments to the Labor Act.
The Negroes, however, eventually defied the act, abandoned
agriculture, and came to town to assert themselves.

In 1878 a large number of the country laborers got from some source
the impression that the Labor Act was to cease to be operative on the
first of October of that year.[388] This was the usual time for the
shifting of laborers from one estate to another upon the expiration of
their annual contracts and they usually assembled in towns to find new
fields, many of them seeking, however, to secure employment in the
town. Some planters having foresight, saw the need of larger military
force to deal with these people, should they become discontented. The
establishment of a rural constabulary was urged, but it was not
provided. There were only 60 soldiers to maintain order. On the first
of October there started an uproar in the street of Frederiksted near
the home of Rev. J.C. DuBois, the British Vice-Consul, who upon
inquiring of the mob the cause of the uproar, was informed that they
had been ill-treated by the police, who had severely beaten one of
their number, for which they had chased them into the fort. Rev. Mr.
DuBois sought to appease the rioters, persuading them to leave town.
They eventually consented, but upon being authoritatively and roughly
ordered by the Policemaster and his assistants, brandishing their
swords, the crowd became furious and attacked these officers with
stones, driving them to the fort. Seeing that they intended to attack
the fort, Rev. Mr. DuBois followed them, earnestly entreating them not
to resort to such harsh measures to redress their grievances. The mob
finally agreed to accept his advice, the Vice-Consul agreeing to hear
from a representative delegation the following day exactly what their
complaints were, and promising to assist them in righting their
wrongs. Before leaving them, however, a few of their most intelligent
men set forth what these grievances were. They were in short: low rate
of estate wages in comparison with the larger amounts given those who
labored in the Central Factory--10 cents against 30 cents; the annual
contract which was so managed as to be virtually slavery; the frequent
abuse of the power given the manager by law to impose fines for
certain offences; and the difficulties thrown in the way of laborers
leaving the island by the police in requiring them to exhibit what
money they had when they wanted a passport. They then gave three
cheers for the Vice-Consul and were about to depart when there
suddenly appeared a woman running towards them to convey the
information that the one of their number who had been arrested had
died at the hospital. The mob then hastened to the hospital,
threatened to kill the doctor, rushed in, knocked down the sick nurse
and one of the patients and demanded to see the dead man. It was said
that he was not seriously hurt. They then started for the fort and
attacked it with stones and all sorts of missiles. The fire of the
fort being too hot the mob had to withdraw, as several were wounded.
The defenders, too, managed to send word to the President at
Christiansted, asking for help. The mob, however, ceased to disturb
those armed and sought to harass those who were defenseless,
destroying homes, stores or whatever they found in their way. The
rioters did not, however, destroy the property of such persons, for
example, as Rev. Mr. DuBois who was known to be their friend. Goods
were thrown into the street and burned. Men dared not utter a word
when they saw their accumulations of a life time destroyed. The
rioters later made another attack on the fort but could not carry it.
When they contemplated making a third attack the much desired
assistance had come in time to drive the mob away in all directions.

There had been much difficulty in reaching Christiansted and
especially in informing the Governor. This official arrived the
following afternoon and declared the town in a state of siege. New
troops were put in the field, but it was not until the 3d of October
that they succeeded in overtaking the first band of rioters, after
several soldiers and other whites had been killed and one third of
Frederiksted had been reduced to ashes. Some were captured and some
shot. Others were later hunted down and bayoneted, the innocent
suffering with the guilty. The militia was reenforced by other
soldiers and French and British men-of-war arriving opportunely in
port offered their assistance to the struggling government. Later the
United States _Plymouth_ appeared and assisted. Three hundred
prisoners were finally captured, and twelve were condemned by a court
martial and shot. On the 28th of October the court martial was
discontinued and a commission of investigation charged with adjudging
all cases arising from the riot was appointed. No other severe
punishments, however, ensued. The fact is that the riot had destroyed
the Labor Act and made the Negro actually free.

Despite these undesirable conditions, the United States had for years
desired to purchase the Danish West Indies. The Civil War
demonstrated very clearly our need for a naval and coaling station in
the West Indies. The ports of the Southern States were declared
blockaded, but it was difficult to maintain that decree, when at
several ports in the West Indies, especially at Nassau, blockade
runners were hospitably received and helped where our vessels were not
wanted.[389] A writer has said: "If it had not been for the friendship
of Denmark our vessels would have had a hard time in the Caribbean
during the Civil War so President Lincoln was disposed to be generous
in his offer for the islands out of gratitude to the Danes. The
purchase of Alaska was in part payment of a war debt of the same
sort."[390] It doubtless appears strange, however, that one of these
plans was carried out immediately after the war, while the other could
not be effected before 1917. That this was not done earlier is a sad
reflection on American diplomacy.

The negotiation for the purchase of these islands began January, 1865,
when Secretary of State Seward and General Raasloff, the Danish
Minister to the United States, met at a dinner party.[391] Seward
wanted them for a naval station. The minister was not in favor of it
and did not think the King of Denmark would sell, and so Denmark
replied. When the unfavorable report came, Seward was confined to his
bed and the minister was advised to drop it and leave it to the United
States to take it up again. Then came the assassination of Lincoln and
the attack on Seward. In the meantime there came to power in Denmark a
new ministry favorable to the project. The instructions then were to
say that the government had no desire to sell but would not be
unwilling to entertain Seward's proposition. Not long thereafter
Seward went to Cuba for his health and on the way saw St. Thomas. He
then became resolved to buy and asked Denmark to name a price, but she
refused. The plan, however, was laid before the Danish Cabinet in
1866. The Danes were reluctant to alienate these islands because they
loved the colony. They believed, too, that the sale would offend
England, France, and Spain. Mr. Seward and Mr. Yeamen, our minister at
Copenhagen, however, pushed it and the Danish government finally
offered the United States the three islands for $15,000,000. Denmark
was finally persuaded to sell St. Thomas and St. John for $7,500,000.
A vote of the natives was taken and they agreed to the transfer of
their country to the United States. The treaty was laid before the
United States Senate but delayed on account of the serious trouble
then existing between Charles Sumner, the chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee, and the administration. The Danish government
regarded this an indignity of the worst kind. The time for
ratification was extended but the treaty finally fell a victim to the
storm of political hatred then raging, and it was dropped in 1868.
After an adverse report of the Foreign Relations Committee of the
Senate it was finally rejected in 1870.[392]

After this the situation of Denmark became such that the transfer of
the islands would have been almost impossible even if the two
countries had come to another agreement. By a secret alliance between
Germany and Russia, Denmark was rendered helpless. Germany was hostile
to American expansion in that quarter.[393] The Republican Party
incorporated into its platform in 1896 a plank requiring the purchase
of the Danish West Indies and in 1898 Senator Henry Cabot Lodge
introduced in the Senate a bill to purchase the group for
$5,000,000.[394] No steps were then taken, doubtless for the reason
that we had just come into the possession of Porto Rico and the
Philippines, which were regarded as burdens to the nation. Many
thought still, however, of the commercial advantages of the islands;
the protection they would be to the proposed Panama Canal, and the
difficulty we would encounter, should a foreign nation in violation of
the Monroe Doctrine undertake to get possession of them.

But the purchase could not then have been effected on account of the
dominating influence of Germany although, because of the Monroe
Doctrine, she dared not acquire the islands herself. Germany decided
upon a policy of commercial expansion in the Danish West Indies, a
scheme to which the United States could make no objection, although
the country was much alarmed by rumors as to German annexation. In
1902, therefore, President Roosevelt and Secretary John Hay offered
the Danish government $5,000,000 for the islands.[395] It was accepted
and the required treaty was drawn up and sent to the United States
Senate, where it was held up too long. German influence being at work
in Denmark, however, it was rejected there also. Prominent among those
opposing the transfer were persons claiming to be friends of the
islands and promising to see to it that several millions be spent for
their improvement. This was accordingly done, bringing some prosperity
to the islands. The present war, however, brought this to an end. For
fear then on this side that the complications of this war might result
in the transfer of the islands to some other power and for fear in
Denmark that she might have to alienate them without receiving just
compensation the two countries reached an agreement that they should
be transferred to this country for $25,000,000.

We have thereby come into possession of three islands inhabited by
about 27,000 inhabitants, ninety per cent. of whom are Negroes. They
have come under all European influences which have reached the West
Indies, as some of them have lived in other islands. It may seem
strange too that although England held the islands only a few years
their language is not Danish but English.[396] Danish was confined
largely to the officials formerly sent out from Denmark and even these
quickly learned English. This was doubtless due to the influence of
England and the United States, with which these islands have had close
commercial relations and to the fact that Denmark never forced the
natives to learn the official language. The Lutheran has been the
state church, but many of the people have Roman Catholic, Moravian,
Israelite, Episcopalian, Dutch Reformed and Methodist connections. The
islands have had no system of actual public education and for that
reason the country is in this respect backward. The Danish government
has been content to subventionize schools maintained by other
agencies, especially those of the churches.

These islands, however, despite their handicaps have produced some
useful Negroes. In addition to Bourdeaux, King and McFarlane they can
point to at least one truly great man. This was Edward W. Blyden, a
man whose sterling character and scholarly attainments gained for him
international recognition. Dr. Blyden was born in St. Thomas in 1832,
of purest Negro parentage. He early felt an ardent love for Africa,
the fatherland, and came to the United States hoping to prepare
himself for work in Africa. Failing in this, he went to Liberia and
was among the first pupils enrolled in the State College. He served
after graduation as professor in the college and was appointed
Secretary of State in 1864. In 1877, Dr. Blyden was made minister
plenipotentiary of the Republic of Liberia at the Court of St. James
and was received by Her Majesty July 30, 1878. He numbered among his
personal friends Lord Brougham, Mr. Gladstone, Dean Stanley, Charles
Dickens, Charles Sumner and many other notables. He was sent on a
diplomatic mission to powerful chiefs in the interior by the Governor
of Sierra Leone, in which mission he was entirely successful. As a
teacher, an author and a statesman Dr. Blyden was a shining example of
what the pure-blooded Negro may accomplish under unhampered
conditions. He died in Sierra Leone in 1912 loved by his countrymen
and respected throughout the civilized world.

LEILA AMOS PENDLETON.

FOOTNOTES:

[360] For a general description and account of the Danish West Indies
see: H. W. Bates, "Central America and the West Indies," 176-178;
Susan De Forest Day, "The Cruise of the Scythian in the West Indies,"
pp. 52-57; Otto Delitsch, "Westindien und die Suedpolar-Laender," Bd. I,
Abth. 4, Daenische Besitzungen, pp. 2106-2115; A. Von Dewitz, "In
Daenisch-Westindien," _passim_; H. M. W. Fischer, "Om Dansk
Vestindien," _passim_; A. Granier de Cassagnac, "Voyage aux Antiles,"
II, 161-184; Robert T. Hill, "Cuba and Porto Rico with other Islands
of the West Indies," pp. 25, 26, 306, 309-316; George Hoest,
"Efterretninger on den Sanct Thomas og dens Gouverneurer, optegnede
der poa Landet fra 1769 indtil 1776," _passim_; John P. Knox, "An
Historical Account of St. Thomas, West Indies," _passim_; J. P. Labat,
"Nouveau Voyage aux iles de l'Amerique," I, 73, 74, 78 and II, 12,
196, 197, 285-292; A. P. Ledru, "Voyage aux iles de Teneriffe, la
Trinite, Saint-Thomas, Sainte-Croix et Porto Rico," pp. 160-188; G.
Van Lennep Coster, "Aanterkeningen, gehonden gedurende mijn Verblijf
in de West-Indien in de jaren 1837-1840"; W. C. Morris, "The History
of Colonization," II, 284-286; C. G. A. Oldendorp, "Geschichte der
Mission der Evangelischen Brueder auf den Caribischen Inseln St.
Thomas, St. Croix, und St. Jan," _passim_; P. L. Oxholm, "De Danske
Vestindiske Oeers Tilsand i Henseende til Population, Cultur og
Finance-Forfotning i Anledning af nogle Breve fra St. Croix,"
_passim_; "The Present State of the West Indies," pp. 72-74 and 93-94;
J. J. Elisee, "Virgin Islands and Santa Cruz" (in The Earth and its
Inhabitants by the same author), Vol. XVII, pp. 430-436; J. Reinhardt
and C. F. Luelken, "Bidrag til det Vestindiske Oeriges og namligen til
de Dansk-Vestindiske Oeers Herpetologie," pp. 153-291; J. P. B. Von
Rohr, "Anmerkungen ueber den Cattunbau," Part I; Karl von Scherzer,
"Die Westindischen Inseln St. Thomas, Haiti, Porto Rico und Cuba," II,
467-495; Damian Schuetz-Holzhausen und R. Springer, "Cuba und die
uebrigen Inseln Westindiens"; Sir Hans Sloane, "A Voyage to the Islands
Madera, Barbados, Nieves, St. Christophers and Jamaica"; James Smith,
"The Winter of 1840 in St. Croix, with an Excursion to Tortola and St.
Thomas"; Stenzel, "Die Insel St. Thomas," _passim_; C. A. Stoddard,
"Cruising among the Caribbees," pp. 23-50; C. E. Taylor, "Leaflets
from the Danish West Indies," _passim_; Frederik Thaarup, "Verledning
til det Danske Monarkies Statistik," _passim_; C. W. Tooke, "The
Danish Colonial Fiscal System in the West Indies," _passim_; A.
Trollope, "The West Indies and the Spanish Main," pp. 8 and 235-241;
H. West, "Bidrag til Beskrivelse over Sta. Croix med kort Udsigt over
St. Thomas, St. Jean, Tortola, Spanishtown og Crabeneiland" and
"Beytraege zur Beschreibung von St. Croix," _passim_; F. Wharton, "A
Digest of the International Law of the United States"; "A Winter in
the West Indies and Florida," by an invalid, pp. 35-62.

[361] The Caribs who were kind to each other and hospitable to
strangers were made vindictive and cruel by the treatment received
from the Spaniards. With their cruel weapons they fought without
ceasing for the possession of their native land, but they, of course,
were no match for the invaders.

When missionaries from Europe attempted to convert them they haughtily
replied "You have stolen our lands and those of our neighbors; you
have massacred our people, desolated our homes, and committed
unheard-of cruelties for the sake of gold. How then can you expect
from what we have seen of the bad life of you Christians that we
should wish to be like you?" So fearful had been the barbarities
practiced upon them that the very name of Christian inspired them with
horror and to call them Christians never failed to excite them and to
make them grind their teeth with rage. A defenceless, subject people
who were so intelligent as to understand thoroughly the hypocrisy of
their conquerors and who were possessed of the courage to express
their contempt boldly were, in those times, inviting greater
cruelties, even possible extermination. Taylor, "Leaflets from the
West Indies," 108.

[362] Taylor, "Leaflets from the West Indies," 108.

[363] It is said that a relic of the Danish slave trade, the long
Danish gun, played an important part in the Ashanti War with England
and that up to the present these long-barrelled muskets are prized in
remote parts of West Africa.

[364] Knox, "St. Thomas, West Indies," 45, and Taylor, "Leaflets from
the Danish West Indies," 2 et seq.

[365] Taylor, "Leaflets from the Danish West Indies," 3.

[366] Sir Harry H. Johnson, "The Negro in the New World," p. 345.

[367] Knox, "St. Thomas, West Indies," 60 et seq.

[368] Labat, "Voyage dans l'Amerique," II, 285; _Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Science_, XXII, 101.

[369] Knox, "St. Thomas, West Indies," 35.

[370] We hear nothing of importance of St. Croix after its discovery
until 1625. We learn from Bryan Edwards that the Dutch then came to
St. Croix. Du Tertre says that for many years prior to 1645 it was in
the possession of the Dutch and English. A conflict between the two
ensued and by a series of attacks the English forced the Dutch to
leave. The Spaniards in Porto Rico, alarmed at this rising English
colony so near, exterminated the English in 1650. Soon afterwards the
French at St. Christopher took the island with an expedition. Then in
1653 Louis XIV transferred St. Croix with St. Christopher, St.
Bartholomew and St. Martin to the Knights of Malta. In 1665 a newly
formed West Indian Company purchased the island from the Order of
Malta, but the company being dissolved by royal edict, the island
again became annexed to the Crown. On account of destructive droughts
the island was practically abandoned and the forts were demolished in
1720. The French again took possession of the island in 1727 and held
it until 1733 when it was purchased by the Guinea Company and later
from that firm by the King of Denmark. See Taylor, "A Few Words about
St. Croix," 5-7; and Rochfort, "Histoire naturelle et morale des iles
Antilles," 45.

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