The Journal of Negro History, Volume 2, 1917

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They raise poultry and hogs, but seldom eat either. They prefer
selling them, and purchasing from their profits, cloathing and
brandy. They love brandy to excess. Promise a negro a dram, and
he will go through fire and water to serve you.

Their smoaky huts admit both wind and rain. An anecdote offers
itself to my pen on this subject, which will exhibit the frigid
indifference of the colonists of Louisiana towards every thing
that interests humanity. Being on a visit at a plantation on the
Mississippi, I walked out one fine evening in winter, with some
ladies and gentlemen, who had accompanied me from the town, and
the planters at whose house we were entertained. We approached
the quarter where the huts of the negroes stood. "Let us visit
the negroes," said one of the party; and we advanced towards the
door of a miserable hut, where an old negro woman came to the
threshold in order to receive us, but so decrepit as well as old,
that it was painful for her to move.

Notwithstanding the winter was advanced, she was partly naked;
her only covering being some old thrown away rags. Her fire was a
few chips, and she was parching a little corn for supper. Thus
she lived abandoned and forlorn; incapable from old age to work
any longer, she was no longer noticed.

But independently of her long services, this negro woman had
formerly suckled and brought up two brothers of her master, who
made one of our party. She perceived him, and accosting him,
said, "My master, when will you send one of your carpenters to
repair the roof of my hut? Whenever it rains, it pours down upon
my head." The master lifting his eyes, directed them to the roof
of the hut, which was within the reach of his hand. "I will think
of it," said he.--"You will think of it," said the poor creature.
"You always say so, but never do it."--"Have you not," rejoined
the master, "two grandsons who can mend it for you?"--"But are
they mine," said the old woman, "do they not work for you, and
are you not my son yourself? who suckled and raised your two
brothers? who was it but Irrouba? Take pity then on me, in my old
age. Mend at least the roof of my hut, and God will reward you
for it."

I was sensibly affected; it was _le cri de la bonne nature_. And
what repairs did the poor creature's roof require? What was
wanting to shelter her from the wind and rain of heaven? A few
shingles!--"I will think of it," repeated her master, and
departed.

The ordinary punishment inflicted on the negroes of the colony is
a whipping. What in Europe would condemn a man to the galleys or
the gallows incurs here only the chastisement of the whip. But
then a king having many subjects does not miss them after their
exit from this life, but a planter could not lose a negro without
feeling the privation.

I do not consider slavery either as contrary to the order of a
well regulated society, or an infringement of the social laws.
Under a different name it exists in every country. Soften then
the word which so mightily offends the ear; call it dependence.

The most common maladies of the negroes are slight fevers in the
spring, more violent ones in the summer, dysenteries in autumn,
and fluxions of the breast in winter. Their bill of mortality,
however, is not very considerable. The births exceed the deaths.

The language of the negro slaves, as well as of a great number of
the free mulattoes, is a patois derived from the French, and
spoken according to rules of corruption. There are some
house-slaves, however, who speak French with not less purity than
their masters: their language, it may be presumed, is depraved
with many words not to be found in a Voltaire, a Thomas or a
Rousseau.--_Travels in Louisiana and The Floridas, in the Year,
1802_, by Berquin Duvallon, pp. 79-94. Trans. by Davis.

JOHN DAVIS, 1806

TIMOTHY FLINT'S RECOLLECTIONS OF CONDITIONS IN LOUISIANA IN 1826

In the region where I live, the masters allow entire liberty to
the slaves to attend public worship, and as far as my knowledge
extends, it is generally the case in Louisiana. We have regular
meetings of the blacks in the building where I attend public
worship. I have, in the years past, devoted myself assiduously,
every Sabbath morning, to the labour of learning them to read. I
find them quick of apprehension. They learn the rudiments of
reading quicker than even the whites, but it is with me an
undoubting conviction, that having advanced them to a certain
point, it is much more difficult to carry them beyond. In other
words, they learn easily to read, to sing, and scrape the fiddle.
But it would be difficult to teach them arithmetic, or
combination of ideas or abstract thinking of any kind. Whether
their skull indicates this by the modern principles of
craniology, or not, I cannot say. But I am persuaded, that this
susceptible and affectionate race have heads poorly adapted to
reasoning and algebra.

I had heard, before I visited the slave states in the West,
appalling stories of the cruelty and barbarity of masters to
slaves. In effect I saw there instances of cruel and brutal
masters. But I was astonished to find that the slaves in general
had the most cheerful countenances, and were apparently the
happiest people that I saw. They appeared to me to be as well fed
and clothed, as the labouring poor at the North. Here I was told,
that the cruelty and brutality were not here, but among the great
planters down the Mississippi. So strongly is this idea
inculcated, that it is held up to the slave, as a bugbear over
his head to bind him to good behaviour, that if he does not
behave well, he will be carried down the river, and be sold. When
I descended to this country, I had prepared myself to witness
cruelty on the one part, and misery on the other. I found the
condition of the slaves in the lower country to be still more
tolerable, than in that above; they are more regularly and better
clothed, endure less inclemency of the seasons, are more
systematically supplied with medical attendance and medicine,
when diseased, and what they esteem a great hardship, but what is
in fact a most fortunate circumstance in their condition, they
cannot, as in the upper country, obtain whiskey at all.

It is a certain fact, and to me it is a delightful one, that a
good portion of the lights of reason and humanity, that have been
pouring such increasing radiance upon every part of the country,
have illumined the huts of the slaves, and have dawned in the
hearts of their masters. Certain it is, that in visiting great
numbers of plantations, I have generally discovered in the slaves
affection for their masters, and sometimes, though not so
generally, for the overseers. It appears to be a growing desire
among masters, to be popular with their slaves, and they have
finally become impressed, that humanity is their best interest,
that cheerful, well fed and clothed slaves, perform so much more
productive labour, as to unite speculation and kindness in the
same calculation. In some plantations they have a jury of negroes
to try offences under the eye of the master, as judge, and it
generally happens that he is obliged to mitigate the severity of
their sentence. The master too has hold of the affection of the
slaves, by interposing his authority in certain cases between the
slave and the overseer. Where the master is really a considerate
and kind man, the patriarchal authority on the one hand, and the
simple and affectionate veneration on the other, render this
relation of master and slave not altogether so forbidding, as we
have been accustomed to consider it.

The negro village that surrounds a planter's house, is, for the
most part, the prototype of the village of Owen of Lanark. It is
generally oblong rows of uniform huts. In some instances I have
seen them of brick, but more generally of cypress timber, and
they are made tight and comfortable. In some part of the village
is a hospital and medicine chest. Most masters have a physician
employed by the job, and the slave, as soon as diseased, is
removed there. Provision is also made for the subsistence and
comfort of those that are aged and past their labour. In this
village by night you hear the hurdy-gurdy, and the joyous and
unthinking laugh of people, who have no care nor concern for the
morrow. I enter among them, and the first difficulty appears to
arise from jealousy, and mutual charges of inconstancy, between
the husbands and wives. In fact, the want of any sanction or
permanence to their marriage connexions, and the promiscuous
intimacies that subsist among them, are not only the sources of
most of their quarrels and troubles, but are among the most
formidable evils, to a serious mind, in their condition. You now
and then see a moody and sullen looking negro, and if you inquire
into the cause of his gloom, you will be informed that he has
been a fugitive, that he has lived long in the woods upon
thieving, that he has been arrested and whipped, and is waiting
his opportunity to escape again. Judging of their condition from
their countenances, and from their unthinking merriment, I should
think them the happiest people here, and in general, far more so
than their masters.

It is a most formidable part of the evil of slavery, that the
race is far more prolific than that of the whites, and that their
population advances in a greater ratio. They are at present in
this region more numerous than the whites, and this inequality is
increasing every day. Thinking people here, who look to the
condition of their posterity, are appalled at this view of
things, and admit that something must be done to avert the
certain final consequences of such an order of things. I remark,
in concluding this subject, that the people here always have
under their eye the condition and character of the free blacks.
It tends to confirm them in their opinions upon the subject. The
slaves are addicted to theft, but the free blacks much more so.
They, poor wretches, have had the privilege of getting drunk, and
they avail themselves of it. The heaviest scourge of New Orleans
is its multitudes of free black and coloured people. They wallow
in debauchery, are quarrelsome and saucy, and commit crimes, in
proportion to the slaves, as a hundred to one.

The population of Louisiana is supposed to be, at present,
between two and three hundred thousand. After New Orleans, the
most populous parishes are Baton Rouge, Feliciana, Rapide, and
Natchitoches. Parishes in this region are civil divisions,
derived from the former regime. They are often larger than our
counties at the North. This country, from the character of its
soil, cannot have a dense population, until the swamps are
drained. The population, except the sparse inhabitants of the
pine woods, is fixed along the margin of the water courses, and
the greater part of the planters can convey their produce
immediately on board the steam-boats.--_Recollections of the Last
Ten Years. Passed in Occasional Residences and Journeyings in the
Valley of the Mississippi_, by Timothy Flint, 1826, pp. 345-349.

THE OBSERVATIONS OF BERNARD, DUKE OF SAXE-WEIMAR EISENACH, IN NEW
ORLEANS

The garrison consists of two companies of infantry, of the first
and fourth regiments. This has been here since the last
insurrection of Negroes, and has been continued, to overawe them.
In case of a serious alarm, this would prove but of little
service; and what security is there against such an alarm? In
Chartres street, where we dwelt, there were two establishments,
which constantly revolted my feelings, to wit: shops in which
Negroes were purchased and sold. These unfortunate beings, of
both sexes, stood or sat the whole day, in these shops, or in
front of them, to exhibit themselves, and wait for purchasers.
The abomination is shocking, and the barbarity and indifference,
produced by the custom in white men, is indescribable.[231]

There were subscription balls given in New Orleans, to which the
managers had the politeness to invite us. These balls took place
twice a week, Tuesdays and Fridays, at the French theatre, where
the masquerade had been, which I mentioned before. None but good
society were admitted to these subscription balls; the first that
we attended was not crowded, however, the generality of the
ladies present were very pretty, and had a very genteel French
air. The dress was extremely elegant, and after the latest Paris
fashion. The ladies danced, upon the whole, excellently and did
great honour to their French teachers. Dancing, and some
instruction in music, is almost the whole education of the female
Creoles.

Most of the gentlemen here are far behind the ladies in elegance.
They did not remain long at the ball, but hasted away to the
quadroon ball, so called, where they amused themselves more, and
were more at their ease. This was the reason why there were more
ladies than gentlemen present at the ball, and that many were
obliged to form "tapestry." When a lady is left sitting, she is
said to be "bredouille." Two cotillions and a waltz, are danced
in succession, and there is hardly an interval of two or three
minutes between the dances. The music was performed by negroes
and coloured people, and was pretty good. The Governor was also
at the ball, and introduced me to several gentlemen, among
others, a Frenchman, General Garrigues de Flaugeac, who, having
emigrated here from St. Domingo, had married, and given the world
some very handsome daughters. Several of the French families here
settled, and indeed, the most respectable, were emigrants from
that island, who wait for the indemnification due to them, but
without any great hopes of receiving it.

* * * * *

At the masked balls, each paid a dollar for admission. As I
visited it for the second time, I observed, however, many present
by free tickets, and I was told that the company was very much
mixed. The unmasked ladies belonging to good society, sat in the
recesses of the windows, which were higher than the saloon, and
furnished with galleries. There were some masks in character, but
none worthy of remark. Two quarrels took place, which commenced
in the ball-room with blows, and terminated in the vestibule,
with pocket-pistols and kicking, without any interruption from
the police.

On the same evening, what was called a quadroon ball took place.
A quadroon is the child of a mestize mother and a white father,
as a mestize is the child of a mulatto mother and a white father.
The quadroons are almost entirely white: from their skin no one
would detect their origin; nay many of them have as fair a
complexion as many of the haughty Creole females. Such of them as
frequent these balls are free. Formerly they were known by their
black hair and eyes, but at present there are completely fair
quadroon males and females. Still, however, the strongest
prejudice reigns against them on account of their black blood,
and the white ladies maintain, or affect to maintain, the most
violent aversion towards them. Marriage between the white and
coloured population is forbidden by the law of the state. As the
quadroons on their part regard the negroes and mulattoes with
contempt, and will not mix with them, so nothing remains for them
but to be friends, as it is termed, of the white men. The female
quadroon looks upon such an engagement as a matrimonial contract,
though it goes no farther than a formal contract by which the
"friend" engages to pay the father or mother of the quadroon a
specified sum. The quadroons both assume the name of their
friends, and as I am assured preserve this engagement with as
much fidelity as ladies espoused at the altar. Several of these
girls have inherited property from their fathers or friends, and
possess handsome fortunes. Notwithstanding this, their situation
is always very humiliating. They cannot drive through the streets
in a carriage, and their "friends" are forced to bring them in
their own conveyances after dark to the ball: they dare not sit
in the presence of white ladies, and cannot enter their
apartments without special permission. The whites have the
privilege to procure these unfortunate creatures a whipping like
that inflicted on slaves, upon an accusation, proved by two
witnesses. Several of these females have enjoyed the benefits of
as careful an education as most of the whites; they conduct
themselves ordinarily with more propriety and decorum, and confer
more happiness on their "friends," than many of the white ladies
to their married lords. Still, the white ladies constantly speak
with the greatest contempt, and even with animosity, of these
unhappy and oppressed beings. The strongest language of high
nobility in the monarchies of the old world, cannot be more
haughty, overweening or contemptuous towards their fellow
creatures, than the expressions of the creole females with regard
to the quadroons, in one of the much vaunted states of the free
Union. In fact, such comparison strikes the mind of a thinking
being very singularly! Many wealthy fathers, on account of the
existing prejudices send daughters of this description to France,
where these girls with a good education and property, find no
difficulty in forming a legitimate establishment. At the quadroon
ball, only coloured ladies are admitted, the men of that caste,
be it understood, are shut out by the white gentlemen. To take
away all semblance of vulgarity, the price of admission is fixed
at two dollars, so that only persons of the better class can
appear there.

As a stranger in my situation should see every thing, to acquire
a knowledge of the habits, customs, opinions and prejudices of
the people he is among, therefore I accepted the offer of some
gentlemen who proposed to carry me to this quadroon ball. And I
must avow I found it much more decent than the masked ball. The
coloured ladies were under the eyes of their mothers, they were
well and gracefully dressed, and conducted themselves with much
propriety and modesty. Cotillions and waltzes were danced, and
several of the ladies performed elegantly. I did not remain long
there that I might not utterly destroy my standing in New
Orleans, but returned to the masked ball and took great care not
to disclose to the white ladies where I had been. I could not
however refrain from making comparisons, which in no wise
redounded to the advantage of the white assemble. As soon as I
entered I found a state of formality.[232]

At the end of January, a contagious disorder prevailed, called
the varioloid. It was said to be a species of small-pox, and was
described as malignant in the highest degree. Even persons who
had undergone vaccination, and those who had passed through the
natural small-pox, were attacked by this disorder. The garrison
lost six men, of whom two were severely marked. The garrison were
placed in the barracks to preserve them from this malady. It was
through that it was imported by some negro slaves from the north.
Many owners of slaves in the states of Maryland and Virginia have
real--(pardon the loathsome expression, I know not how otherwise
to designate the beastly idea,) stud nurseries for slaves, whence
the planters of Louisiana, Mississippi, and other southern states
draw their supplies, which increase every day in price. Such a
disease as the varioloid is a fit present, in return for slaves
thus obtained![233]

FROM CHARLES GAYARRE'S UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPT ON THE PEOPLE OF COLOR
IN LOUISIANA

"By 1830, some of these _gens de couleur_ had arrived at such a
degree of wealth as to own cotton and sugar plantations with
numerous slaves. They educated their children, as they had been
educated, in France. Those who chose to remain there, attained,
many of them, distinction in scientific and literary circles. In
New Orleans they became musicians, merchants, and money and real
estate brokers. The humbler classes were mechanics; they
monopolized the trade of shoemakers, a trade for which, even to
this day, they have special vocation; they were barbers, tailors,
carpenters, upholsterers. They were notable successful hunters
and supplied the city with game. As tailors, they were almost
exclusively patronized by the _elite_, so much so that the
Legoasters', the Dumas', the Clovis', the Lacroix', acquired
individually fortunes of several hundred thousands of dollars.
This class was most respectable; they generally married women of
their own status, and led lives quiet, dignified and worthy, in
homes of ease and comfort. A few who had reached a competency
sufficient for it, attempted to settle in France, where there was
no prejudice against their origin; but in more than one case the
experiment was not satisfactory, and they returned to their
former homes in Louisiana. When astonishment was expressed, they
would reply, with a smile: 'It is hard for one who has once
tasted the Mississippi to keep away from it.'

"In fact, the quadroons of Louisiana have always shown a strong
local attachment, although in the state they were subjected to
grievances, which seemed to them unjust, if not cruel. It is
true, they possessed many of the civil and legal rights enjoyed
by the whites, as to the protection of person and property; but
they were disqualified from political rights and social equality.
But ... it is always to be remembered that in their contact with
white men, they did not assume that creeping posture of
debasement--nor did the whites expect it--which has more or less
been forced upon them in fiction. In fact, their handsome,
good-natured faces seem almost incapable of despair. It is true
the whites were superior to them, but they, in their turn, were
superior, and infinitely superior, to the blacks, and had as much
objection to associating with the blacks on terms of equality as
any white men could have to associating with them. At the Orleans
theatre they attended their mothers, wives, and sisters in the
second tier, reserved exclusively for them, and where no white
person of either sex would have been permitted to intrude. But
they were not admitted to the quadroon balls, and when white
gentlemen visited their families it was the accepted etiquette
for them never to be present.

"Nevertheless it must not be imagined that the amenities were not
observed when the men of the races met, for business or
otherwise; many anecdotes are told to illustrate this. The
wealthy owner of a large sugar plantation lived in a parish where
resided also a rich, highly educated sugar planter of mixed
blood, a man who had a reputation in his day for his rare and
extensive library. Both planters met on a steamboat. When the
hour for dinner struck, the white gentleman observed a small
table set aside, at which his companion quietly took his place.
Moved by this voluntary exhibition of humble acquiescence in the
exigencies of his social position, the white gentleman, escorted
by a friend, went over to the small table and addressed the
solitary guest: 'We desire you to dine with us.' 'I am very
grateful for your kindness, gentlemen,' was the reply, 'and I
would cheerfully accept your invitation, but my presence at your
table, if acceptable to you, might be displeasing to others.
Therefore, permit me to remain where I am.'

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