The Journal of Negro History, Volume 2, 1917

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All this time Woolman fought single-handed against overwhelming odds,
but he was destined soon to have help from two of the most remarkable
and antithetical personages connected with this early movement against
slavery; namely, Benjamin Lay and Anthony Benezet.[182] Lay
represented the revolutionary type of reformer. Whittier describes his
personal appearance as "a figure only four and a half feet high,
hunchbacked, with projecting chest, legs small and uneven, arms longer
than his legs; a huge head, showing only beneath his enormous white
hat large, solemn eyes and a prominent nose; the rest of his face
covered with a snowy semicircle of beard falling low on his breast--a
figure to recall the old legends of troll, brownie, and kobold."[183]
By birth he was a Friend, but the Society in England disowned him on
account of his revolutionary propensities. He took up residence in the
West Indies, but was compelled to leave on account of his violent
denunciation of slavery. He went to Philadelphia, but finding slavery
there, retired to a cave, where he lived a most eccentric life,
refusing to eat food or wear clothes which had been secured at the
expense of animal life, or produced by slave labor. He made frequent
excursions, however, from his cave to denounce slavery, his favorite
subject being "Deliverance to the Captive." He usually succeeded in
being heard, though he was detested by the slaveholders. On one
occasion, when he interrupted a meeting in Philadelphia, he was
forcibly ejected by a burly blacksmith. He remained, however, the most
fearless of the earliest abolitionists. Though his methods were
entirely different from Woolman's, and though, no doubt, neither
reformer was influenced by the other, Lay's stubborn fight against
slavery was obviously helpful to Woolman's calmer campaign against the
same evil.

Anthony Benezet, on the other hand, was a reformer of riper judgment
and calmer methods than Lay. He has been described as "a small,
eager-faced man, full of zeal and activity, constantly engaged in
works of benevolence, which were by no means confined to the
blacks."[184] He was a descendant of persecuted French Protestants.
He, therefore, inherited an aversion to any form of persecution, and
readily became a benefactor of the slave. It was inevitable that he
should become a friend of Woolman, and a coadjutor in the movement to
abolish slavery.[185]

Whether Lay or Benezet was influenced by Woolman may be a matter of
speculation and debate. The consideration of primary importance is the
increasing interest manifested in abolition. The Friends were
beginning to realize that slavery was contradictory to the basic
principles of their organization. Woolman's real opportunity,
therefore, came at the memorable Yearly Meeting of 1758, in
Philadelphia--the meeting which Whittier has seen fit to term "one of
the most important convocations in the history of the Christian
church." All during the early part of the meeting, Woolman remained
silent, his "mind frequently covered with inward prayer." But when,
towards the close of the meeting, the subject of slavery was brought
up, he took such an active part in the discussion that he dominated
that part of the meeting. His remarks were simple but impressive.[186]
The effect was so immediate that many slaveholders expressed a desire
to pass a rule to treat as offenders Friends who in the future bought
slaves. But there arose the criticism that the real evil could hardly
be cured "until a thorough search was made in the circumstances of
such Friends as kept Negroes with respect to the uprighteousness of
their motives in keeping them, that impartial justice might be
administered throughout." Sober thought prevailed. Many assented to
the proposition, and others declared that liberty was the Negro's
right. Before the meeting closed, John Woolman, John Scarborough,
Daniel Stanton, and John Sykes were appointed a committee "to visit
and treat with such Friends as kept slaves."[187] Thus the first
important step towards the abolition of slavery was taken.

The committee lost no time in setting out on their mission. Such a
stupendous undertaking, however, was fraught with obvious
difficulties. In the first place, the system of slavery had assumed
such large proportions that it required a number of years to visit and
treat with any appreciable number of slaveholders. Again, it was by no
means easy to persuade slaveholders to give up a possession which
meant so much to them in power and wealth. Finally, it was
unfortunately true in the eighteenth century, as it is in the
twentieth, that an argument of right and justice, based upon
Christianity, did not have instantaneous effect upon professing
Christians. But Woolman seemed divinely inspired to perform his
mission. He travelled extensively and never hesitated to approach
Friends on the subject of slavery.[188] At the Yearly Meeting for
1759, he was gratified to learn that a recommendation had been made to
Friends "to labor against buying and keeping slaves."[189]

As a means of promoting his cause, Woolman published in 1762 the
second part of his "Considerations on Keeping Negroes," a continuation
of his appeal for the operation of the Golden Rule.[190] The overseers
of the press offered to print the essay at the expense of the Yearly
Meeting, but Woolman did not accept the offer. He published the essay
at his own expense.[191] Woolman gives the following reason for not
accepting the overseers' offer: "This stock is the contribution of the
members of our religious society in general, among whom are some who
keep Negroes, and being inclined to continue them in slavery, are not
likely to be satisfied with such books being spread among a people,
especially at their own expense, many of whose slaves are taught to
read, and, such receiving them as a gift, often conceal them. But as
they who make a purchase generally buy that which they have a mind
for, I believe it best to sell them expecting by that means they would
more generally be read with attention."

The story of the rest of Woolman's life is but a repetition of his
travels and labors in behalf of abolition. He travelled extensively,
beheld the deplorable conditions attending slavery, and preached to
Friends his only sermon, that "Whatsoever ye would that men should do
unto you, do ye even so unto them." He did not live to see the slaves
manumitted by all the slaveholding Friends, but he "was renewedly
confirmed in mind that the Lord (whose tender mercies are over all his
works, and whose ear is open to all the cries and groans of the
oppressed) is graciously moving in the hearts of people to draw them
off from the desire of wealth and to bring them into such an humble,
lowly way of living that they may see their way clearly to repair to
the standard of true righteousness, and may not only break the yoke of
oppression, but may know Him to be their strength and support in times
of outward affliction."[192]

Woolman's career was fittingly brought to an end in England, the
birthplace of the society for whose improvement he labored so
faithfully. He landed at London in June, 1772, and went straightway to
the Yearly Meeting.[193] He visited a number of meetings in
neighboring towns. While he was attending a meeting of Friends at
York, he was smitten with small-pox. He died of the malady, October 1,
1772. But his difficult duty had been performed, and his labor had not
been in vain. His efforts had so greatly influenced the Society of
Friends that the traffic in slaves had been almost abandoned during
his life. Some, of course, continued the practice of holding slaves;
but a protest against the practice was made at the Yearly Meeting two
years after the death of Woolman, and in 1776 the subordinate meetings
were instructed to "deny the right of membership to such as persisted
in holding their fellow-men as property." Thus, within four years
after the pious reformer's death, the Society of Friends embraced the
doctrine of abolition and made slaveholding an offence against
Christianity.

The life of John Woolman furnishes another example of a poor but
courageous man, who, guided by the real teachings of the Christian
religion, rendered a great service to mankind. Living at a time when
the defence of black men's rights was considered reprehensible, he
fought against discouraging odds for the brotherhood of mankind. He
was meek, persuasive, and confident. He was not a scholar, but "the
greatest clerks be not the wisest men," says Chaucer. Like Bunyan, he
was a student of the Holy Bible, and well understood its teachings. He
realized that no power is durable, or any religion permanent, that is
based on hypocrisy. He realized, further, that the grave question of
men's rights must be interpreted in terms of the Christian religion.
His fellow Friends, incited by selfish motives, had become unmindful
of the basic elements of their religion. In their attempt to condone
slavery and embrace the religion of brotherhood, they had made
Christianity appear farcical. John Woolman's task, then, was not to
propagate a new religion, but to make fashionable the Christian
religion in which all professed a belief. He succeeded because he was
allied to the right. He succeeded because he fought courageously
against the wrong. He succeeded because he was a true disciple of the
Christian religion. Although his laudable achievement is somewhat
overlooked in these days, and his name does not command a conspicuous
place on the pages of anthologies, the true lovers of freedom and the
sincere exponents of the Christian religion will always remember with
reverence the wonderful service of John Woolman, the pious Quaker of
New Jersey.

G. DAVID HOUSTON

FOOTNOTES:

[167] The Act of Banishment enforced by Charles II against all
dissenters.

[168] This opinion was held and supported by Richard Nisbit, in his
"Slavery Not Forbidden by Scripture, or a Defence of the West-India
Planters." See "Slave-Trade Tracts," Vol. 1, Tract 3. The same opinion
was given by John Millar, LL.D., of the University of Glasgow, in his
treatise on the "Ranks of Society."

[169] Whittier, "The Journal of John Woolman," 7.

[170] _Ibid._, 7.

[171] _Pa. Mag._, IV, 28.

[172] Whittier, "The Journal of John Woolman," 8-9.

[173] Woolman relates this experience in the first chapter of his
"Journal," as follows: "My employer, having a Negro woman, sold her,
and desired me to write a bill of sale, the man being waiting who
bought her. The thing was sudden; and though I felt uneasiness at the
thoughts of writing an instrument of slavery for one of my fellow
creatures, yet I remembered that I was hired by the year, that it was
my master who directed me to do it, and that it was an elderly man, a
member of our Society, who bought her; so through weakness I gave way
and wrote it; but at the executing of it I was so afflicted in mind,
that I said before my master and the Friend that I believed
slave-keeping to be a practice inconsistent with the Christian
religion. This, in some degree, abated my uneasiness; yet as often as
I reflected seriously upon it I thought I should have been clearer if
I had desired to be excused from it, as a thing against my conscience;
for such it was." "Journal of John Woolman," Edition Philadelphia,
1845, pp. 30-31.

[174] Concerning this early home training, Woolman writes: "The pious
instructions of my parents were often fresh in my mind, when I
happened to be among wicked children, and were of use to me. Having a
large family of children, they used frequently, on first-days, after
meeting, to set us one after another to read the Holy Scriptures, or
some religious books, the rest sitting by without much conversation; I
have since often thought it was a good practice. From what I had read
and heard, I believed there had been, in past ages, people who walked
in uprightness before God in a degree exceeding any that I knew or
heard of now living." "Journal of John Woolman," 20.

[175] "Journal of John Woolman," 25.

[176] That Woolman had a very lofty conception of his calling will
appear in his following reflection: "All the faithful are not called
to the public ministry; but whoever are, are called to minister of
that which they have tasted and handled spiritually. The outward modes
of worship are various; but whenever any are true ministers of Jesus
Christ, it is from the operation of his Spirit upon their hearts,
first purifying them, and thus giving them a just sense of the
conditions of others. This truth was early fixed in my mind, and I was
taught to watch the pure opening, and to take heed lest, while I was
standing to speak, my own will should get uppermost, and cause me to
utter words from worldly wisdom, and depart from the channel of the
true gospel ministry." "Journal of John Woolman," 29.

[177] According to tradition, Woolman travelled mostly on foot during
his journeys among slaveholders. Brissot points out the similarity
between the Apostles' practices and Woolman's. The comparison is
entertaining, but cannot on all points be reconciled with facts given
by Woolman himself in his "Journal." See Brissot's "New Travels in
America," published in 1788.

Woolman's impression of slavery at this time is best told in his own
words referring to this first journey. He writes: "Two things were
remarkable to me in this journey: first, in regard to my
entertainment. When I ate, drank, and lodged free-cost with people who
lived in ease on the hard labor of their slaves I felt uneasy; and as
my mind was inward to the Lord, I found this uneasiness return upon
me, at times, through the whole visit. Where the masters bore a good
share of the burden, and lived frugally, so that their servants were
well provided for, and their labor moderate, I felt more easy; but
where they lived in a costly way, and laid heavy burdens on their
slaves, my exercise was often great, and I frequently had conversation
with them in private concerning it. Secondly, this trade of importing
slaves from their native country being much encouraged amongst them,
and the white people and their children so generally living without
such labor, was frequently the subject of my serious thoughts. I saw
in these southern provinces so many vices and corruptions, increased
by this trade and this way of life, that it appeared to me as a dark
gloominess hanging over the land." "Journal of John Woolman," 93.

[178] Note that this essay was not published until eight years after
Woolman's journey. The publication in 1754 was due partly to the
suggestion of Woolman's father, who, just before his death, persuaded
his son to publish the essay. This essay may be found in "Slave-Trade
Tracts," Vol. 2.

[179] See Some Considerations, etc.

[180] In this connection, Woolman has two striking passages on page 61
of his "Journal," viz., "Receiving a gift, considered as a gift,
brings the receiver under obligations to the benefactor, and has a
natural tendency to draw the obliged into a party with the giver. To
prevent difficulties of this kind, and to preserve the minds of judges
from any bias, was the Divine prohibition: 'Thou shalt not receive any
gift; for a gift bindeth the wise, and perverteth the words of the
righteous.'" (Exod. XXIII, 8.)

Again, "Conduct is more convincing than language, and where people, by
their actions, manifest that the slave-trade is not so disagreeable to
their principles, but that it may be encouraged, there is not a sound
uniting with some Friends who visit them."

[181] Woolman answered this argument by showing that Noah and
his family were all who survived the flood, according to Scripture;
and as Noah was of Seth's race, the family of Cain was wholly
destroyed. Woolman's opponent, however, replied that after the flood
Ham went to the land of Nod and took a wife; that Nod was a land far
distant, inhabited by Cain's race, and that the flood did not reach
it; and as Ham was sentenced to be a servant of servants to his
brethren, these two families, being thus joined, were undoubtedly fit
only for slaves. Woolman answered that the flood was a judgment upon
the world for their abominations, and it was granted that Cain's stock
was the most wicked, and therefore unreasonable to suppose that they
were spared. As to Ham's going to the land of Nod for a wife, no time
being fixed, Nod might be inhabited by some of Noah's family before
Ham married a second time. Moreover, according to the text, "All flesh
died that moved upon the earth." (Gen. VII, 21.) For the full account
of the argument, see the "Journal," p. 66.

It is interesting in this connection to note how Montesquieu, in his
"Spirit of Laws," treats this color argument with ridicule. He writes
ironically:

"Were I to vindicate our right to make slaves of the Negroes, these
should be my arguments.

"The Europeans, having extirpated the Americans, were obliged to make
slaves of the Africans for clearing such vast tracts of land.

"Sugar would be too dear, if the plants which produce it were
cultivated by any other than slaves.

"These creatures are all over black, and with such a flat nose that
they can scarcely be pitied.

"It is hardly to be believed that God, who is a wise being, should
place a soul, especially a good soul, in such a black ugly body.

"The Negroes prefer a glass necklace to that gold, which polite
nations so highly value: can there be greater proof of their wanting
common sense?

"It is impossible for us to suppose these creatures to be men,
because, allowing them to be men, a suspicion would follow, that we
ourselves are not Christians."--Book XV, Chap. V.

[182] See Clarkson's "History of the Abolition of the African Slave
Trade," II, 148, and Vaux's "Memoirs of Anthony Benezet."

[183] See John Greenleaf Whittier's "Introduction to John Woolman's
Journal."

[184] This description is by the Marquis de Chastellux, author of "De
la Felicite Publique."

[185] For an exhaustive discussion of Benezet, see the "Journal of
Negro History," Vol. II, No. 1.

[186] Woolman reports his remarks in substance as follows: "In the
difficulties attending us in this life nothing is more precious than
the mind of truth inwardly manifested; and it is my earnest desire
that in this weighty matter we may be so truly humbled as to be
favored with a clear understanding of the mind of truth, and follow
it; this would be of more advantage to the Society than any medium not
in the clearness of Divine wisdom. The case is difficult to some who
have slaves, but it should set aside all self-interest, and come to be
weaned from the desire of getting estates, or even from holding them
together, when truth requires the contrary, I believe way will so open
that they will know how to steer through those difficulties."
"Journal," pp. 91-92.

[187] "Journal of John Woolman," 93.

[188] Speaking of his mission, Woolman writes: "I have found an
increasing concern on my mind to visit some active members in our
Society who have slaves, and having no opportunity of the company of
such as were named in the minutes of the Yearly Meeting, I went alone
to the houses, and, in fear of the Lord, acquainted them with the
exercise I was under; and thus, sometimes by a few words, I found
myself discharged from a heavy burden." "Journal," p. 97.

[189] "Journal of John Woolman," 96.

[190] Following are two typical passages taken from the essay:
"Through the force of long custom, it appears needful to speak in
relation to color. Suppose a white child, born of parents of the
meanest sort, who died and left him an infant, falls into the hands of
a person, who endeavors to keep him a slave, some men would account
him an unjust man in doing so, who yet appear easy while many black
people, of honest lives, and good abilities, are enslaved, in a manner
more shocking than the case here supposed. This is owing chiefly to
the idea of slavery being connected with the black color, and liberty
with the white. And where false ideas are twisted into our minds, it
is with difficulty we get fairly disentangled." "Slave-Trade Tracts,"
Vol. 2.

Again, "The color of a man avails nothing, in the matters of right and
equity. Consider color in relation to treaties; by such, disputes
betwixt nations are sometimes settled. And should the Father of us all
so dispose things, that treaties with black men should sometimes be
necessary, how then would it appear amongst the princes and
ambassadors, to insist upon the prerogative of the white color?"
"Slave-Trade Tracts," Vol. 2.

[191] "Journal of John Woolman," p. 126.

[192] _Ibid._, p. 98.

[193] William J. Allinson, editor of the Friends' Review, tells the
following story concerning Woolman's first appearance in England: The
vessel reached London on the fifth day of the week, and John Woolman,
knowing that the meeting was then in session, lost no time in reaching
it. Coming in late and unannounced, his peculiar dress and manner
excited attention and apprehension that he was an itinerant
enthusiast. He presented his certificate from Friends in America, but
the dissatisfaction still remained, and some one remarked that perhaps
the stranger Friend might feel that his dedication of himself to this
apprehended service was accepted, without further labor, and that he
might now feel free to return to his home. John Woolman sat silent for
a space, seeking the unerring counsel of Divine Wisdom. He was
profoundly affected by the unfavorable reception he met with, and his
tears flowed freely.

... He rose at last, and stated that he could not feel himself
released from his prospect of labor in England. Yet he could not
travel in the ministry without the unity of Friends; and while that
was withheld he could not feel easy to be of any cost to them. He
could not go back as had been suggested; but he was acquainted with a
mechanical trade, and while the impediment to his service continued he
hoped Friends would be kindly willing to employ him in such business
as he was capable of, and that he might not be chargeable to any.

A deep silence prevailed over the assembly, many of whom were touched
by the wise simplicity of the stranger's words and manner. After a
season of waiting, John Woolman felt that words were given him to
utter as a minister of Christ. The spirit of his Master bore witness
to them in the hearts of his hearers. When he closed, the Friend who
had advised against his further service rose up and humbly confessed
his error, and avowed his full unity with the stranger. All doubt was
removed; there was a general expression of unity and sympathy, and
John Woolman, owned by his brethren, passed on to his work. Whittier,
"Journal of John Woolman," 257-258.

THE TARIK E SOUDAN

The sixteenth century was the golden age of science and literature in
Timbuctoo. Her scholars with the University of Sankore as a center had
so generously contributed to the world's thought that they had brought
to that country no less fame than its statesmen and warriors by their
constructive work and daring deeds. The country, however, was finally
invaded by the Moors and the scattering of the talented class
resulting thereby led to the inevitable decline of culture. "Yet,"
says Felix DuBois, "the greatest work of all literature of the Sudan
was produced in the first days of its twilight, namely, that Tarik e
Soudan (the History of the Soudan)"[194] which we shall here briefly
consider.

Investigators had for years endeavored to discover this valuable book,
which because of certain traces in the Barbary States had been
generally considered the work of Ahmed Baba. The explorer Barth, the
first to make a study of this document, was of the same opinion. Felix
DuBois expresses his surprise that a man so well informed on Arabian
subjects as Barth could be so easily misled, when the very extracts
themselves quote Ahmed Baba as an authority. This misconception was
due to the failure of the German scholar to read anything but the
fragments which he discovered at Gando and to his suspicion that the
author in quoting Ahmed Baba was following the Arabs' custom of
quoting themselves. Felix DuBois found an excellent copy in Jenne and
made from it a duplicate which was corrected from a copy of
Timbuctoo,[195] so that he now has the work in what he considers as
complete a form as possible.[196]

In establishing the authorship of this work, Felix DuBois emphasizes
the fact that the book contains the date, year, month and day of
Ahmed Baba's death and that elsewhere the author gives a very
circumstantial account of himself and his belongings. "His name,"
according to this authority, "is Abderrahman (ben Abdallah, ben Amran,
ben Amar) Sadi el Timbucti, and he was born at Timbuctoo, (the 'object
of his affections'), of one of those families in which science and
piety are transmitted as a patrimony."[197] It seems that he was
trained by a distinguished professor who inspired him with the desire
to be intellectual. This book shows, too, that he was a mature man
some time between 1625 and 1635, during the period when the star of
Timbuctoo was waning. That he should still maintain himself as a
scholar and obtain the respect of the destructive invaders was due to
the reverence with which they held the learned men of the fallen
Empire. Having established a reputation which far transcended the
bounds of his native country, Abderrahman Sadi was received with marks
of honor and presented with gifts during all of his travels to Massina
and the regions of the Upper Niger. He was made iman of a mosque of
Jenne in 1631, but was later deprived of that honor. He then returned
to Timbuctoo, where he was received with sympathy and consoled by
friends.

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