The Germany and the Agricola of Tacitus

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7. The following year [24] inflicted a severe wound on his peace of mind,
and his domestic concerns. The fleet of Otho, roving in a disorderly
manner on the coast, [25] made a hostile descent on Intemelii, [26] a part
of Liguria, in which the mother of Agricola was murdered at her own
estate, her lands were ravaged, and a great part of her effects, which had
invited the assassins, was carried off. As Agricola upon this event was
hastening to perform the duties of filial piety, he was overtaken by the
news of Vespasian's aspiring to the empire, [27] and immediately went over
to his party. The first acts of power, and the government of the city,
were entrusted to Mucianus; Domitian being at that time very young, and
taking no other privilege from his father's elevation than that of
indulging his licentious tastes. Mucianus, having approved the vigor and
fidelity of Agricola in the service of raising levies, gave him the
command of the twentieth legion, [28] which had appeared backward in
taking the oaths, as soon as he had heard the seditious practices of his
commander. [29] This legion had been unmanageable and formidable even to
the consular lieutenants; [30] and its late commander, of praetorian rank,
had not sufficient authority to keep it in obedience; though it was
uncertain whether from his own disposition, or that of his soldiers.
Agricola was therefore appointed as his successor and avenger; but, with
an uncommon degree of moderation, he chose rather to have it appear that
he had found the legion obedient, than that he had made it so.

8. Vettius Bolanus was at that time governor of Britain, and ruled with a
milder sway than was suitable to so turbulent a province. Under his
administration, Agricola, accustomed to obey, and taught to consult
utility as well as glory, tempered his ardor, and restrained his
enterprising spirit. His virtues had soon a larger field for their
display, from the appointment of Petilius Cerealis, [31] a man of consular
dignity, to the government. At first he only shared the fatigues and
dangers of his general; but was presently allowed to partake of his glory.
Cerealis frequently entrusted him with part of his army as a trial of his
abilities; and from the event sometimes enlarged his command. On these
occasions, Agricola was never ostentatious in assuming to himself the
merit of his exploits; but always, as a subordinate officer, gave the
honor of his good fortune to his superior. Thus, by his spirit in
executing orders, and his modesty in reporting his success, he avoided
envy, yet did not fail of acquiring reputation.

9. On his return from commanding the legion he was raised by Vespasian to
the patrician order, and then invested with the government of Aquitania,
[32] a distinguished promotion, both in respect to the office itself, and
the hopes of the consulate to which it destined him. It is a common
supposition that military men, habituated to the unscrupulous and summary
processes of camps, where things are carried with a strong hand, are
deficient in the address and subtlety of genius requisite in civil
jurisdiction. Agricola, however, by his natural prudence, was enabled to
act with facility and precision even among civilians. He distinguished the
hours of business from those of relaxation. When the court or tribunal
demanded his presence, he was grave, intent, awful, yet generally inclined
to lenity. When the duties of his office were over, the man of power was
instantly laid aside. Nothing of sternness, arrogance, or rapaciousness
appeared; and, what was a singular felicity, his affability did not impair
his authority, nor his severity render him less beloved. To mention
integrity and freedom from corruption in such a man, would be an affront
to his virtues. He did not even court reputation, an object to which men
of worth frequently sacrifice, by ostentation or artifice: equally
avoiding competition with, his colleagues, [33] and contention with the
procurators. To overcome in such a contest he thought inglorious; and to
be put down, a disgrace. Somewhat less than three years were spent in this
office, when he was recalled to the immediate prospect of the consulate;
while at the same time a popular opinion prevailed that the government of
Britain would he conferred upon him; an opinion not founded upon any
suggestions of his own, but upon his being thought equal to the station.
Common fame does not always err, sometimes it even directs a choice. When
consul, [34] he contracted his daughter, a lady already of the happiest
promise, to myself, then a very young man; and after his office was
expired I received her in marriage. He was immediately appointed governor
of Britain, and the pontificate [35] was added to his other dignities.

10. The situation and inhabitants of Britain have been described by many
writers; [36] and I shall not add to the number with the view of vying
with them in accuracy and ingenuity, but because it was first thoroughly
subdued in the period of the present history. Those things which, while
yet unascertained, they embellished with their eloquence, shall here be
related with a faithful adherence to known facts. Britain, the largest of
all the islands which have come within the knowledge of the Romans,
stretches on the east towards Germany, on the west towards Spain, [37] and
on the south it is even within sight of Gaul. Its northern extremity has
no opposite land, but is washed by a wide and open sea. Livy, the most
eloquent of ancient, and Fabius Rusticus, of modern writers, have likened
the figure of Britain to an oblong target, or a two-edged axe. [38] And
this is in reality its appearance, exclusive of Caledonia; whence it has
been popularly attributed to the whole island. But that tract of country,
irregularly stretching out to an immense length towards the furthest
shore, is gradually contracted in form of a wedge. [39] The Roman fleet,
at this period first sailing round this remotest coast, gave certain proof
that Britain was an island; and at the same time discovered and subdued
the Orcades, [40] islands till then unknown. Thule [41] was also
distinctly seen, which winter and eternal snow had hitherto concealed. The
sea is reported to be sluggish and laborious to the rower; and even to be
scarcely agitated by winds. The cause of this stagnation I imagine to be
the deficiency of land and mountains where tempests are generated; and the
difficulty with which such a mighty mass of waters, in an uninterrupted
main, is put in motion. [42] It is not the business of this work to
investigate the nature of the ocean and the tides; a subject which many
writers have already undertaken. I shall only add one circumstance: that
the dominion of the sea is nowhere more extensive; that it carries many
currents in this direction and in that; and its ebbings and flowings are
not confined to the shore, but it penetrates into the heart of the
country, and works its way among hills and mountains, as though it were in
its own domain. [43]

11. Who were the first inhabitants of Britain, whether indigenous [44] or
immigrants, is a question involved in the obscurity usual among
barbarians. Their temperament of body is various, whence deductions are
formed of their different origin. Thus, the ruddy hair and large limbs of
the Caledonians [45] point out a German derivation. The swarthy complexion
and curled hair of the Silures, [46] together with their situation
opposite to Spain, render it probable that a colony of the ancient Iberi
[47] possessed themselves of that territory. They who are nearest Gaul
[48] resemble the inhabitants of that country; whether from the duration
of hereditary influence, or whether it be that when lands jut forward in
opposite directions, [49] climate gives the same condition of body to the
inhabitants of both. On a general survey, however, it appears probable
that the Gauls originally took possession of the neighboring coast. The
sacred rites and superstitions [50] of these people are discernible among
the Britons. The languages of the two nations do not greatly differ. The
same audacity in provoking danger, and irresolution in facing it when
present, is observable in both. The Britons, however, display more
ferocity, [51] not being yet softened by a long peace: for it appears from
history that the Gauls were once renowned in war, till, losing their valor
with their liberty, languor and indolence entered amongst them. The same
change has also taken place among those of the Britons who have been long
subdued; [52] but the rest continue such as the Gauls formerly were.

12. Their military strength consists in infantry; some nations also make
use of chariots in war; in the management of which, the most honorable
person guides the reins, while his dependents fight from the chariot. [53]
The Britons were formerly governed by kings, [54] but at present they are
divided in factions and parties among their chiefs; and this want of union
for concerting some general plan is the most favorable circumstance to us,
in our designs against so powerful a people. It is seldom that two or
three communities concur in repelling the common danger; and thus, while
they engage singly, they are all subdued. The sky in this country is
deformed by clouds and frequent rains; but the cold is never extremely
rigorous. [55] The length of the days greatly exceeds that in our part of
the world. [56] The nights are bright, and, at the extremity of the
island, so short, that the close and return of day is scarcely
distinguished by a perceptible interval. It is even asserted that, when
clouds do not intervene, the splendor of the sun is visible during the
whole night, and that it does not appear to rise and set, but to move
across. [57] The cause of this is, that the extreme and flat parts of the
earth, casting a low shadow, do not throw up the darkness, and so night
falls beneath the sky and the stars. [58] The soil, though improper for
the olive, the vine, and other productions of warmer climates, is fertile,
and suitable for corn. Growth is quick, but maturation slow; both from the
same cause, the great humidity of the ground and the atmosphere. [59] The
earth yields gold and silver [60] and other metals, the rewards of
victory. The ocean produces pearls, [61] but of a cloudy and livid hue;
which some impute to unskilfulness in the gatherers; for in the Red Sea
the fish are plucked from the rocks alive and vigorous, but in Britain
they are collected as the sea throws them up. For my own part, I can more
readily conceive that the defect is in the nature of the pearls, than in
our avarice.

13. The Britons cheerfully submit to levies, tributes, and the other
services of government, if they are not treated injuriously; but such
treatment they bear with impatience, their subjection only extending to
obedience, not to servitude. Accordingly Julius Caesar, [62] the first
Roman who entered Britain with an army, although he terrified the
inhabitants by a successful engagement, and became master of the shore,
may be considered rather to have transmitted the discovery than the
possession of the country to posterity. The civil wars soon succeeded; the
arms of the leaders were turned against their country; and a long neglect
of Britain ensued, which continued even after the establishment of peace.
This Augustus attributed to policy; and Tiberius to the injunctions of his
predecessor. [63] It is certain that Caius Caesar [64] meditated an
expedition into Britain; but his temper, precipitate in forming schemes,
and unsteady in pursuing them, together with the ill success of his mighty
attempts against Germany, rendered the design abortive. Claudius [65]
accomplished the undertaking, transporting his legions and auxiliaries,
and associating Vespasian in the direction of affairs, which laid the
foundation of his future fortune. In this expedition, nations were
subdued, kings made captive, and Vespasian was held forth to the fates.

14. Aulus Plautius, the first consular governor, and his successor,
Ostorius Scapula, [66] were both eminent for military abilities. Under
them, the nearest part of Britain was gradually reduced into the form of a
province, and a colony of veterans [67] was settled. Certain districts
were bestowed upon king Cogidunus, a prince who continued in perfect
fidelity within our own memory. This was done agreeably to the ancient and
long established practice of the Romans, to make even kings the
instruments of servitude. Didius Gallus, the next governor, preserved the
acquisitions of his predecessors, and added a very few fortified posts in
the remoter parts, for the reputation of enlarging his province. Veranius
succeeded, but died within the year. Suetonius Paullinus then commanded
with success for two years, subduing various nations, and establishing
garrisons. In the confidence with which this inspired him, he undertook an
expedition against the island Mona, [68] which had furnished the revolters
with supplies; and thereby exposed the settlements behind him to a
surprise.

15. For the Britons, relieved from present dread by the absence of the
governor, began to hold conferences, in which they painted the miseries of
servitude, compared their several injuries, and inflamed each other with
such representations as these: "That the only effects of their patience
were more grievous impositions upon a people who submitted with such
facility. Formerly they had one king respectively; now two were set over
them, the lieutenant and the procurator, the former of whom vented his
rage upon their life's blood, the latter upon their properties; [69] the
union or discord [70] of these governors was equally fatal to those whom
they ruled, while the officers of the one, and the centurions of the
other, joined in oppressing them by all kinds of violence and contumely;
so that nothing was exempted from their avarice, nothing from their lust.
In battle it was the bravest who took spoils; but those whom _they_
suffered to seize their houses, force away their children, and exact
levies, were, for the most part, the cowardly and effeminate; as if the
only lesson of suffering of which they were ignorant was how to die for
their country. Yet how inconsiderable would the number of invaders appear
did the Britons but compute their own forces! From considerations like
these, Germany had thrown off the yoke, [71] though a river [72] and not
the ocean was its barrier. The welfare of their country, their wives, and
their parents called them to arms, while avarice and luxury alone incited
their enemies; who would withdraw as even the deified Julius had done, if
the present race of Britons would emulate the valor of their ancestors,
and not be dismayed at the event of the first or second engagement.
Superior spirit and perseverence were always the share of the wretched;
and the gods themselves now seemed to compassionate the Britons, by
ordaining the absence of the general, and the detention of his army in
another island. The most difficult point, assembling for the purpose of
deliberation, was already accomplished; and there was always more danger
from the discovery of designs like these, than from their execution."

16. Instigated by such suggestions, they unanimously rose in arms, led by
Boadicea, [73] a woman of royal descent (for they make no distinction
between the sexes in succession to the throne), and attacking the soldiers
dispersed through the garrisons, stormed the fortified posts, and invaded
the colony [74] itself, as the seat of slavery. They omitted no species of
cruelty with which rage and victory could inspire barbarians; and had not
Paullinus, on being acquainted with the commotion of the province, marched
speedily to its relief, Britain would have been lost. The fortune of a
single battle, however, reduced it to its former subjection; though many
still remained in arms, whom the consciousness of revolt, and particular
dread of the governor, had driven to despair. Paullinus, although
otherwise exemplary in his administration, having treated those who
surrendered with severity, and having pursued too rigorous measures, as
one who was revenging his own personal injury also, Petronius Turpilianus
[75] was sent in his stead, as a person more inclined to lenity, and one
who, being unacquainted with the enemy's delinquency, could more easily
accept their penitence. After having restored things to their former quiet
state, he delivered the command to Trebellius Maximus. [76] Trebellius,
indolent, and inexperienced in military affairs, maintained the
tranquillity of the province by popular manners; for even the barbarians
had now learned to pardon under the seductive influence of vices; and the
intervention of the civil wars afforded a legitimate excuse for his
inactivity. Sedition however infected the soldiers, who, instead of their
usual military services, were rioting in idleness. Trebellius, after
escaping the fury of his army by flight and concealment, dishonored and
abased, regained a precarious authority; and a kind of tacit compact took
place, of safety to the general, and licentiousness to the army. This
mutiny was not attended with bloodshed. Vettius Bolanus, [77] succeeding
during the continuance of the civil wars, was unable to introduce
discipline into Britain. The same inaction towards the enemy, and the same
insolence in the camp, continued; except that Bolanus, unblemished in his
character, and not obnoxious by any crime, in some measure substituted
affection in the place of authority.

17. At length, when Vespasian received the possession of Britain together
with the rest of the world, the great commanders and well-appointed armies
which were sent over abated the confidence of the enemy; and Petilius
Cerealis struck terror by an attack upon the Brigantes, [78] who are
reputed to compose the most populous state in the whole province. Many
battles were fought, some of them attended with much bloodshed; and the
greater part of the Brigantes were either brought into subjection, or
involved in the ravages of war. The conduct and reputation of Cerealis
were so brilliant that they might have eclipsed the splendor of a
successor; yet Julius Frontinus, [79] a truly great man, supported the
arduous competition, as far as circumstances would permit. [80] He subdued
the strong and warlike nation of the Silures, [81] in which expedition,
besides the valor of the enemy, he had the difficulties of the country to
struggle with.

18. Such was the state of Britain, and such had been the vicissitudes of
warfare, when Agricola arrived in the middle of summer; [82] at a time
when the Roman soldiers, supposing the expeditions of the year were
concluded, were thinking of enjoying themselves without care, and the
natives, of seizing the opportunity thus afforded them. Not long before
his arrival, the Ordovices [83] had cut off almost an entire corps of
cavalry stationed on their frontiers; and the inhabitants of the province
being thrown into a state of anxious suspense by this beginning, inasmuch
as war was what they wished for, either approved of the example, or waited
to discover the disposition of the new governor. [84] The season was now
far advanced, the troops dispersed through the country, and possessed with
the idea of being suffered to remain inactive during the rest of the year;
circumstances which tended to retard and discourage any military
enterprise; so that it was generally thought most advisable to be
contented with defending the suspected posts: yet Agricola determined to
march out and meet the approaching danger. For this purpose, he drew
together the detachments from the legions, [85] and a small body of
auxiliaries; and when he perceived that the Ordovices would not venture to
descend into the plain, he led an advanced party in person to the attack,
in order to inspire the rest of his troops with equal ardor. The result of
the action was almost the total extirpation of the Ordovices; when
Agricola, sensible that renown must be followed up, and that the future
events of the war would be determined by the first success, resolved to
make an attempt upon the island Mona, from the occupation of which
Paullinus had been summoned by the general rebellion of Britain, as before
related. [86] The usual deficiency of an unforeseen expedition appearing
in the want of transport vessels, the ability and resolution of the
general were exerted to supply this defect. A select body of auxiliaries,
disencumbered of their baggage, who were well acquainted with the fords,
and accustomed, after the manner of their country, to direct their horses
and manage their arms while swimming, [87] were ordered suddenly to plunge
into the channel; by which movement, the enemy, who expected the arrival
of a fleet, and a formal invasion by sea, were struck with terror and
astonishment, conceiving nothing arduous or insuperable to troops who thus
advanced to the attack. They were therefore induced to sue for peace, and
make a surrender of the island; an event which threw lustre on the name of
Agricola, who, on the very entrance upon his province, had employed in
toils and dangers that time which is usually devoted to ostentatious
parade, and the compliments of office. Nor was he tempted, in the pride of
success, to term that an expedition or a victory; which was only bridling
the vanquished; nor even to announce his success in laureate despatches.
[88] But this concealment of his glory served to augment it; since men
were led to entertain a high idea of the grandeur of his future views,
when such important services were passed over in silence.

19. Well acquainted with the temper of the province, and taught by the
experience of former governors how little proficiency had been made by
arms, when success was followed by injuries, he next undertook to
eradicate the causes of war. And beginning with himself, and those next to
him, he first laid restrictions upon his own household, a task no less
arduous to most governors than the administration of the province. He
suffered no public business to pass through the hands of his slaves or
freedmen. In admitting soldiers into regular service, [89] to attendance
about his person, he was not influenced by private favor, or the
recommendation or solicitation of the centurions, but considered the best
men as likely to prove the most faithful. He would know everything; but
was content to let some things pass unnoticed. [90] He could pardon small
faults, and use severity to great ones; yet did not always punish, but was
frequently satisfied with penitence. He chose rather to confer offices and
employments upon such as would not offend, than to condemn those who had
offended. The augmentation [91] of tributes and contributions he mitigated
by a just and equal assessment, abolishing those private exactions which
were more grievous to be borne than the taxes themselves. For the
inhabitants had been compelled in mockery to sit by their own locked-up
granaries, to buy corn needlessly, and to sell it again at a stated price.
Long and difficult journeys had also been imposed upon them; for the
several districts, instead of being allowed to supply the nearest winter
quarters, were forced to carry their corn to remote and devious places; by
which means, what was easy to be procured by all, was converted into an
article of gain to a few.

20. By suppressing these abuses in the first year of his administration,
he established a favorable idea of peace, which, through the negligence or
oppression of his predecessors, had been no less dreaded than war. At the
return of summer [92] he assembled his army. On their march, he commended
the regular and orderly, and restrained the stragglers; he marked out the
encampments, [93] and explored in person the estuaries and forests. At the
same time he perpetually harassed the enemy by sudden incursions; and,
after sufficiently alarming them, by an interval of forbearance, he held
to their view the allurements of peace. By this management, many states,
which till that time had asserted their independence, were now induced to
lay aside their animosity, and to deliver hostages. These districts were
surrounded with castles and forts, disposed with so much attention and
judgment, that no part of Britain, hitherto new to the Roman arms, escaped
unmolested.

21. The succeeding winter was employed in the most salutary measures. In
order, by a taste of pleasures, to reclaim the natives from that rude and
unsettled state which prompted them to war, and reconcile them to quiet
and tranquillity, he incited them, by private instigations and public
encouragements, to erect temples, courts of justice, and dwelling-houses.
He bestowed commendations upon those who were prompt in complying with his
intentions, and reprimanded such as were dilatory; thus promoting a spirit
of emulation which had all the force of necessity. He was also attentive
to provide a liberal education for the sons of their chieftains,
preferring the natural genius of the Britons to the attainments of the
Gauls; and his attempts were attended with such success, that they who
lately disdained to make use of the Roman language, were now ambitious of
becoming eloquent. Hence the Roman habit began to be held in honor, and
the toga was frequently worn. At length they gradually deviated into a
taste for those luxuries which stimulate to vice; porticos, and baths, and
the elegancies of the table; and this, from their inexperience, they
termed politeness, whilst, in reality, it constituted a part of their
slavery.

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