The Life of the Rt. Hon. Sir Charles W. Dilke, Vol. 2

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'The Tories proposed single-member districts almost everywhere in
boroughs, and only positively named one exception--the City of
London--but were evidently prepared to make some exceptions. They
made our agreement on this point the condition of passing the
Franchise Bill, of giving up the decrease of the Irish members from
103 to 100 which they urged, of giving up all forms of minority
vote, and of giving up grouping. My own opinion and that of the
Prime Minister were in favour of agreement. Hartington, who much
disliked what he thought would be the extinction of the Whigs by an
omnipresent caucus for candidates' selection, was hostile to the
single-member system. I pointed out that we already proposed in our
amended scheme 120 single-member borough seats out of 284 borough
seats. We had thrown out to the Tories a question as to whether they
would accept, say, 184 single-borough seats, and give us, say, not
more than 100 for double-member seats; or, if they liked, two-thirds
and one-third; and they did not positively decline this suggestion.
Mr. Gladstone proposed to "save from compulsory division those urban
constituencies, not Metropolitan, which, now possessing dual
representation, are to have their representation neither increased
nor diminished." (This was the ultimate agreement.) Also, that
"cities and towns which are to receive four members and upwards, ten
in number, should have one central or principal area set apart with
two members." (This was purely personal on Mr. Gladstone's part and
was universally rejected.)

'I argued warmly in favour of supporting Lord Salisbury's scheme
(upon which he and I were absolutely agreed), I being delighted at
having got seven more members for the Metropolis than were given by
my scheme in its last form after the Cabinet had cut it down. In
order to secure Chamberlain's support I told him "I might be able to
save a seat for you and give the extended Birmingham seven if you
liked to make that a condition, but in that case I must get one
somewhere for Glasgow also out of the rest of Scotland, which is
skinning flints."

'The reception of our proposals by the Cabinet, to which Grosvenor'
(the Chief Whip) 'had been called in, was not altogether favourable.
Childers talked about resigning, and Grosvenor was most hostile. We
had the enormous advantage, however, that Chamberlain and I and Mr.
Gladstone were the only three people who understood the subject, so
that the others were unable to fight except in the form known as
swearing at large. I was sent off from the Cabinet to Lord Salisbury
to tell him that we could agree. At three o'clock we had a further
conference with the Conservative leaders, and came to an agreement
on my base, Chamberlain, who was somewhat hostile, yielding to me, I
going in and out to him, for he was at Downing Street in another
room.'

Next day memoranda were exchanged between the parties to the Conference,
and Mr. Gladstone was pledged to stand by the heads set down in his
memoranda, and accept no provision outside of these without Sir Stafford
Northcote's agreement. One detail is of interest as illustrating Mr.
Gladstone's inherited Conservatism, which comes out all through these
negotiations.

'Mr. Gladstone in sending this (memorandum) to me said: "You will
see that Salisbury stands upon our printed statement as to
Universities." Mr. Gladstone, knowing that I was strongly opposed to
University representation, took this matter upon himself. He
proposed a more general form of words in place of Lord Salisbury's
pledge against new matters, and, as for Universities, wrote: "Assure
Salisbury that I personally will _bind_ myself out and out to this
proposition."'

'In the afternoon I went to Lord Salisbury to settle the terms of
agreement, and had to go four times from him to Mr. Gladstone, and
four times back again, before we finished....

'The next day I lunched with Mr. Gladstone to meet Miss Mary
Anderson, the actress, and Princess Louise. I received at lunch a
letter from Lord Salisbury making a few reservations ... none of
them difficult of acceptance.

'On December 2nd I got a note from Harcourt--to ask what I had been
doing with the British Constitution in his absence. On December 8th
I had a serious grumble from Spencer from Dublin as to my having
settled with Salisbury who were to be the Irish Commissioners, and
only asked the Irish Government after the thing was done. I had
undoubtedly been wrong, and can only say that Spencer let me off
cheaply....'

Sir Charles's holiday in the South of France, whither he went on
December 17th, was broken by copies of a correspondence between Lord
Spencer and Lord Salisbury, the latter writing 'with much sound and
fury' on the question of another Conservative Boundary Commissioner for
Ireland. 'Lord Salisbury had always been so extremely soft and sweet to
me that it was a revelation to find him writing to Spencer in the style
of Harcourt or of Chamberlain when in a passion.'

'Sir Stafford Northcote also wrote to me upon the subject, and
passing on to Scotland in his letter, added, "It is, I think,
understood that we may have a free fight over the grouping of Scotch
boroughs." This question of the Scotch boroughs was afterwards
referred to me and Charles Dalrymple (M.P. for Buteshire), and I
gave Dalrymple one or two changes that he wanted, which, I think,
did not matter.'

Such difficulties were few and subordinate. The scheme was settled in
principle, for after the Arlington Street compact

'I wrote the letter to the Boundary Commissioners the same night,
and after I had signed their instructions on December 5th I had a
pause in my Redistribution work for some time.'

But at the end of December Lord Hartington wrote:

'I think it will take two of us all our time to work the Bill
through; and you know so much more about it than anybody else that
you must necessarily take the greatest share of the details';

and ended with an invitation to Sir Charles to stay at Hardwick to do
some preliminary work on the measure.

CHAPTER XXXVII

FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN 1884

Mrs. Mark Patterson

I.

During 1884 'I warned Lord Granville, Mr. Gladstone, Fitzmaurice, and
Childers, that I should not in future be able to speak on foreign
affairs on account of the terrible work of the Redistribution Bill, and
of the Royal Commission,' for 'I was now so busy with the preparation
for working the Redistribution Bill through the House, and with the
Report of the Royal Commission, that I objected to receiving Foreign
Office papers not sent to other members of the Cabinet ... but Lord
Granville insisted that I should still see them, and circulated a letter
to that effect.'

During 1884 and 1885 Foreign Office work was not only exacting, but was
connected with acute disagreements in the Ministry itself. It has been
seen how closely Sir Charles was occupied with the Egyptian question,
and how constantly he found himself opposed to Lord Hartington in his
views of policy. Moreover, out of the Egyptian difficulty there sprang a
general divergence from France, and this led to action by France in
various quarters of the globe calculated to offend British
susceptibilities and to injure British prestige. Sir Charles, friend of
France as he was, had been strong for resenting and resisting such
action, and this attitude had brought him into conflict with those who
on the whole had supported him in Egyptian matters. A new factor was now
introduced. Bismarck had previously been content to urge on the French
in their colonization policy, but in 1884 the German Chancellor, who in
1883 had been working out his schemes of national insurance, found his
hand forced by the Colonial party, and, in view of the coming German
elections, could no longer afford to ignore them. Bismarck, 'contrary to
his conviction and his will,' said Lord Ampthill, accepted a policy of
colonization, which had the secondary effect of harassing and
humiliating the British Liberal Administration. [Footnote: _Life of
Granville_, vol. ii., p. 355.] Sir Charles, who realized that every such
annexation meant the exclusion of British trade from an actual or
potential market, fought for strong British action, but he fought
against the older Liberals of the Cabinet. Again and again the Radical
leaders were overborne by Mr. Gladstone.

The German Government had demanded protection for a German firm of
traders who had established themselves in the territory of Angra
Pequena, on the west coast of Africa, 280 miles south of Walfisch Bay.
Lord Granville, after considerable delays, caused chiefly by the
necessity of consulting the Colonial Office, which in its turn had to
consult the Cape Government, where a change of Ministry was impending,
objected to the declaration of a German protectorate.

'June 14th, 1884.--At a Cabinet at Lord Granville's house on
Conference.... Waddington waiting in another room.

'H. Bismarck was also in the house, and had been very rude to Lord
Granville about Angra Pequena, which was mentioned to the Cabinet,
which would do nothing.

'June 2lth--... Angra Pequena was mentioned, and it was decided that
Bismarck, who was greatly irritated with the Government, was to have
all he wanted.

'On September 22nd Chamberlain came to me on his return from abroad.
He told me that H. Bismarck had told him that the German Chancellor
was very angry at having had no answer to a full statement of German
views as to Angra Pequena and other colonial matters, which had been
sent to Lord Granville on August 30th, and he was astonished to
learn that the Cabinet had not seen his letter....

'On the 27th Lord Granville had in the meantime written: "I will
send you my letter and Bismarck's answer, but I do not wish the
correspondence to be mentioned.... My only excuse, but a good one,
for acting merely as a medium between the German Government and the
Colonial Office, was that I had continually the most positive
assurances in London, and still more in Berlin, that Bismarck was
dead against German colonization--as he _was_."' [Footnote: On this
chapter of African history, see _Life of Granville_, vol. ii., chap.
x., _passim_.]

This was the first of a series of instances in which, to Sir Charles's
great disgust, the British Foreign and Colonial Offices 'lay down to
Germany.'

Since the annexation of part of New Guinea by Queensland had been
disavowed in April, 1883, all Australia was vehemently concerned over
the ultimate fate of this territory, and pressed the home Government to
forestall other Powers by occupying it.

'June 27th we discussed New Guinea, as to which Lord Derby was
getting into serious trouble.

'On July 5th there was a Cabinet called to consider what was called
the "crisis"--our relation with the House of Lords over the
Franchise. But so peculiar is the British Empire that, although the
Cabinet was called upon this question, we immediately proceeded to
consider for the greater portion of the day matters in Sumatra, in
the Malay Archipelago, and the Pacific, and ... the affairs of New
Guinea and so forth. Harcourt, Lord Selborne, and Mr. Gladstone
violently opposed the occupation of New Guinea--Harcourt and Mr.
Gladstone on anti-imperialistic grounds, and Lord Selborne on
grounds connected with the protection of the aborigines against the
rapacity and violence of the Queensland settlers. Hartington, Lord
Granville, Derby, Kimberley, Chamberlain, and I, took the Australian
view. The matter was adjourned, as matters always are adjourned when
the Prime Minister is against the Cabinet.'

'August 6th.--We then attacked New Guinea, most of us wanting
annexation, some protectorate, and decided on the latter to please
the Chancellor and Mr. Gladstone.'

'August 9th.--We first discussed German colonies in the South Seas.
Bismarck had seized North New Guinea, and we decided to stick to the
long peninsula which faces both north and south.'

Bismarck's immediate answer was to annex, not only the north coast, but
what is now called the Bismarck Archipelago.

'October 4th.--Next came New Guinea. Were we to insist, as we had
done previously, on keeping the Germans off the north coast of the
long eastern peninsula? The previous decision was reversed. The
Cabinet, however, vetoed a suggestion for the joint commission with
Germany as to land claims in the Pacific Islands being allowed to
meddle in New Guinea. We then decided to annex one quarter, and
several members of the Cabinet expressed a hope that _this time_ the
thing would "really be done."' [Footnote: A useful sketch of these
events has recently appeared in the paper read before the Royal
Geographical Society by Sir Everard Im Thurn, K.C.M.G. See
_Journal_, vol. xlv., No. 5, April, 1915.]

These instances did not stand alone. Two native chiefs in the Cameroons
had so far back as 1882 proposed to be taken under British protection,
and Sir Charles had pressed acceptance of their offer. The matter had
been discussed in the Cabinet, and Lord Derby and Lord Granville were
still debating what should be done, when a German expedition seized the
territory.

'On September 18th I received from Chamberlain a letter from
Leipsic, in which he said: "The Cameroons! It is enough to make one
sick. As you say, we decided to assume the protectorate eighteen
months ago, and I thought it was all settled. If the Board of Trade
or Local Government Board managed their business after the fashion
of the Foreign Office and Colonial Office, you and I would deserve
to be hung."'

Those who thought with Sir Charles felt considerable anxiety about
possibilities on the East Coast of Africa. The Cameroons were lost, but
a protectorate over Zanzibar had been offered, and Zanzibar was the
outlet for an important trading district, which the forward party
thought of securing. The Prime Minister was opposed to all such schemes.
'On December 14th Mr. Gladstone broke out against the proposed
annexations in what is now called the Kilimanjaro district.'

He wrote to Sir Charles: 'Terribly have I been puzzled and perplexed on
finding a group of the soberest men among us to have concocted a scheme
such as that touching the mountain country behind Zanzibar with an
unrememberable name. There _must_ somewhere or other be reasons for it
which have not come before me. I have asked Granville whether it may not
stand over for a while.' [Footnote: The allusion is to the treaties with
native chiefs which were negotiated by Mr. (afterwards Sir) Harry
Johnston in 1883-84. These treaties were the foundation of what is now
known as British East Africa, and related mainly to the Kilimanjaro and
Taveita districts. It would appear that Mr. Gladstone himself had at
first expressed an interest in the development of British influence
'over this hinterland of snow mountains and elevated plateaux,' to which
his attention had been drawn by the report of Mr. Joseph Thomson.
Speaking subsequently at the Colonial Institute, Sir Harry Johnston said
that 'about twenty years ago he was making preparations for his first
expedition to British Africa. He had a very distinguished predecessor,
whom he regarded as the real originator of British East Africa: Mr.
Joseph Thomson, who died all too young in 1895. His great journey from
Mombasa was commenced in 1882 and finished in 1884.... His reports sent
home to the Royal Geographical Society had attracted the attention of
Mr. Gladstone; and there was another British statesman, Lord Edmond
Fitzmaurice, who perhaps more than most of his colleagues saw the
possibility of a white man's settlement in Equatorial Africa, and who
chose to select him (Sir H. Johnston) as one agency by which this work
should be commenced.' (_Journal_ of the Royal Colonial Institute,
1903-04, No. 5, p. 317.) The territory covered by the Kilimanjaro
Treaties was ceded to Germany under the arrangement made at the end of
1885, but the remainder has continued to be British (see Sir Harry
Johnston, _A History of the Colonization of Africa by Alien Races_, pp.
376-409.]

Mr. Gladstone could not bring himself to understand that the great
States of Europe had, almost without premeditation, moved into a field
of policy which involved the apportionment of regions scarcely yet known
in any detail to the geographers; nor did he realize the far-reaching
consequences of the acquisition or refusal of some of these districts.
The question of the Congo, for example, involved, as Sir Robert Morier
had foreseen, the settlement of the whole West African coast. In April
Sir Charles had recorded how he

'had to read up African papers, and found reason to fear that the
King of the Belgians was contemplating the sale of his Congo
dominions to France. We had a meeting at the Foreign Office in the
afternoon, [Footnote: April 26th, 1884.] at which were present Lord
Granville, Kimberley, Chamberlain, myself, and Fitzmaurice, and,
finding that we could not possibly carry our Congo Treaty with
Portugal, we determined to find a way out by referring it to the
Powers.' [Footnote: The following extract from an article in the
_Quarterly Review_ explains the importance attached by Sir Charles
to this Congo treaty, and the far-reaching results which it would
have had:

'In 1875 the results of Lieutenant Cameron's great journey across
Africa became known.... They revealed ... the material for a Central
African Empire awaiting the enterprise of a European or an Asiatic
power. There is now little doubt that, had the famous treaty
negotiated by Sir Charles Dilke, Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, and Sir
Robert Morier in 1884, been ratified and carried out ... the Congo
Basin would have been added to the British Empire, together with
Delagoa Bay and Nyasaland, before its time; with Dahomey also, and
an all-British West African Coast between Sierra Leone and the
Gaboon.' (_Quarterly Review_, January, 1906.)

It would perhaps have been more accurate had the author spoken of the
'treaty proposed to be negotiated.' The original plan of Sir Robert
Morier--part of a large scheme for the settlement of all outstanding
questions with Portugal--contemplated _inter alia_ some territorial
acquisition on the Congo by Great Britain. But the Cabinet put a veto on
this. The Foreign Office had therefore to fall back on the alternative
but less ambitious plan contained in the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of
1884, which was never ratified, owing to the opposition of Germany.
(_Life of Granville_, vol. ii., chap. x.; and supra, I. 418. See also
on this subject the observations of Sir Harry Johnston in his _History_,
quoted above, pp. 277, 278, 343, 405.)]

In October he goes on to relate how

'Lord Granville had been frightened by Plessen, the Prussian, coming
to invite him to a Conference at Berlin, but explained that he had
been much relieved on finding, as he put it, that it was only about
the Congo. It was, however, the famous Africa Conference which
virtually settled the whole future of the Dark Continent.'

Sir Charles notes the result in January, 1885:

'The sittings of the West African Conference, as it was called, were
at this time taking place at Berlin, and the General Act was signed
in the following month--that of February, 1885. [Footnote: He notes
in this month, February 4th, at "a meeting at the Admiralty of all
the Ministers in town, Childers and I stand alone in support of
Portugal as regards the Congo. I stated very freely what I still
believe, that we had behaved shamefully to the Portuguese; but this
neither convinced Lord Granville at the time, nor excused the
subsequent behaviour of the Portuguese." On February 11th Sir
Charles wrote to a diplomatic friend: "I cannot quite follow the
present phase of Congo, but I hope that nothing will be done to back
up the rascally association against Portugal. I believe that
Portugal will seize the disputed territory, and I certainly should
if I were the Portuguese Ministry."] I was very busy with this work,
in which I had long taken a deep interest, and was much relieved
when I found that what I thought the folly of the House of Commons
in upsetting our Congo Treaty, and preventing a general arrangement
with the Portuguese as regarded both West Africa and South-East
Africa, had turned out better than could have been anticipated,
owing to the interposition of the Germans. My joy was short-lived,
for King Leopold has not kept his promises.'

The interests thus claimed or created beyond the seas had to be defended
upon the seas. Either Great Britain must be prepared to abate her
pretensions, or she must strengthen her power to enforce them. Dilke and
Chamberlain were strongly against giving way to anything which could be
regarded as usurpation. Mr. Gladstone, on the other hand, pointed out
that to maintain a control, or veto, over the allocation of
unappropriated portions of the globe meant large increase of naval
expenditure, and he set his face against both. On December 2nd

'Naval expenditure was mentioned. The Cabinet had been about to
agree both to Northbrook's proposals (for Egypt) and to the sums
suggested for the defence of coaling-stations, when Mr. Gladstone
suddenly broke out, told us that he did not much care for himself,
as he now intended to retire, but that had he been twenty-five years
younger nothing could have induced him to consent. A loan he would
not tolerate. Then there was a general veer round, and all went
against the fortifications. Mr. Gladstone, however, said that he
should retire as soon as the Redistribution Bill was carried.'

The affairs of South Africa, where Great Britain was consolidating her
position, are also touched on in 1884.

'On March 22nd we had another Cabinet without Mr. Gladstone. The
first matter discussed was Zululand, Chamberlain opposing Kimberley
and Derby, who wished to increase the British Protectorate. At last
Kimberley said: "I see the Cabinet do not want more niggers," and
dropped the scheme.

'On May 17th ... we decided to defend the Zululand reserve against
all comers.'

Later in the year there are entries as to the annexation of
Bechuanaland:

October 4th, 'Bechuanaland was discussed, as to which Chamberlain wanted
to go to war with the Boers, and had written to me.'

And on November 11th 'there was a Cabinet called on the Bechuanaland
trouble, and we discussed votes of money for the Gordon and Bechuanaland
expeditions.'

II.

During this year the Central Asian question, always of first-rate
interest to Sir Charles, constantly claimed his attention.

'On February 22nd there was a meeting at the Foreign Office which
was intended to be a meeting about my Central Asian scheme, but
which developed into a virtual Cabinet. There were present Mr.
Gladstone, Hartington, Kimberley, Northbrook, myself, Fitzmaurice,
and J. K. Cross, Undersecretary of State for India. The delimitation
of the Afghan frontier was further considered and pretty much
decided.

'Pleasures of Office. I dined with the Dean of Westminster, and was
called away in the middle of dinner to make a speech about Central
Asia, and got back again for coffee.'

'On March 5th Hartington suggested that we should recommence the
Quetta railroad, and it was decided to give a hint to Lord Ripon to
ask for it.'

'August 5th.--Lord Granville informed us that the Shah was alarmed
at the Russian advance upon the Persian frontier, and asked us for
promises.

'August 7th.--There was a meeting of the Central Asian Committee....
Lord Granville, Hartington, Kimberley, I, and Fitzmaurice were
present, with Philip Currie. As to the amount of support to be given
to Persia Lord Granville wrote an excellent despatch, while we were
talking. It was settled that we were to repeat our statements at St.
Petersburg at a convenient opportunity, but to ask the Shah that, as
an earnest of his good intentions towards us, the Persian rivers
should be thrown open to our trade--not a bad touchstone. We
discussed the Afghan boundary, and decided that, if the Russians
would not agree to our proposed starting-point for the delimitation,
we would send an Afghan British Commission without them to make our
own, delimitation.'