The Life of the Rt. Hon. Sir Charles W. Dilke, Vol. 2

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'Gordon on his way up and on his arrival at Khartoum issued
extraordinary proclamations. Arriving there alone, but with
incredible prestige, he was hailed as father of the people; he
burned the taxation books and the whips upon the public place; he
released the prisoners from the gaol; he sent away the commander of
the garrison with the words, "Rest assured you leave this place as
safe as Kensington Park." He declared the Mahdi "Sultan of
Kordofan." Gordon, of all men in the world, sanctioned slavery by
another written document; and he then asked us to send the arch
slave-driver Zebehr to his help, which we thought on Baring's
truthful opinion of the moment that we ought not to do, and which we
certainly could not have done. I thought and still think that Gordon
had lost his senses, as he had done on former critical occasions in
his life; but the romantic element in his nature appealed to me,
and, while I could not but admit that he had defied every
instruction which had been given to him, I should have sent an
expedition to bring him out, although thinking it probable that when
Wolseley reached him he would have refused to come.'

While Gordon was on his way to Khartoum, which he reached on February
18th, the defeat at El Teb had occurred, and the question arose as to
what should be done in the Eastern Soudan.

'On February 6th the Cabinet met twice, and at our second meeting it
was decided to send marines to Suakim.

'On Thursday, February 7th, I visited the Admiralty with Pauncefote
in order to take in hand the defence of the Red Sea coast against
the Arabs, and then I went to the War Office, where I met
Hartington, Northbrook, Wolseley, and Cooper Key, in order to
concert steps. When I passed through the Secretary's room after the
meeting, and stayed for a moment to talk with Hobart and Fleetwood
Wilson, the Duke of Cambridge (whose room opened into theirs, and
who had evidently been lying in wait for me) rushed out and carried
me off into his room, and made much of me, with an enthusiastic
desire to help an expedition. At night, Hartington, Chamberlain, and
I met in Hartington's room and decided to press for relief of
Gordon.

'On February 8th Chamberlain wrote to me, "I should like to
telegraph to Baring, 'If you think that employment of British troops
could relieve beleaguered garrisons in Soudan without danger, you
are authorized to concert measures with Evelyn Wood.'" A Cabinet was
called at the wish of Hartington, Chamberlain, and myself, for this
day upon this point. Hartington, Harcourt, Northbrook, Carlingford,
Chamberlain, and I, were for asking Gordon if a demonstration at
Suakim would help him. Mr. Gladstone and Lord Granville, very strong
the other way, broke up the meeting sooner than agree.'

'Gordon had acted as Governor-General of the Soudan without having
told us that he had accepted this appointment, and we had had to ask
on February 4th a question which had been answered by Baring on the
5th, to the effect that Gordon had "at his own request" been
appointed Governor-General. On February 6th Baring had telegraphed
stating that Gordon had said that it was possible he might go to the
Mahdi and not be heard of for two months, as the Mahdi might keep
him as a hostage for Zebehr. On the same day we telegraphed to
Baring approving his having told Gordon that there would be the
strongest objections to his placing himself in the Mahdi's power. On
February 7th we received a despatch by post from Baring in which he
informed us that, while Gordon would probably ask for Zebehr, "it
would certainly not be desirable to send him ... for he is
manifestly animated by a feeling of deep resentment against General
Gordon." At the same time Baring forwarded a shorthand report of the
meeting between Gordon, Zebehr, Baring, Stewart, Colonel Watson, Sir
Evelyn Wood, and Nubar, at which Zebehr had told Gordon that he had
entrusted his son to him, "and told you he was thenceforth your son.
He was only sixteen years of age.... I entrusted my son to you....
But you killed my son whom I entrusted to you. He was as your own
son." _Gordon_: "Well, well, I killed my own son. There is an end of
it." _Zebehr_: "And then you brought my wives and women and children
in chains to Khartoum, a thing which for my name in the Soudan was
most degrading."

'By the same mail we received a despatch from Baring in which he
made it clear that Gordon's instructions had Gordon's full approval.
"He expressed to me his entire concurrence in the instructions. The
only suggestion he made was in connection with the passage in which,
speaking of the policy of abandoning the Soudan, I had said, 'I
understand also that you entirely concur in the desirability of
adopting this policy.' General Gordon wished that I should add the
words 'and that you think it should on no account be changed.' These
words were accordingly added."

'Between this Cabinet and the next we received, on February 9th, a
telegram from Baring to the effect that he was sending home a letter
from Gordon to the King of the Belgians in which he urged the king
to appoint him Governor of the Equatorial Provinces, Gordon's idea
being to go there from Khartoum; and Baring stated his own view that
we should forbid Gordon to go south of Khartoum. In his letter,
which was dated February 1st, Gordon said that the King of the
Belgians had told him that he would take over the Provinces with the
troops in them, when Gordon had been at Brussels immediately before
we sent him out; but not one word had Gordon ever breathed of this;
and when we first heard of it he was virtually beyond our reach,
seated, when our answer arrived, at Khartoum, and little disposed to
listen to us, although on some points, for a few days, he pretended
to listen.

'On February 12th Baring telegraphed that he hoped that "H.M.G. will
not change any of the main points of their policy"; but, as will be
seen a little later, Baring soon changed his own, adopting the new
policy of Gordon, and pressing it upon us.

'On February 12th it was decided, against Mr. Gladstone, to send an
expedition to the Red Sea Coast.

'On February 13th we had before us a statement which had been made
the previous day by Randolph Churchill, to the effect that in the
summer of 1883 General Gordon had offered to go to the Soudan, and
that the Government had telegraphed to him accepting his offer, and
then written to him declining it. Lord Granville instructed me to
say that the whole story was one gigantic concoction. I then asked
Hartington if he knew anything about it; and Lord Wolseley
ultimately discovered that Randolph Churchill had confused the Congo
with the Nile, an amusing example of his harum-scarum recklessness.
Gordon had telegraphed from Syria in October for leave to accept
service under the King of the Belgians on the Congo, and the
Commander-in-Chief had replied by telegraph that the Secretary of
State declined to sanction his employment. In transmission the word
"declines" was changed into "decides," which exactly reversed its
sense, so that Gordon had received a confirming letter consistent
with the telegram as sent, but exactly reversing the sense of the
telegram as received. He had told the story which Churchill had
heard, but altered from one side of Africa to the other.'

On February 14th Sir Charles made effective use of this blunder in the
debate upon the vote of censure concerning Egypt. It was a debating
speech which, he himself notes, 'had extraordinary success.' Lord
Randolph Churchill had been more than usually aggressive, and Sir
Charles hammered him with detailed facts. [Footnote: He comments on the
20th on the opinions expressed to him as to his powers of debate: 'This
is a curious position for a man who has no natural gift of speech. I can
remember when I was the worst speaker that ever spoke at all.'] The
debate on this vote of censure, occasioned by the fall of Sinkat,
occupied the House for five days. The motion was defeated by forty-nine.

'On February 14th I found that Lord Granville had not answered an
important question from Baring about Wood's Egyptians which had been
received by us on the 13th, and that because he had not seen it. We
had started a red label as a danger-signal for pressing notes; but
Lord Granville's room was full of red-labelled notes not touched.'

He records his remonstrances with Lord Granville as to the non-
employment of Sir Evelyn Wood's Egyptians. On February 18th there was a
Cabinet 'partly upon this subject. It was decided to send reinforcements
to Egypt.'

'On February 21st there was another Cabinet which again discussed
the Egyptian question and decided to send Wood's Egyptians to
Assouan. On the 15th Gordon had reassured us by telling us that all
communication between Cairo and the Soudan would be finally at an
end within three months' (that is, that evacuation would be easily
carried out). 'On February 18th we had heard that on the 17th Gordon
had issued a proclamation saying that the Government would not
interfere with the buying and selling of slaves; and this telegram,
having got out from Cairo, produced a storm in England. On the 19th
there occurred another matter which was considered by the Cabinet at
the same time--the absolute refusal of Admiral Hewett, and very
proper refusal, to issue a proclamation calling on the chiefs from
Suakim to go peacefully to meet Gordon at Khartoum, inasmuch as the
Admiral knew "that English troops are about to be sent against the
people in question." The issue of this proclamation had been
recommended by Wolseley, who thinks that Governments exist for the
purpose of deceiving enemies in war for the benefit of generals.

'On the same day, February 19th, we had received a telegram which
had been sent off from Khartoum by Gordon on the 18th, asking that
Zebehr should be sent to the Soudan, "be made K.C.M.G., and given
presents." This was backed by Stewart, so far as that he said that
someone should be sent, adding that he was not sure whether Zebehr
was the best man. It was clear from Gordon's proposed conditions
that Zebehr was to be free to prosecute the slave trade. In another
memorandum on the same day Gordon said that we must "give a
commission to some man and promise him the moral support of
H.M.G.... It may be argued that H.M.G. would thus be giving ...
moral support to a man who will rule over a slave state.... This
nomination of my successor must ... be direct from Her Majesty's
Government.... As for the man, H.M.G. should select one above all
others, namely Zebehr." Baring now backed this opinion up, so that
we were face to face with an absolute change of front on the part of
Gordon and Baring, and a partial change of front on the part of
Stewart. On the other hand, Baring, at the same time when he told us
to appoint Zebehr, added: "I am quite certain that Zebehr hates
Gordon bitterly, and that he is very vindictive. I would not on any
account risk putting Gordon in his power.... He is, to my personal
knowledge, exceedingly untruthful.... I cannot recommend his being
promised the moral support of Her Majesty's Government. He would
scarcely understand the phrase, and, moreover, I do not think he
would attach importance to any support which was not material.... I
doubt the utility of making conditions. Zebehr would probably not
observe them long." Baring further proposed that Zebehr should be
given money, and he left us to judge of the effect of the whole
scheme on public opinion in England. Colonel Watson, who had been
present at the meeting between Zebehr and Gordon, informed us that
to let Gordon and Zebehr be together in the Soudan "would entail the
death of either one or other of them." On the 21st Gordon
telegraphed to the newspapers explaining away his slave trade
proclamation, but its terms were even worse than could have been
gathered from the first summary, which was all that we had received.

'On February 21st we received the text of Gordon's proclamation,
which contained the words, "I confer upon you these rights, that
henceforth none shall interfere with your property," and spoke with
apparent regret of "severe measures taken by Government for the
suppression of slave traffic, and seizure and punishment of all
concerned."

'On February 26th there was a meeting of Mr. Gladstone, Hartington,
Childers, Chamberlain, Dodson, and myself, to approve a telegram
from Hartington to General Graham; [Footnote: General Graham was in
command of the expedition to Suakim.] and on the next day again, the
27th, a meeting of Lord Granville, Hartington, Northbrook, and
myself, which decided to invite the Turk to show himself at the Red
Sea ports. On the 29th there was a Cabinet at which it was decided
that the Turk must approve our future ruler of the Soudan, and that
British troops were to go as far as Assouan if Baring thought it
necessary.

'On February 27th Gordon had frightened us out of our senses by
telegraphing that, having put out his programme of peace, and
allowed time to elapse, he was now sending out his troops to show
his force; and another telegram from him said: "Expedition starts at
once to attack rebels." On the same day he telegraphed that he had
issued a proclamation "that British troops are now on their way, and
in a few days will reach Khartoum." It was very difficult to know
what to do with this amazing lie: solemnly to point out to him by
telegraph that it was a lie was hardly of much use with a man of
Gordon's stamp; and what was done was to send a strong private
telegram to Baring to communicate with him about it, but the result
was not encouraging, for it was the first ground for the desperate
quarrel which Gordon afterwards picked with Baring, and for his
charge against Baring of inciting the Government to drive him to his
death.

'On the next day, February 28th, Gordon, having heard that Zebehr
was refused, telegraphed his policy of smashing up the Mahdi, which,
however, he seemed inclined to attempt with a most inadequate force.
"Mahdi must be smashed up. Mahdi is most unpopular, and with care
and time could be smashed.... If you decide on smashing Mahdi, then
send another hundred thousand pounds, and send 200 Indian troops to
Wady Haifa, and an officer to Dongola under pretence to look out
quarters for troops.... At present it would be comparatively easy to
destroy Mahdi." Gordon had also telegraphed to Baring to recommend
that 3,000 black Egyptian troops should be kept in the Soudan, and
completely throwing over the evacuation policy. Baring added for
himself: "There are obviously many contradictions in General
Gordon's different proposals"; but he went on to express his
agreement in Gordon's new policy, strongly supported the selection
of Zebehr, and sneered at us for having regard to uninstructed
opinion in England. On the same day Gordon telegraphed: "If a
hundred British troops were sent to Assouan or Wady Halfa, they
would run no more risk than Nile tourists, and would have the best
effect." At the same time Baring said: "I certainly would not risk
sending so small a body as 100 men." It will be seen in how great a
difficulty the Government were placed; but Baring's position was, in
fact, as difficult as our own. We were evidently dealing with a wild
man under the influence of that climate of Central Africa which acts
even upon the sanest men like strong drink.

'On the same day Gordon telegraphed to us completely changing his
ground about Suakim. He had previously prevented our doing anything
except trying to relieve the towns blockaded, but on March 1st told
us to do something to draw the Hadendowa down to Suakim. On the 2nd,
General Graham having beaten the Arabs at Teb, the Admiral asked us
to send more troops and to threaten Osman Digna's main force, a
suggestion which concurred with Gordon's. And on March 5th the
Cabinet met and decided that, while it was impossible to send Zebehr
to the Soudan, General Graham was to be allowed to attack Osman
Digna's main force.... Chamberlain then suggested that I should go
to Egypt: Hartington evidently thought that somebody should go, and
thought he had better go himself. Lord Granville would not have
either, as might have been expected.... I suggested a way out of the
Zebehr difficulty, and wrote to Chamberlain: "If I were sent out to
do this, I believe I should get away the forces from the interior
and have Zebehr elected, entirely without our action, by the
Notables at Khartoum. On the whole, this would do if we did not do
it. This would, in my opinion, be improved by Turkish approval under
Turkish suzerainty, but that you do not like." Chamberlain answered:
"Perhaps we cannot help having Zebehr, but surely we ought not to
promote him, directly or indirectly; not only because he is a slave-
hunter, but also because he will probably attack Egypt sooner or
later, and very likely with the help of our subsidy." I replied: "I
am quite clear that we must not set up Zebehr, but if we retire we
cannot prevent his election by the Notables; and they would elect
him." In the meantime Gordon had completely thrown over Baring's
suggestion that Zebehr should be sent (but so sent that he and
Gordon should not be in the Soudan together) by telegraphing that
the combination at Khartoum of Zebehr and himself was "an absolute
necessity," and that it would be "absolutely necessary" for him to
stay at Khartoum with Zebehr for four months; and Stewart had now
completely come over to Gordon's policy about Zebehr personally. On
the other hand, Baring and the military authorities in Egypt were
unanimously opposed to the idea of sending a small British force to
Wady Halfa.

'On March 7th it was decided to give an inland district to the
Abyssinians, but not to offer them a port (which was what they
wanted), on account of its not being ours to give away from the
Turks. The Cabinet would not hear of receiving a Turkish
Commissioner at Cairo.

'On March 11th we further considered pressing demands from Gordon
and Baring for Zebehr. Mr. Gladstone had taken to his bed, but was
known to be strongly in favour of sending Zebehr. The Cabinet were
unanimous the other way, and Hartington was sent to see Mr.
Gladstone, we waiting till he returned. When he came back, he
laconically stated what had passed as follows: "He thinks it very
likely that we cannot make the House swallow Zebehr, but he thinks
he could." Morley has told this, but the words which he took
verbally from me are less good. [Footnote: _Life of Gladstone_, vol.
iii., p. 159.] Baring on the 6th had recommended a further attack on
Osman Digna, which he thought might open the Berber route. On the
9th we received Gordon's replies to our telegrams of the 5th,
showing that he had done nothing towards the evacuation of Khartoum
except by sending away the sick. He admitted that it was possible
that "Zebehr, who hates the tribes, did stir up the fires of revolt,
in hopes that he would be sent to quell it. It is the irony of fate
that he will get his wish if sent up." On the same day Baring
informed us that it was clear that Gordon now had no influence
outside Khartoum, and that he contemplated the despatch of British
troops. The Anti-Slavery Society had strongly protested against the
employment of Zebehr, and they pointed out to us the records of
murders "in which this man has stood the foremost and the principal
actor.... Countenance ... of such an individual by the British
Government would be a degradation for England and a scandal to
Europe." W. E. Forster, amid loud cheers from the Conservatives,
protested in advance in the House of Commons against the policy of
sending Zebehr. On March 11th we had received in the morning from
Baring twelve telegrams from Gordon, of the most extraordinary
nature, which Baring had answered: "I am most anxious to help and
support you in every way, but I find it very difficult to understand
exactly what it is you want." Besides deciding that Zebehr could not
be sent, the Cabinet changed its mind about the employment of Turks
in the Red Sea, and decided that they could not be allowed to go
there at present.

'On March 13th the matter was again considered by a Cabinet, which
was not called a Cabinet as Mr. Gladstone was in bed and Chamberlain
was at Birmingham, and on the 14th we met again, still retaining our
opinion; and on Sunday, the 16th, Mr. Gladstone at last unwillingly
gave up Zebehr as impossible. [Footnote: _Life of Granville_, vol.
ii., p. 388.]

'I had been at this time working out the facts connected with the
two routes to Khartoum in case an expedition should be sent, and had
made up my own mind in favour of the Nile route; Wolseley still
being the other way.

'On March 17th, I wrote to Lord Northbrook to protest against a
proclamation which had been issued by the Admiral and General at
Suakim offering a reward for Osman Digna, and I wrote also to
Hartington upon the same subject, stating that I would not defend
it, and that if it were "not disapproved, and the disapproval made
public, I cannot remain a member of the Government." Northbrook
would not admit that he had disapproved it, but Hartington did, and
also informed me that Northbrook had telegraphed. Lord Granville
agreed with me that the proclamation was not defensible, and it was
as a fact withdrawn, although the Admiral was very angry.

'Mr. Gladstone had gone down to Coombe, near Wimbledon. On March
22nd we held a Cabinet without him.... Harcourt was now writing to
me in favour of the view "that we must get out of Egypt as soon as
possible at any price. The idea of our administering it or of the
Egyptian army defending it is equally out of the question." On the
25th we had another Cabinet without Mr. Gladstone. Turning to
Gordon, we decided that a force was not to be sent to Berber; but I
noted in my diary: "It will _have_ to be sent next autumn, I
believe"; but when I said to Berber, it must be remembered, of
course, that there were two ways of reaching Berber, and Lord
Hartington, Brett, and I, now turned steadily to the consideration
of which of those two ways should be taken. It will be remembered
that we already had a report in print as to the Suakim-Berber route.
[Footnote: See p. 33; 'We had drawn up a route from Suakim to
Berber.'] We now obtained from Wolseley a general report, which was
afterwards printed and circulated to the Cabinet on April 8th. Lord
Wolseley, preparing for the sending of a military force to Khartoum
this autumn, stated that his force must be exclusively British, for
he doubted whether the very best of our Indian regiments could stand
the charges of the Arabs, besides which our natives took the field
encumbered with followers. Lord Roberts, who was not given to
boasting, told me, long afterwards, that he, on the other hand, was
sure that he could have marched from Suakim to the Nile and Khartoum
with an exclusively Indian force. It is the case that our best
Gurkha troops have sometimes stood when white troops have run.
Wolseley had now come round to a boat expedition, which I had been
for a long time urging, upon information which I had obtained for
myself from the Admiralty, and which was afterwards printed by the
Foreign Intelligence Committee at the Admiralty, and circulated to
the Cabinet in April, a further document upon the subject being
circulated to the Cabinet in May. It must be remembered that the
date of passing the cataracts was settled for us by the high Nile,
and that there was only one time of year at which the expedition
could be safely sent.

'The Cabinet of March 25th further decided that Graham must soon be
brought away from Suakim.