The Writings of Samuel Adams, volume II (1770 1773)

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Your Excellency may be assured, that this House will, with all
convenient despatch, take into our most serious consideration,
that part of your speech which concerns the establishment of a
partition line between this province and the province of New York;
and that we will, with great candor, contribute every thing in our
power, to accomplish the same equitable terms.

The other parts of your Excellency's speech, have had the proper
attention of the House; and we are determined, during the
remainder of the session, which must be short, to consult his
Majesty's real service - the true interest of the province.

1 The original message of Governor Hutchinson of April 8, 1772, is
among the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library, and on it is
endorsed, in the handwriting of Adams, the fourth paragraph of the
following reply.
2 Massachusetts State Papers, pp. 313-315.

ARTICLE SIGNED "VINDEX."

[Boston Gazette, April 20, 1772.]

Messieurs EDES & GILL,

Philanthrop Jun. in Draper's paper of the 9th current tells us,
that "For four or five years together nobody could appear in print
unless he was a favourer of what is call'd Liberty," and therefore
concludes, "Falshood has been imposed on the credulous readers of
News-papers, and has spread through the country for truth, because
no one would contradict it." What fortitude must a man be
possess'd of that can offer two such sentences to the eye of the
public in a paper which for that space has contained nothing else
in the political way? Again, why have we a mark of distinction in
the signature? Was Philanthrop senior a liberty writer? Was the
True Patriot a liberty writer? Were all the scribblers in Mein's
Chronicle friends or favourers of what is called liberty? Blush!
reformer blush at imposition of so gross a kind!

But what are the falshoods these credulous people have been led to
believe? Why it seems that men from Lancaster and elsewhere, have
been insinuating that we laboured under grievances in commerce,
legislation, and execution of the wholesome laws of the land, when
no such thing has been seen, felt, heard or understood among us;
and one Lancaster man in particular, has been furnished with all
his prejudices from the letters of Junius Americanus, a despicable
creature (as we say) who has certainly blackened some men and
measures in both Englands, in such manner as defies time itself to
bleach their characters. And till the officious Philanthrop
engaged, every one judged the friends, at least, of those
respectable men, would avoid the provocation of fresh caustics to
such rankled ulcers; but luxuriant flesh forever interrupts the
efficacy of the most healing plaisters, and must be removed as
fast as it puts forth. Indeed gentlemen, I myself who live in
Boston, the centre of American politicks, have suspected we had
some grievances to complain of before either Junius Anglicanus or
Americanus ever published a letter on the subject to my knowledge:
I thought the stamp-act a grievance, I think the extension of the
vice-admiralty courts a grievance, I think the captious and
unprecedented treatment of our legislature a grievance; and above
all, I think the alteration of our free and mutually dependent
constitution, into a dependent ministerial despotism a grievance
so great, so ignominious and intolerable, that in case I did not
hope things would in some measure regain their ancient situation,
without more blood shed and murder than has already been
committed, I could freely wish at the risk of my all to have a
fair chance of offering to the manes of my slaughtered countrymen
a libation of the blood of the ruthless traitors who conspired
their destruction. It is here I confess my fingers would fall with
weight, let those of Dr. Y -g, Mr. -x, or even Mr. A -s, fall how
or where they pleased.

VINDEX.

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS TO THE GOVERNOR.
JULY 14, 1772.1

[Massachusetts State Papers, pp. 330, 331 ; extracts are printed
in W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. i., p. 482, with the
statement that such extracts were copied from an original draft in the
autograph of Adams.2]

May it please your Excellency,

In answer to your message of yesterday, this House beg leave to
observe, that they are not unapprized that the Province House is
out of repair, and that expense might be saved, by making such
repairs as are necessary, as soon as may be. But, that building
was procured for the residence of a Governor, whose sole support
was to be provided for by the grants and acts of the General
Assembly, according to the tenor of the charter: and, it is the
opinion of this House, that it never was expected by any Assembly of
this province, that it would be appropriated for the residence of any
Governor, for whose support, adequate provision should be made in
another way. Upon this consideration, we cannot think it our duty to
make any repairs, at this time.

Your Excellency may be assured, that this House is far from being
influenced by any personal disrespect. Should the time come, which
we hope for, when your Excellency shall think yourself at liberty
to accept of your whole support from this province, according to
ancient and invariable usage, we doubt not, but you will then find
the Representatives of this people ready to provide for your
Excellency a house, not barely tenantable, but elegant. In the
mean time, as your Excellency receives from his Majesty a certain
and adequate support, we cannot have the least apprehensions that
you will be so far guided by your own inclination, as that you
will make any town in the province the place of your residence,
but where it shall be most conducive to his Majesty's service, and
the good and welfare of the people.

1 On this date the Governor prorogued the General Court to meet
again September 30. The next session actually commenced January 6,
1773.
2 Wells also attributes to Adams the message of the house of May
29, 1772; Life of Samuel Adams, vol. I., p. 477; Massachusetts
State Papers, p. 321.

ARTICLE SIGNED "VALERIUS POPLICOLA."1

[Boston Gazette, October 5, 1772.]

Messieurs EDES & GILL,

"Is there a Prince on Earth, who has power to lay a single Penny
upon his subjects, without the Grant and Consent of those who are
to pay it, otherwise than by Tyranny and Violence? No Prince can levy
it unless through Tyranny and under Penalty of Excommunication. But
there are those who are Bruitish enough not to know what they can do
or omit in this Affair.

Such is the language of a great and good Historian and Statesman,
a Subject of France. Had the English Politicians and Ministers
been either half as honest or half as wise as he, they would never
have driven the American Revenue without the Grant or Consent of
those who pay it, to such a length, as to cause an Alienation of
affection which perhaps may not easily if ever be recovered. By
this kind of politics, says the worthy Frenchman, Charles the
seventh brought a heavy Sin upon his own Soul and upon that of his
Successors, and gave his Kingdom a Wound which would continue long
to bleed. The British Ministers, possibly, may entertain different
Ideas of Morals from those of the French Historian, if indeed they
have any such kind of ideas at all. However, the Nation, I fear,
will have Occasion to rue the day, when they suffer'd their
Politics so far to prevail, as to gain such an Influence in their
Parliament as they certainly did in the last, to say nothing of
the present. The Impositions upon the French, says Mr. Gordon,2
grew monstrous almost as soon as they grew arbitrary. Charles the
seventh, who began them, never rais'd annually more than one
hundred and eighty thousand Pounds. His Son Lewis the eleventh
almost trebled the Revenue; and since then, all that the Kingdom and
People had, even to their Skins, has hardly been thought
sufficient for their Kings." An awakening Caution to Americans!
Lest by tamely submitting to be plundered, they encourage their
Plunderers to grasp at all they have.

The Merchants of this Continent have passively submitted to the
Indignity of a Tribute; and the Landholders, tho' Sharers in the
Indignity, have been perhaps too unconcern'd Spectators of the
humiliating Scene. Posterity, who will no doubt revenge their
Fathers Wrongs, may also be ashamed, when in the Page of History
they are informed of their tame Subjection. Had the Body of this
People shown a proper Resentment, at the time when the proud
Taskmasters first made their appearance, we should never have seen
Pensioners multiplying like the Locusts in Egypt, which devoured
every green Thing. I speak with Assurance; because it seldom has
happened if ever, that even a small People has been kept long in
Bondage, when they have unitedly and perseveringly resolv'd to be
Free.

At that critical Period, we hearkened to what we then took to be,
the Dictates of sound policy and Prudence. We were led to place a
Confidence in those, whose Protection we had a right to claim, and
we hoped for Deliverance in dry Remonstrances and humble
Supplication. We have petition'd, repeatedly petition'd, and our
Petitions have been heard, barely heard! The Grievances of this
Continent have no doubt "reached the Royal Ear"; I wish I could
see reason to say they had touch'd the Royal Heart. No - They yet
remain altogether unredress'd. Such has been the baneful Influence
of corrupt and infamous Ministers and Servants of the Crown; that
the Complaints of three Millions of loyal Subjects have not yet
penetrated the Royal Breast, to move it even to pity.

Have not our humble Petitions, breathing a true Spirit of rational
Loyalty, and expressive of a just Sense of those Liberties the
Restoration of which we implored, been followed with Grievance
upon Grievance, as fast as the cruel Heart and Hand of a most
execrable Paricide could invent and fabricate them? I will not at
present enumerate Grievances; they are known, sufficiently known,
felt and understood. Is it not enough, to have a Governor, an
avowed Advocate for ministerial Measures, and a most assiduous
Instrument in carrying them on - moddel'd, shaped, controul'd, and
directed-totally independant of the people over whom he is
commissioned to govern, and yet absolutely dependent upon the
Crown - pensioned by those on whom his existence depends, and paid
out of a Revenue establish'd by those who have no Authority to
establish it, and extorted from the People in a Manner most
Odious, insulting and oppressive. Is not this, Indignity enough to
be felt by those who have any feeling? Are we still threatned with
more? Is Life, Property and every Thing dear and sacred, to be now
submitted to the Decisions of PENSION'D JUDGES, holding their
places during the pleasure of such a Governor, and a Council
perhaps overawed! To what a State of Infamy, Wretchedness and
Misery shall we be reduc'd if our Judges shall be prevail'd upon
to be thus degraded to Hirelings, and the Body of the People shall
suffer their free Constitution to be overturn'd and ruin'd.
Merciful GOD! Inspire Thy People with Wisdom and Fortitude, and
direct them to gracious Ends. In this extreme Distress, when the
Plan of Slavery seems nearly compleated, 0 save our Country from
impending Ruin - Let not the iron Hand of Tyranny ravish our Laws
and seize the Badge of Freedom, nor avow'd Corruption and the
murderous Rage of lawless Power be ever seen on the sacred Seat of
Justice!

Is it not High Time for the People of this Country explicitly to
declare, whether they will be Freemen or Slaves? It is an
important Question which ought to be decided. It concerns us more
than any Thing in this Life. The Salvation of our Souls is
interested in the Event: For wherever Tyranny is establish'd,
Immorality of every Kind comes in like a Torrent. It is in the
Interest of Tyrants to reduce the People to Ignorance and Vice.
For they cannot live in any Country where Virtue and Knowledge
prevail. The Religion and public Liberty of a People are
intimately connected; their Interests are interwoven, they cannot
subsist separately; and therefore they rise and fall together. For
this Reason, it is always observable, that those who are combin'd
to destroy the People's Liberties, practice every Art to poison
their Morals. How greatly then does it concern us, at all Events,
to put a Stop to the Progress of Tyranny. It is advanced already
by far too many Strides. We are at this moment upon a precipice.
The next step may be fatal to us. Let us then act like wise Men;
calmly took around us and consider what is best to be done. Let us
converse together upon this most interesting Subject and open our
minds freely to each other. Let it be the topic of conversation in
every social Club. Let every Town assemble. Let Associations &
Combinations be everywhere set up to consult and recover our just
Rights.

" The Country claims our active Aid.
That let us roam; & where we find a Spark
Of public Virtue, blow it into Flame."

VALERIUS POPLIC0LA.

1 Attributed to Adams by W. V. Wells. See above, page 256.
2 Rev. William Gordon, of Roxbury, author of The History of the
Rise, Progress, and Establishment, of the Independence of the
United States of America.

TO ANDREW ELTON WELLS.1

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

BOSTON Octob 21 1772

My DEAR SIR

I have receivd several Letters from you; and my not having returnd
any Answer to them before, is owing by no means to an Inattention
to them, but to my misfortune in not hearing of the few Vessells
that pass from hence to Georgia being about to sail, till I lost
the Opportunity. I therefore upon the first Notice, make use of
this Conveyance to assure you of my tender Regards & Affection for
you as a Brother; sincerely hoping this will meet yourself &
Family in health & happiness. Indeed common Experience convinces
me that there is very little Dependence upon either in this Life;
We too often mistake our true Happiness, and when we arrive to the
Enjoyment of that which seemd to promise it to us, we find that it is
all an imaginary Dream, at the best fleeting & transitory. We have an
affecting Instance of this within our own Connections; Your amiable
Sister Kitty was agreably married, and when in the daily Expectation
of seeing the happy Pledge of conjugal Affection, cutt off without a
moments Warning of the fatal Stroke of Death! Still more happy
however in another Life as we [have] abundant Reason to be
assured; for the Christian Temper & Behavior she constantly
exhibited, when she least expected it, afford us more solid hopes
of her present Happiness, than any Expressions she might have made
use of, had she been permitted, at the time of her Departure. One
would from this & other like Instances conclude, that to be
possessd of the Christian Principles, & to accommodate our whole
Deportment to such Principles, is to be happy in this Life; it is
this that sweetens every thing we enjoy; indeed of it self it
yields us full Satisfaction, & thus puts it out of the power of
the World to disappoint us by any of its frowns.

Your last Letter mentioned your Expectation of the sudden
Dissolution of your General Assembly, which I perceive afterwards
took place. It appears still to be the determination of the
ministry to enslave the Colonies, and the Governors are to be the
Instruments. It therefore behoves every Colony to be vigilant; &
agreably to the Advice of the Pennsylvania Farmer, Each should
support the others. This Province seems to be devoted to
ministerial Vengeance. We have been long struggling against the
Incroachments of Tyranny, which now threatens its Completion by
the Independency of the Governor & the Judges of the superior
Court. If the Tribute which is by Acts of Parliament extorted from
the Americans, is appropriated for making the executive Power
totally independent of the People for their Support, while it is
absolutely dependent upon the Crown for its being as well as
Subsistence, there will be an End of freedom. In such Courts &
under such an Administration, you will easily conceive what
Constructions of Law & what Decisions the people are to expect. I
send you two or three of our latest papers; there may be some
Speculations upon the Subject in them, which you may think proper
to get republishd in your papers.

You mentiond in one of your Letters your Intention to send your
Daughter here, than which nothing would be more agreable to us.

Your Sister, my dear Betsy,2 joyns with me in Expressions of Love
to Mrs Wells, & begs me to assure you that she is, as I am in
strict truth
Yours affectionately,

1 Brother-in-law of Adams.
2 Mrs. Adams.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., Pp. 9, 10.]

BOSTON, October 27, 1772.

I have just now received your favour, dated this day. I am
perfectly of your opinion with regard to the independency of the
judges. It is a matter beyond doubt in my mind. I was told yesterday,
by one of his majesty's council, that Mr. Hutchinson has a letter by
the packet, from Bernard, which advises him of it as a fact. This town
is to meet to-morrow, to consider what is proper for them to do. We
have looked upon it as of so interesting a nature to us, that even the
report should alarm us. It is proposed by many among us to apply
to the judges for their explicit declaration, whether they will
accept of so odious a support, and to apply also to the governour
for a general assembly forthwith. I will write you on Thursday,
and let you know the event. Our enemies would intimidate us, by
saying our brethren in the other towns are indifferent about this
matter, for which reason I am particularly glad to receive your
letter at this time. Roxbury, I am told, is thoroughly awake. I wish
we could arouse the continent.

I write in the utmost haste,

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with slight
variations is in J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp.
10-12.]

BOSTON Oct 29 1772

MY DEAR SIR

I wrote you in great Haste on Tuesday last. Since which the
Freeholders & other Inhabitts of this Town have had a Meeting,1 to
enquire into the Grounds of the Report that the Salaries of the
Judges are fixd & paid by order of the Crown, and to determine upon
such measures as should be proper for them to take upon so alarming
an Occasion.

The inclosd paper contains a short but true Account of their
proceedings. It is proposd by some to petition the Governr to
order a session of the Genl Assembly, and that the Town should
expressly declare their natural & Charter Rights to their
Representatives, and the Instances in which they have been
violated peremptorily requiring them to take every Step which the
Constitution prescribes to redress our Grievances, or if every
such Step has been already taken, to inform their Constituents,
that they may devise such Measures as they may see their way clear
to take, or patiently bear the Yoke. I will acquaint you with the
proceedings of the Town as they pass. In the mean time I wish your
Town would think it proper to have a Meeting, which may be most
seasonable at this time. For as the Superr Court is to be held at
Salem next Week, you will have the Oppy of making a decent
Application to them, & enquiring of the Certainty of this Report,
& other matters mentd in your Letter to me. Which Enquiry will be
more naturally made to them in Case the Govr should decline
answering the message of this Town, or do it, if I may be allowd
the Expression, equivocally.

This Country must shake off their intollerable burdens at all
Events. Every day strengthens our oppressors & weakens us. If each
Town would declare its Sense of these Matters I am perswaded our
Enemies would not have it in their power to divide us, in whh they
have all along shown their dexterity. Pray use your Influence with
Salem & other Towns - But I am now going with our Comt to his
Excellency.2 Shall be glad of a Letter from you. Your last I read
to the Town to their great Satisfaction though I concealed the
name of its worthy Author.

1 October 28, Boston Record Commissioners' Report, vol. xviii., p.
88.
2 Adams, Otis and Joseph Warren were members of a committee of
seven appointed by the Town of Boston on October 28 to present to
the Governor the address adopted by the Town on that date. Ibid.,
p. 90. The address was prepared by a committee consisting of
Adams, Joseph Warren and Benjamin Church. The text is in ibid., p.
89. Cf. Works of John Adams, vol. ii., p. 299 (October 27, 1772).

TO ARTHUR LEE.1

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text, with variations,
is in R.
H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., Pp. 193-195.]
BOSTON Novr 3 1772

MY DEAR SIR/

Since my last we have Advice that Lord Hillsborough is removd from
the American Department, & tho he makes his Exit with the smiles &
honors of the Court, he has the Curses of the disinterrested &
better part of the Colonists. Not that it is thought his Lordship
is by any means to be reckoned the most inveterate & active of all
the Conspirators against our Rights: There are others on this Side
of the Atlantick who have been more assiduous in plotting the Ruin
of our Liberties than even he, and they are the more infamous,
because the Country they would enslave, is that very Country in which
(to use the Words of their Adulators & Expectants) they were "born &
educated."

The Character of Lord Dartmouth has been unexceptionable in
America in point of moral Virtue; I wish it could be ascertaind of
all his Majestys Ministers and Servants. It is the opinion I have
of them that makes me tremble for his Lordship, lest in the Circle
he should make Shipwreck of his Virtue. I am well informd that he
has wrote a very polite Letter to Hutchinson, in which he
expresses a Satisfaction in his Conduct, & tells him he has always
been of Opinion that the King has a Right to pay his Governors &
other officers but surely he should have made himself thoroughly
acquainted with the several political Institutions and Charters of
the Colonies as well as the nature of free Governments in general
before he explicitly & officially declares such an Opinion. I wish
a Consideration that he has to correspond with the most artful
plausible and insinuating Geniusses, & some of them the most
malicious Enemies of the common Rights of Mankind, might induce
his Lordship to be upon his Guard against too suddenly giving full
Credit to their Representations, which perhaps was the capital
mistake of his predecessor in office - our Conspirators were
alarmd at his Appointment & I believe are determined if they can
to impose upon his Credulity, if he has any such Weakness about
him.

We are now alarmd with the Advice that the Judges of our Superior
Court, have Salaries appointed by order of the Crown, independent
of the people. This has occasiond a meeting of this metropolis,
the proceedings of which you have in the inclosed papers. At the
first meeting on the Wednesday2 & at the last Adjournment on the
Monday3 following, there was a respectable Appearance of the
Inhabitants, tho not so full as has sometimes been on Occasions of
much less Importance; owing partly to its being the Season of the
year when the Town is filled with our Country folks & every one is
laying up provisions necessary for the approaching long Winter,
partly from the Industry of the Enemies to prevent a full meeting
as they before had been to prevent any meeting at all (for they
dread nothing more) & partly from the Opinion of some that there
was no method left to be taken but the last, which is also the
Opinion of many in the Country. However as I said before, there
was a respectable meeting; and I think the Town has taken a
necessary Step to ascertain the true Sense of the Country with
regard to our Grievances, which being known, it will be the easier
to determine upon & prosecute to Effect the Methods which ought to
be taken for the Redress of our intollerable Grievances. The
Tories give out, tho in Whispers, that they expect what they call
a Breese before long, which they say they gather from the slow,
but regular Approaches that are made. They will form what Judgment
they please. Perhaps they begin to be apprehensive that the body
of a long insulted people will bear the Insults & Oppression no
longer than untill they feel in themselves Strength to shake off the
Yoke. If this is their Determination, it is justifiable as far as the
Declaration of Mr. H. himself has Weight; for I am told by a Gentleman
whom I can credit, that in Conversation he said there was nothing in
Morality that forbid Resistance.

In your last you expressd your hopes of the removal of
Hillsborough. I could not joyn with you; for if I am to have a
master, let me have a severe one that I may always have the
mortifying Sense of it. I shall then always be disposed to take
the first fair Opportunity of ridding my self of Slavery. There is
danger of the peoples being flatterd with such partial Reliefe as
Lord Dartmouth may be able, (if disposed) to obtain for them &
building upon vain Hopes till their Chains are rivetted. Are they
not still heaping Grievance upon Grievance, & while they remain,
to what purpose would it be if his Lordship should get a few
boyish Instructions to the Govr relaxed? Would this be a reason
for a final Submission to a Tribute & Egyptian Taskmasters in
Support of despotick Power! The Tribute, the Tribute is the
Indignity which I hope in God will never be patiently borne by a
People who of all the people on the Earth deserve most to be free.

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