The Writings of Samuel Adams, volume II (1770 1773)

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CANDIDUS.

TO ARTHUR LEE.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text, with variations, is
in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 177-183.]

BOSTON Sept 27 1771

SIR

I am greatly indebted to you for your several Letters of [the 10th
and 14th of June].

To let you know that I am far from being inattentive to the favors
you have done me I inclose you a Letter I wrote you some time past,
but was prevented putting it in the Bag by an Accident. I have since
been confind to my house by Sickness & by a late Excursion into the
Country I have fully recoverd my Health.

I take particular Notice of the Reasons you assign for a whole
Session of parliamt being spent without one offensive Measure to
America. You account for our being flatterd that all Designs against
the Charter of the Colony are laid aside, in a manner perfectly
corresponding with the Sentiments I had preconceivd of it. The
opinion you have formd of the ruling men on both sides the Atlantick,
is exactly mine and as I have the most unfavorable Idea of the Heads
or the Hearts of the present Administration, I cannot hope for much
Good from the Services of any man who can submit to be dependent on
them.

I was pleasd with the petition & remonstrance of the City of London -
but are not the Ministry lost to all Sensibility to the peoples
Complaints, & like the Egyptian Tyrant, do they not harden their
Hearts against their repeated Demands for a redress of Grievances.
Does it not fully appear not only that they neither fear God nor
regard Man, but that they are not even to be wearied, as one of their
ancient predecessors was, by frequent Applications. What do you
conceive to be the Step next to be taken by an abused people? For
another must be taken either by the ministry or the people or in my
opinion the nation will fall into that ruin of which they seem to me
to be now at the very precipice. May God afford them that Prudence,
Strength & fortitude by which they may be animated to maintain their
own Liberties at all Events. By your last letter you appear to resolve
well; if ever the Spirit of impeaching should rise in Britain. But how
is it possible such a Spirit should rise. In all former Struggles the
House of Commons has naturally taken Sides with the people against
oppressing Ministers & Favorites. But whether that is the Case at
present or not, is no secret to the World. We have indeed heard little
of the Business of impeaching since the Revolution. A corrupt
ministerial Influence has been gradually & too insensibly increasing
from that OEra, & is at length become so powerful (for which I think
the Nation is particularly beholden to Sir R. Walpole) as to render it
impracticable to have even one capital Object of the peoples just
Vengeance impeachd. The proposals you were so kind as [to] favor me
with, I cannot but highly approve of. I communicated them to two or
three intimate & judicious friends who equally approvd of them. But
they cannot be carried into Execution till the present parliamt is at
an End. And if it is not to be dissolvd before the End of its
septennial Duration, is it not to be feard that before its Expiration
there will be an End of Liberty. If I mistake not there is an Act of
parliamt whereby the Seats of placemen and pensioners in the House of
Commons (who were not such at the time of their Election) shall be
vacated, & their Electors have a right to the Choice of another if
they see proper. Perhaps there never was a time when the Advantages of
this Law were more apparent. Would it not then be doing the most
important Service to the Cause of Liberty if the Gentlemen of the Bill
of Rights, who I pray God may be united in their Councils, would exert
their utmost Influence to prevail upon the Constituents of such rotten
Members to claim that privilege & make a good Use of it? If there is
any Virtue among the people, I should think this might easily be done.
If it be impracticable, I fear another general Election wd only serve
to convince all of what many are apprehensive, that there is a total
Depravation of principles & manners in the Nation, or in other Words
that it is already irrecoverably undone.

We are in a State of perfect Despotism. Our Governmt is essentially
alterd. Instead of having a Gov exercising Authority within the Rules
& Circumscription of the Charter which is the Compact between the King
& the People, & dependent upon the people for his Support, we have a
Man with the Name of a Governor only. He is indeed commissiond by the
King, but under the Controul of the Minister, to whose Instrucctions
he yields an unlimitted Obedience, while he is subsisted with the
Money of that very people who are thus governd, by virtue of an
Assumd Authority of the British Parliament to oblige them to grant
him such an annual Stipend as the King shall order. Can you tell me
who is Governor of this province? Surely not Hutchinson, for I cannot
conceive that he exercises the power of judging vested in him by the
Constitution, in one Act of Govt which appears to him to be
important. The Govt is shifted into the Hands of the Earl of
Hillsborough whose sole Councellor is the Nettleham Baronet. Upon
this Governor aided by the Advice of this Councellor depends the time
& place of the Sitting of the legislative Assembly or whether it
shall sit at all. If they are allowd to sit, they are to be dictated
by this duumvirate, thro the Instrumentality of a third, & may be
thrown out of Existence for failing in one point to conform to their
sovereign pleasure, a Legislative to be sure worthy to be boasted of
by a free people. If our nominal Governor by all the Arts of
perswasion, can prevail upon us to be easy under such a Mode of
Government, he will do a singular piece of Service to his Lordship,
as it will save him the trouble of geting our Charter vacated by the
formal Decision of parliamt & the tedious process of Law.

The Grievances of Britain & the Colonies as you observe spring from
the same root of Bitterness & are of the same pernicious Growth. The
Union of Britain & the Colonies is therefore by all means to be
cultivated. If in every Colony Societies should be formd out of the
most respectable Inhabitants, similar to that of the Bill of Rights,
who should once in the year meet by their Deputies, and correspond
with such a Society in London, would it not effectually promote such
an Union? And if conducted with a proper spirit, would it not afford
reason for the Enemies of our common Liberty, however great, to
tremble. This is a sudden Thought & drops undigested from my pen. It
would be an arduous Task for any man to attempt to awaken a
sufficient Number in the Colonies to so grand an Undertaking. Nothing
however should be despaird of.

If it should ever become a practicable thing to impeach a corrupt
Administration I hope the Minister who advisd to the introducing
arbitrary power into America will not be overlookd. Such a Victim I
imagine will make a figure equal to Lord Strafford in the Reign of
Charles, or de le Pole & others in former times. "The Conduct of the
Judges touching 'Juries" appears to be alarming on both sides of the,
Water & ought to be strictly enquired into. And are they not
establishing the civil Law which Mr Blackstone says is only permitted
in England to the prejudice of the Common Law, the Consequence of
which will prove fatal to the happy Constitution. I observe that one
of your proposals is that a Law may be made "subjecting each Candidate
to an Oath against having used Bribery" to obtain his Election. Would
there not be a danger that a Law by which a Candidate may purge
himself by his Oath would exclude some other more certain Evidence
than the Oath of one who has already prostituted his Conscience for a
Seat than his own Declaration of his Innocence even upon Oath? I am of
opinion that He who can be so sordid as to gain an Election by Bribery
or any other illegal means, must be lost to all such feelings as those
of Honor or Conscience or the Obligation of an Oath. With Regard the
Grievances of the Americans it must be owned that the Violation of
the essential Right of taxing themselves is a Capital one. This Right
is founded in Nature. It is unalienable & therefore it belongs to us
exclusively. The least Infringement on it is Sacrilege. But there
are other Methods taken by Lord Hillsbro & punctually put into
Execution by Govr Hutchinson, which in my Opinion would give a mortal
Stab to Our essential Rights, if the Parliament had not by their
declaratory Act claimd Authority to make use of our money to
establish a standing army over us & an host of pensioners and
placemen civil & ecclesiastical, which are as terrible as an Army of
Soldiers. And if the Commons of this province cannot impeach, we have
nothing to rely upon but the Interposition of our friends in Britain,
or the ultima Ratio.

Inclosd you have a Copy of the protests of divers patriotick
Clergymen in Virginia against an Episcopate in America. It is part of
the plan the design of which is to secure a ministerial Influence in
America, which in all Reason is full strong enough without the Aid of
the Clergy. The Junction of the Cannon & the feudal Law you know has
been fatal to the Liberties of Mankind. The Design of the first
Settlers of New England in particular was to settle a plan of govt
upon the true principles of Liberty in which the Clergy should have
no Authority. It is no Wonder then that we should be alarmd at the
Designs of establishing such a power. It is a singular pleasure to us
that the Colony of Virginia tho episcopalian should appear against it
as you will see by the Vote of thanks of the House of Burgesses to
the protesting Gentlemen; they declare their protest to be "a wise &
well timed opposition." I wish it could be publishd in London. I had
the pleasure of knowing Mr Hewet who was in this Town about two years
ago in Company with Mr Eyre of Northhampton County, in Virginia, who
is a member of the House of Burgesses. I did not then know that Mr
Hewet was a Clergyman.

I fear I have tired your patience & conclude by assuring you that I
am in strict Truth
Sir Your friend & hume servt

P.S.-The Bearer hereof is William Story Esqr formerly of this Town,
but now of Ipswich a Town about 30 Miles East. He was Deputy Register
in the Court of Vice Admiraltry before & at the time of the Stamp Act
& would then have given up the Place as he declared but his Friends
advisd him against it - he sufferd the Resentment of the people on the
26 of August 1765, together with Lt Govr Hutchinson & others for which
he was recompencd by the Genl Assembly, as he declares in part only.
He tells me that his Design in going home is to settle an Affair of
his own relating to the Admiraltry Court, in which the Commissioners
of the Customs as he says declare it is out of their power to do him
Justice. One would think it was never in their Power or Inclination to
do any man Justice. Mr Story has always professd himself a Friend to
Liberty for many years past. I tell him that I make no doubt but you
will befriend him as far as shall be in your power in obtaining
Justice, in which you will very much oblige,

ARTICLE SIGNED "CANDIDUS."

[Boston Gazette, September 30, 1771.]

Messieurs EDES & GILL,

A General Assembly, when actuated with a becoming spirit of public
liberty against the attacks of arbitrary and despotic ministers,
appeared to be as disgustful to Gov. Bernard, as parliaments were to
James the first; with whom it was even an aphorism that the lords and
commons were two bad co-partners with a monarch: Having got rid of
such a troublesome assembly at least for one year, he was more at
leisure, in conjunction with the commissioners of the customs and his
other confederates, to attend to the plan which their hearts had been
long set upon, of introducing into the province a military power for
their aid. -Accordingly every little occurrence, which a man of sense
who had no political designs in view would not have thought worth his
notice such as frequently happen in the most orderly cities, was
gathered up with uncommon industry and made the subject of
representation to the ministry - He even descended so low as to give
lord Hillsborough a detail of the diversion of a few boys in the
street with a drum, which at no time is unusual in populous places,
and pictured it to his lordship, who, it seems gave it its full
weight, as a prelude to a designed insurrection, in which "persons of
all kinds, sexes and ages," were to bear their part - The common
amusements of children were construed rebellion, and his lordship had
minute accounts of them sent to him by this busy journalist, as
grounds upon which he might form measures of administration. But his
letters, together with those of general Gage and commodore Hood, and
the memorials, &c. of the commissioners of the customs, have already
been sufficiently animadverted upon-" No one, says the town of
Boston, in a pamphlet, entitled, An appeal to the World,2 can read
them without being astonished at seeing a person in so important a
department as governor Bernard sustained, descending in his letters
to a minister of state to such trifling circumstances and such
slanderous chit-chat: Boasting as he does in one of them of his
over-reaching those with whom he was transacting publick business;
and in order to prejudice the most respectable bodies, meanly
filching from individuals belonging to those bodies, what had been
drop'd in the course of business or debate: Journalizing every idle
report bro't to him, and in short acting the part of a pimp rather
than a governor." Sufficient however were they finally to prevail
upon administration, which had before been full ready eno' to employ
the military force in England, to order four regiments and part of a
fifth, for the preservation of the peace in the town of Boston. The
only disorders in the town that could give any colouring to measures
so severe, and not more severe than unjustifiable by the constitution,
happened on the 18th of March and 10th of June, 1768 - The first was
nothing more than the parading of the lower sort of people thro' the
streets at the close of an anniversary festivity; when no injury was
offered to any person whatever, no harm was done, nor did even Governor
Bernard himself pretend that any was intended. General Gage, in a
letter to Lord Hillsborough, mentioned this disorder as "trifling."
The other was occasioned by the unprecedented and unlawful manner of
seizing a vessel by the collector and comptroller - His Majesty's
Council after full enquiry into this disorder and the cause of it,
declared, that it "was occasioned by the making a seizure (in a
manner unprecedented) in the town of Boston on the 10th of June,1 a
little before sun-set, when a vessel was seized by the officers of
the customs; and immediately after, upon a signal given by one of
said officers, in consequence of a preconcerted plan, several armed
boats from the Romney man-of-war took possession of her." - The
officers who made the seizure were insulted, some of the windows of
their dwelling houses were broke, and other disorders were committed
- But the council further declared, that it was "highly probable that
no such disorders would have been committed if the vessel had not
been with an armed force and with many circumstances of insults &
threats carried away from the wharf." They also say, that the
disorder "seemed to spring wholly from the persons who complained of
it," and that it "was probable that an uproar was hoped for, and
intended to be occasioned by the manner of proceeding in making the
seizure." This representation of the matter was made by those very
gentlemen, of whom governor Bernard not above 3 or 4 months before,
had given this ample testimony to Lord Hillsborough; that "they had
shown great attention to the support of government," and "upon many
occasions a resolution and steadiness in promoting his Majesty's
service, which would have done honor to his Majesty's appointment, if
they had held their places under it:" And to whom he about the same
time very warmly returned his thanks, "for their steady, uniform and
patriotic conduct, which had shown them impressed with a full
sense of their duty both to their king & their country." A
representation of matters of fact, made by gentlemen whom governor
Bernard had so highly applauded for their attention to the support of
government, and resolution and steadiness in promoting his majesty's
service, must surely meet with full credit with the friends of
government; and induce a conclusion, even in their minds, that if
there was a necessity of troops in the town of Boston to keep the
peace, it arose not from the "madness of the people," (a decent
expression of General Gage) but altogether from the extravagance
of the servants of the crown; who after a preconcerted plan, according
to the account given by the council, hoped for, and intended that an
uproar should be occasion'd, by the manner of their proceeding with
an armed force, and many circumstances of insult and threats in making
a seizure. -This disturbance, after a few hours, wholly subsided, thro'
the interposition of the inhabitants of the town, & no great mischief
was done; yet the most aggravated accounts were given of it by the Cabal,
to answer their own purposes. The Romney ship of war, had before been
ordered by commodore Hood to this place, in consequence of
information sent to him of a factious and turbulent spirit among the
people. The captain thought it his duty to acquaint the commodore of
this fresh disturbance; and the Beaver sloop, being then in the
harbour, and preparing for her station at Philadelphia, was remanded
back to Halifax for that purpose, and with such speed as to be
obliged to leave part of her provisions behind - Large packets were
sent by this vessel to the commodore, and others for England, where
it was proposed by the cabal she should be immediately dispatched
from Halifax. The comptroller of the customs embark'd on board the
same sloop very privately, by whom letters in abundance were sent to
London. In these letters a number of gentlemen, who were called the
leaders of the faction, were proscribed. Some of the cabal could not
conceal their designs; for it was even then given out by them, that
troops would probably soon arrive from Halifax, and that two
regiments of Irish troops were to be sent to this town; all which
accordingly took place in about four months afterwards, being the
time in which they might have been expected by orders of the ministry
in consequence of these letters. Indeed we have since been made
certain by a publication of their own letters, that they had
earnestly sollicited the sending of troops about this time. The
commissioners of the customs in a letter to the lords of the
treasury, acquainted that board "that there had been a long concerted
and extensive plan of resistance to the authority of Great Britain,
and that the seizure had hastened the people to the commission of
actual violence sooner than was intended" and further, "that nothing
but the exertion of military power would prevent an open revolt in
this town, which would probably spread throughout the provinces." The
collector and comptroller in their letters upon this occasion to the
commissioners, which was laid before administration tell their
honors, "that it appeared evident to them that a plan of insurrection
of a very dangerous and extensive nature had long been in
agitation, & now brought nearly to a crisis." But it is needless to
repeat the many exaggerated accounts given by the governor and his
confederates, of this occurrence, which on the part of the people was
altogether unexpected; and as the Council observed, "seem'd to have
sprang wholly from the persons who complained of it." - To crown all,
the Commissioners pretended that "they had reason to expect further
violences," and fled, Bernard says in a letter to lord Hillsborough,
"were driven" to Castle William; where they represented to the lords
of the treasury that the "protection afforded them by Commodore Hood,
viz, the Romney and one or two sloops of war, was the most
seasonable, as without it they should not have considered themselves
(even there) in safety, nor his Majesty's Castle secured from falling
into the hands of the people," and "that it was impossible for them
to set foot in Boston, until there were two or three regiments in the
town, to restore and support government." - However true it may be,
that the Commissioners had rendered themselves the objects of the
publick resentment, which their letters and memorials have had no
tendency to abate, they never had been, to use an expression of Gov.
Bernard, the objects of popular fury; not the least injury had ever
been offer'd to their persons or property. They had landed without
opposition, and had lived in the town many months, if despis'd and
hated, yet unmolested: For this we have the testimony of his
Majesty's Council; "They were not, say they, oblig'd to quit the town
- it was a voluntary act of their own - there never had been any
insult offer'd Them - and when they were at the Castle there was
no occasion for men of war to protect them." And even after their
voluntary flight, they often made excursions upon the main, for the
purpose of amusement and recreation, for which, having quitted the
severe exercises of their employment in the town, they now had
sufficient leisure: There, they might easily have been insulted if
there had been any such disposition in the people. It has long been
evident that all this pretended apprehension of danger, and their
flight first to the Romney ship of war, and then to the castle for
protection, was intended to cooperate with & confirm the letters and
memorials sent home, and to facilitate the prosecution of their design.
Such were the methods us'd by a restless set of men, to hold up this
town and province, to the nation and to the world, in a false and
odious light. It was therefore peculiarly incumbent upon all, and those
persons especially, who were entrusted by the publick, to be vigilant
for it, at a time when they who were seeking its ruin, were
remarkably attentive to and active in prosecuting their plans. And
can any one say there is reason to think that a minister of the
temper of Lord H---h, perpetually acted upon by the implacable hatred
of Bernard, has yet abandon'd, or is likely to abandon, his favorite
system, while there is ONE left on this side the water who is ready
to put it in execution? - No - The disputes with the court of Spain
and the city of London during the late session of parliament, may
have prov'd so embarrassing to A---n as to have caus'd a suspension
of the execution of it for a while; but to trust that it is therefore
wholly laid aside, is a degree of credulity and infatuation, which I
hope will never be impos'd by any man on this country. Great pains we
know are taken to perswade and assure us, that as long as we continue
quiet, nothing will be done to our prejudice: But let us beware of
these soothing arts. - Has anything been done for our relief? - Has
any one grievance which we have complained of been redressed? On the
contrary, are not our just causes of complaint and remonstrance daily
increasing, at a time when we were flattered that a change of men
would produce a change of measures? Have our petitions for the
redress of grievances ever been answered or even listened to? If not,
what can be intended by all the fair promises made to us by tools and
sycophants, but to lull us into that quietude and sleep by which
slavery is always preceeded. - While treachery and imposition is the
fort of any man, let us remember, there is always most danger when
his professions are warmest.

CANDIDUS.

1See Vol. I., page 396.
2 See Vol. I., page 245.

TO ARTHUR LEE.

[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., p. 183.]

BOSTON, Oct. 2d, 1771.

SIR,

I have already written to you by this conveyance, and there mentioned
to you Mr. Story, a gentleman to whose care I committed that letter.
I have since heard that he has a letter to Lord Hillsborough from
Gov. Hutchinson, which may possibly recommend him for some place by
way of compensation for his joint sufferings with the governor. I do
not think it possible for any man to receive his lordship's favour,
without purchasing it by having done or promising to do some kind of
jobs. If Mr. Story should form connexions with administration upon
any principles inconsistent with those of a friend to liberty, he
will then appear to be a different character from that which I
recommended to your friendship. I mention this for your caution, and
in confidence; and am with great regard sir, your humble servant,

ARTICLE SIGNED "CANDIDUS."

[Boston Gazette, October 7, 1771.]

Messieurs EDES & GILL,
Instead of voted Aid,

"Th' illegal imposition followed harsh
With Execration given, or ruthless squeez'd
From an insulted People."
THOMPSON.

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