The Writings of Samuel Adams, volume II (1770 1773)

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This indefatigable Layman threatens to "chastise" me for falshood,
in saying I had heard, or "it is said" that this is the first
instance of an address ever made to a governor by the convention;
but strictly speaking it was truly said, according to his own
account; for if a majority of the members which compose the
convention, have never met, nor any of the members ever been
notified of time, place or matters to be transacted, how can any
act be said to have been the act of the convention? But this is
not what I intended - I was told, or to use my own words, it was
said in my hearing, that this was the first address to a governor
ever made by the convention: I understood it to be the first
address ever made to a governor by any number of ministers calling
themselves the ministers of the congregational churches of this
province met in convention: The Layman has convinced me that I was
misinformed: Does it follow that I am chargeable with falshood? a
gross violation of truth? Fie, fie, Layman! As your client's cause
requires the utmost candor, learn to exercise a little of it
towards others; it is a shame for you to rail in behalf of the
clergy - An instance is bro't of an address to Governor Pownal,
and another to Bernard! But in neither of these instances, as the
Layman tells us, were the members of the convention notified, or
the majority of them present. Perhaps only SEVENTEEN met, and an
hour before the usual time, as was said by one of the convention
to be the case, when the late address was first carried. The
Layman indeed insists upon twenty-four; it is immaterial as I said
before, since either of these numbers is inconsiderable, in
comparison with 300, some say 400 ministers of that denomination
in the province. If the Layman thinks it material, I am sorry the
Rev. Dr. who presided at the meeting, though repeatedly requested,
will not condescend to ascertain it for him - With regard to
addresses to governors upon their promotion, so far as it can be
presumed that they are well qualified and well dispos'd to employ
their shining talents, (for such they all have, if we are to
believe the late addresses here and elsewhere,) and to make
themselves "diffusive blessings in their exalted stations," those
of the clergy and others, who are so very fond of congratulating,
let them congratulate, if they please. I believe many of the
clergymen who congratulated the Nettleham baronet, and others
besides, have since been fully convinced that they have no reason
to pride themselves in it. The truth is, every man in power will
be adulated by some sort of men in every country, because he is a
man in power - TRYON arrives from the bloody scenes of Alamance,
and receives the high encomiums of New York, the clergy as well as
others, for having "saved a sister colony" by his noble exploit;
and another is flattered as being the "father of his country," and
"the delight of an obliged and grateful people," by those very men
who now detest the administration of BERNARD whom they had before
cannonized, altho' he has assured his noble patron, and many
believe it, that this Father of his country is just such an one as
himself; that he is pushing forward with the utmost vehemence,
tho' in different modes, the same measures, and that he may be
depended upon by his Lordship equally with himself. I am with
great respect to the congregational ministers,

CANDIDUS.

ARTICLE SIGNED "CANDIDUS.

[Boston Gazette, August 19, 1771.]

Messieurs Edes & Gill.

It has become of late so fashionable for some persons to make
their addresses to every one whom they call a great man, that one
can hardly look upon them as the genuine marks of respect to any
one who is really a good man. Their addresses seem to spring
altogether from political views; and without the least regard to
the character or merit of the persons whom they profess to
compliment in them. From the observations I have been able to
make, I have been led to think that one of their designs in
addressing, is to give occasion to my Lord of H- and other great
men to think, or at least to say it, whether they think so or not,
that the scales have at length fallen from the eyes of the people
of this town and province; and that in consequence thereof, they
have altered their sentiments, & are become perfectly reconciled
to the whole system of ministerial measures; for otherwise, they
might argue, could they possibly be so liberal in their addresses and
compliments to those persons who are employed, and no question, are
very active in carrying those measures into execution. But I should
think that if a question of this consequence, namely, Whether the
people have altered their sentiments in so interesting a point, is to
be decided by their apparent disposition to compliment this or that
particular gentleman, because he is employed in the service of
administration in America, it would be the fairest method to call a
meeting of the inhabitants of the Town, duly notifying them of the
occasion of the meeting, and let the matter be fully debated if needbe,
and determined by a vote. Every one would then see, if the vote
was carried in favour of addressing, or which upon my supposition
is the same thing, in favour of the measures of administration,
whether it obtain'd by a large or small majority of the whole; and
we might come to the knowledge of the very persons, which is much
to be desired, as well as the weight of understanding and property
on each side.

For my own part, I cannot but at present be of opinion, and "I
have reason to believe" that my opinion is well founded, that the
measures of the British administration of the colonies, are still
as disgustful and odious to the inhabitants of this respectable
metropolis in general, as they ever have been:
And I will venture further to add, that nothing, in my opinion,
can convey a more unjust idea of the spirit of a true American,
than to suppose he would even compliment, much less make an
adulating address to any person sent here to trample on the Rights
of his Country; or that he would ever condescend to kiss the hand
which is ready prepared to rivet his own fetters - There are among
us, it must be confess'd, needy expectants and dependents; and a
few others of sordid and base minds, form'd by nature to bend and
crouch even to little great men: - But whoever thinks, that by the
most refined art and assiduous application of the most ingenious
political oculist, the "public eye" can yet look upon the chains
which are forg'd for them, or upon those detestable men who are
employ'd to put them on, without abhorrence and indignation, are
very much mistaken - I only wish that my Countrymen may be upon
their guard against being led by the artifices of the tools of
Administration, into any indiscreet measures, from whence they may
take occasion to give such a coloring. "There have been, says the
celebrated American Farmer, in every age and in every country bad
men: Men who either hold or expect to hold certain advantages by
fitting examples of SERVILITY to their countrymen: Who train'd to
the employment, or self-taught by a natural versatility of genius,
serve as decoys for drawing the innocent and unwary into snares.
It is not to be doubted but that such men will diligently bestir
themselves on this and every like occasion, to spread the
infection of their meanness as far as they can. On the plans they
have adopted this is their course. This is the method to recommend
themselves to their patrons. They act consistently in a bad cause.
They run well in a mean race. From them we shall learn, how
pleasant and profitable a thing it is, to be, for our submissive
behavior, well spoken of at St. James's or St. Stephen's, at
Guildhall or the Royal Exchange."

We cannot surely have forgot the accursed designs of a most
detestable set of men, to destroy the Liberties of America as with
one blow, by the Stamp-Act; nor the noble and successful efforts
we then made to divert the impending stroke of ruin aimed at
ourselves and our posterity. The Sons of Liberty on the 14th of
August 1765, a Day which ought to be for ever remembered in
America, animated with a zeal for their country then upon the
brink of destruction, and resolved, at once to save her, or like
Samson, to perish in the ruins, exerted themselves with such
distinguished vigor, as made the house of Dogon to shake from its
very foundation; and the hopes of the lords of the Philistines
even while their hearts were merry, and when they were
anticipating the joy of plundering this continent, were at that
very time buried in the pit they had digged. The People shouted;
and their shout was heard to the distant end of this Continent. In
each Colony they deliberated and resolved, and every Stampman
trembled; and swore by his Maker, that he would never execute a
commission which he had so infamously received

We cannot have forgot, that at the very Time when the stamp-act
was repealed, another was made in which the Parliament of Great-
Britain declared, that they had right and authority to make any
laws whatever binding on his Majesty's subjects in America - How
far this declaration can be consistent with the freedom of his
Majesty's subjects in America, let any one judge who pleases - In
consequence of such right and authority claim'd, the commons of
Great Britain very soon fram'd a bill and sent it up to the Lords,
wherein they pray'd his Majesty to accept of their grant of such a
part as they were then pleas'd, by virtue of the right and
authority inherent in them to make, of the property of his
Majesty's subjects in America by a duty upon paper, glass,
painter's colours and tea. And altho' these duties are in part
repeal'd, there remains enough to answer the purpose of
administration, which was to fix the precedent. We remember the
policy of Mr. Grenville, who would have been content for the
present with a pepper corn establish'd as a revenue in America: If
therefore we are voluntarily silent while the single duty on tea
is continued, or do any act, however innocent, simply considered,
which may be construed by the tools of administration, (some of
whom appear to be fruitful in invention) as an acquiescence in the
measure, we are in extreme hazard; if ever we are so distracted as
to consent to it, we are undone.

Nor can we ever forget the indignity and abuse with which America
in general, and this province and town in particular, have been
treated, by the servants & officers of the crown, for making a
manly resistance to the arbitrary measures of administration, in
the representations that have been made to the men in power at
home, who have always been dispos'd to believe every word as
infallible truth. For opposing a threatned Tyranny, we have been
not only called, but in effect adjudged Rebels & Traitors to the
best of Kings, who has sworn to maintain and defend the Rights and
Liberties of his Subjects - We have been represented as inimical to
our fellow subjects in Britain, because we have boldly asserted those
Rights and Liberties, wherewith they, as Subjects, are made free.
-When we complain'd of this injurious treatment; when we
petition'd,and remonstrated our grievances: What was the Consequence?
Still further indignity; and finally a formal invasion of this town by
a fleet and army in the memorable year 1768.

Our masters, military and civil, have since that period been
frequently chang'd; and possibly some of them, from principles
merely political, may of late have look'd down upon us with less
sternness in their countenances than a BERNARD or a . . .: But
while there has been no essential alteration of measures, no real
redress of grievances, we have no reason to think, nay we deceive
ourselves if we indulge a thought that their hearts are changed.
We cannot entertain such an imagination, while the revenue, or as
it is more justly stiled, the TRIBUTE is extorted from us: while
our principal fortress, within the environs of the town, remains
garrison'd by regular troops, and the harbour is invested by ships
of war. The most zealous advocates for the measures of
administration, will not pretend to say, that these troops and
these ships are sent here to protect America, or to carry into
execution any one plan, form'd for the honor or advantage of
Great-Britain. It would be some alleviation, if we could be
convinced that they were sent here with any other design than to
insult us.

How absurd then must the addresses which have been presented to
some particular gentlemen, who have made us such friendly visits,
appear in the eyes of men of sense abroad! Or, if any of them have
been so far impos'd upon, as to be induc'd to believe that such
addresses speak the language of the generality of the people, how
ridiculous must the generality of the people appear! On the last
supposition, would not a sensible reader of those addresses, upon
comparing them with the noble resolutions which this town, this
province and this continent have made against SLAVERY, and the
just and warm resentment they have constantly shown against EVERY
man whatever, who had a mind sordid and base enough, for the sake
of lucre, or the preservation of a commission, or from any other
consideration, to submit to be made even a remote instrument in
bringing and entailing it upon a free and a brave people; upon
such a comparison, would he not be ready to conclude, "that we had
forgot the reasons which urged us, with unexampled unanimity a few
years ago - that our zeal for the public good had worn out, before
the homespun cloaths which it had caused us to have made - and,
that by our present conduct we condemned our own late successful
example! -Although this is altogether supposition, without any
foundation in truth, yet, so our enemies wish it may be in
reality, and so they intend it shall be - To prevent it, let us
ADHERE TO FIRST PRINCIPLES. CANDIDUS.

ARTICLE SIGNED "CANDIDUS."

[Boston Gazette, September 9, 1771.]

Messieurs EDES & GILL,

PERHAPS there never was a people who discovered themselves more
strongly attached to their natural and constitutional rights and
liberties, than the British Colonists on this American Continent -
Their united and successful struggles against that slavery with
which they were threatened by the stamp-act, will undoubtedly be
recorded by future historians to their immortal honor - The
assembly of Virginia, which indeed is the most ancient colony,
claimed their preeminence at that important crisis, by first
asserting their rights which were invaded by the act, and by their
spirited resolution to ward off the impending stroke: And they
were seconded by all the other colonies, with such unanimity and
invincible fortitude, that those who, to their eternal disgrace
and infamy, had accepted of commissions to oppress them, were made
to shudder at the thought of rendering themselves still more
odious to all posterity, by executing their commissions, and
publickly to abjure their detestable design of raising their
fortunes upon the ruin of their country. Under the influence of
the wisest administration which has ever appeared since the
present reign began: The hateful act was at length repeal'd; to
the joy of every friend to the rights of mankind in Britain, and
of all America, except the few who either from the prospect of
gain by it, or from an inveterate envy which they had before and
have ever since discovered, of the general happiness of the people
of America, were the promoters if not the original framers of it.
This restless faction could not bear to see the Americans restored
to the possession of their rights and liberties, and sitting once
more in security under their own vines and their own fig trees:
Unwearied in their endeavours to introduce an absolute tyranny
into this country, to which they were instigated, some from the
principles of ambition or a lust of power, and others from an
inordinate love of money which is the root of all evil, and which
had before possessed the hearts of those who had undertaken to
distribute the stamped papers, they met together in cabal and laid
a new plan to render the people of this continent tributary to the
mother country - Having finished their part of the plan, their
indefatigable Randolph was dispatched to Great-Britain to
communicate it to the fraternity there, in order that it might be
ripen'd and bro't to perfection: But even before his embarkation,
he could not help discovering his own weakness, by giving a broad
hint of the design - This parricide pretended that his intention
in making a voyage to England at that time, was to settle a
private affair of his own; that he had nothing else in view; and
that having settled that private affair, he should immediately
return, and as he express'd it, lay his bones in his native
country. Full of the appearance of love for his country, he
express'd the greatest solicitude to do the best service he could
for it, while in England; but unluckily drop'd a question, strange
and inconsistent as it may appear to the reader, "What do you
think, sir, of a small Duty upon divers articles of importation
from Great-Britain?" No sooner had he arriv'd in London, than the
news was dispatch'd from the friends of America there, of a design
to lay a duty upon paper, glass, painter's colours, and tea
imported into America, with the sole purpose of raising a revenue
- The lucrative commission which he obtain'd while in England, in
consequence of the passing of the act of parliament, whereby he
was appointed one of the principal managers of this very revenue,
affords but little room to doubt what his intention was in his
voyage to London, notwithstanding his warm professions of concern
for his native country - It is not always a security against a
man's sacrificing a country, that he was born and educated in it.
The Tyrants of Rome were Natives of Rome. Such men indeed incur a
guilt of a much deeper dye, than Strangers, who commit no such
violation of duty and of feeling. - There was another of the cabal
who embark'd about the same time, but he was call'd out of this
life before he reach'd London, and de mortuis nil dico - Of the
living I shall speak, as occasion shall call for it, with a
becoming freedom.

The whole continent was justly alarmed at the parliament's
resuming the measure of raising a revenue in America without their
consent, which had so nearly operated the ruin of the whole
British empire but a few months before; & that this odious measure
should be taken, so soon after the happy coalition between Britain
and the colonies which the repeal of the stamp-act had occasion'd
for if one may judge by the most likely appearances, the
affections of her colonists, were upon this great event, more
strongly attached to the mother country if possible, than ever
they had been. But the great men there had been made to believe
otherwise - Nay the governor of this province had gone such a
length as to assure them, that the design of the Americans in
their opposition to the stamp-act, was to bring the authority of
parliament into contempt - Many of his adherents privately wrote
to the same purpose - All which had a tendency to break that
harmony, which after the only interruption that had ever taken
place and that of short continuance, had been renewed, and
doubtless would have been confirmed to mutual advantage for ages,
had it not been for that pestilent few, who first to aggrandize
themselves and their families, interrupted the harmony, and then
to preserve their own importance, took every step their malice
could invent, with the advantage they had gain'd of a confidence
with the ministry, to prevent it's ever being restored.

Upon the fatal news (fatal, I call it, for I very much fear it will
prove so in its consequences, how remote I will not take upon me to
predict) upon the news of the passing of another revenue act, the
colonies immediately took such measures as were dictated to them, not
by passion and rude clamour, but by the voice of reason and a just
regard to the safety of themselves and their posterity. The assembly
of this province, being the first I suppose who had the opportunity of
meeting, prepared and forwarded a humble, dutiful & loyal petition to
the King1 and wrote letters to such of the British nobility2 and
gentry as had before discovered themselves friends to the rights of
America & of mankind, beseeching their interposition and influence on
their behalf. At the same time they wrote a circular letter to each of
the other colonies3, letting them know the steps they had taken and
desiring their advice & joint Assistance - This letter had its
different effects; on the one hand, in the deep resentment of my Lord
of Hillsborough, who was pleased to call it "a measure of an
inflamatory nature - Evidently tending to create unwarrantable
combinations, to excite an unjustifiable opposition to the
constitutional authority of parliament and to revive unhappy divisions
and distractions," &c. While on the other hand, the colonies, as
appears by their respective polite answers, receiv'd it with the
highest marks of approbation, as a token of sincere affection to them,
& a regard to the common safety; and they severally proceeded to take
concurrent measures. No one step I believe, united the colonies
more than this letter; excepting his lordship's endeavors by his
own circular letter to the colonies, to give it a different turn -
But however decent and loyal -However warrantable by or rather
conformable to the spirit and the written rules of the British
constitution, the petitions of right and other applications of the
distressed Americans were, they shared the same fate which those
of London, Westminster, Middlesex, & other great cities & counties
have since met with! No redress of grievances ensued: Not even the
least disposition in administration to listen to our petitions;
which is not so much to be wondered at, when we consider the
temper of the ministry, which was incessantly acted upon by
Governor Bernard in such kind of language as this "The authority
of the King, the supremacy of parliament, the superiority of
government are the real objects of the attack"; while nothing is
more certain, than that the house of representatives of this
province in their petition to the king, and in all their letters,
that in particular which was address'd to the other colonies, the
sentiment of which was recogniz'd by them, expressly declare,
"that his Majesty's high court of parliament is the supreme
legislative power over the whole empire, in all cases which can
consist with the fundamental rights of the constitution," and that
"it was never questioned in this province, nor as they conceive in
any other." They indeed in all their letters insist upon the right
of granting their own money, as a right founded in nature, the
exercise of which no man ever relinquished to another & remain'd
free - A right therefore which no power on earth, not even the
acknowledged supreme legislative power over the whole empire hath
any authority to divest them of - "The supreme power says Mr.
Locke, is not, nor can possibly be absolutely arbitrary, over the
lives and fortunes of the people - The supreme power cannot take
from any man any part of his property without his own consent. For
the preservation of property being the end of government, and that
for which men enter into society; it necessarily supposes and
requires that the people should have property, without which they
must be supposed to lose that by entering into society, which was
the end for which they entered into it. Men therefore in society
having property, they have such a right to the goods which by the
law of the community are theirs, that no body hath a right to take
their substance or any part of it from them without their consent.
Without this, they have no property at all: For I have truly no
property in that, which another can by right take from me when he
pleases, against my consent" - These are the principles upon which
alone, the Americans founded their opposition to the late acts of
parliament. How then could governor Bernard with any colour of
truth declare to a minister of state in general terms, that "the
authority of the King, the supremacy of parliament, the
superiority of government, were the objects of the attack?" Upon
the principles of reason and nature, their opposition is
justifiable: For by those acts the property of the Colonists is
taken from them without their consent. It is by no means
sufficient to console us, that the duty is reduced to the single
article of Tea, which by the way is not a fact; but if it should
be admitted, it is because the parliament for the present are
pleased to demand no more of us: Should we acquiesce in their
taking three pence only because they please, we at least tacitly
consent that they should have the sovereign controul of our
purses; and when they please they will claim an equal right, and
perhaps plead a precedent for it, to take a shilling or a pound -
At present we have the remedy in our own hands; we can easily
avoid paying the TRIBUTE, by abstaining from the use of those
articles by which it is extorted from us: - and further, we can
look upon our haughty imperious taskmasters, and all those who are
sent here to aid and abet them, together with those sons of
servility, who from very false notions of politeness, can seek and
court opportunities of cringing and fawning at their feet, of
whom, thro' favor, there are but few among us: we may look down
upon all these, with that sovereign contempt and indignation, with
which those who feel their own dignity and freedom, will for ever
view the men, who would attempt to reduce them to the disgraceful
state of SLAVERY.

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