The Original Writings of Samuel Adams, Volume 4

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Your affectionate,

"AN AMERICAN" TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE AND OTHERS.

[W. V. Wells,1 Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 18-26; printed in
the Massachusetts Spy, July 16, 1778.]

To the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Viscount Howe, Sir William Howe (or, in
his absence, Sir Henry Clinton), William Eden, and George Johnstone.

Trusty and well-beloved servants of your sacred master, in whom he is
well pleased.

As you are sent to America for the express purpose of treating with
anybody and anything, you will pardon an address from one who disdains
to flatter those whom he loves. Should you therefore deign to read this
address, your chaste ears will not be offended with the language of
adulation,--a language you despise.

I have seen your most elegant and most excellent letter "to his
Excellency, Henry Laurens, the President, and other members of the
Congress." As that body have thought your propositions unworthy their
particular regard, it may be some satisfaction to your curiosity, and
tend to appease the offended spirit of negotiation, if one out of the
many individuals on this great continent should speak to you the
sentiments of America,--sentiments which your own good sense hath
doubtless suggested, and which are repeated only to convince you that,
notwithstanding the narrow ground of private information on which we
stand in this distant region, still a knowledge of our own rights, and
attention to our own interests and a sacred respect for the dignity of
human nature, have given us to understand the true principles which
ought, and which therefore shall, sway our conduct.

You begin with the amiable expressions of humanity, the earnest desire
of tranquillity and peace. A better introduction to Americans could not
be devised. For the sake of the latter, we once laid our liberties at
the feet of your Prince, and even your armies have not eradicated the
former from our bosoms.

You tell us you have powers unprecedented in the annals of your
history. And England, unhappy England, will remember with deep
contrition that these powers have been rendered of no avail by a
conduct unprecedented in the annals of mankind. Had your royal master
condescended to listen to the prayer of millions, he had not thus have
sent you. Had moderation swayed what we were proud to call "mother
country" her full-blown dignity would not have broken down under her.

You tell us that all "parties may draw some degree of consolation, and
even auspicious hope, from recollection." We wish this most sincerely
for the sake of all parties. America, in the moment of subjugation,
would have been consoled by conscious virtue, and her hope was, and is,
in the justice of her cause and the justice of the Almighty. These are
sources of hope and of consolation which neither time nor chance can
alter or take away.

You mention "the mutual benefits and consideration of evils that may
naturally contribute to determine our resolutions." As to the former,
you know too well that we could derive no benefit from a union with
you, nor will I, by deducing the reasons to evince this, put an insult
upon your understandings. As to the latter, it were to be wished you
had preserved a line of conduct equal to the delicacy of your feelings.
You could not but know that men who sincerely love freedom disdain the
consideration of all evils necessary to attain it. Had not your own
hearts borne testimony to this truth, you might have learned it from
the annals of your own history; for in those annals instances of this
kind at least are not unprecedented. But should those instances be
insufficient, we pray you to read the unconquered mind of America.

That the acts of Parliament you transmitted were passed with singular
unanimity, we pretend not to doubt. You will pardon me, gentlemen, for
observing that the reasons of that unanimity are strongly marked in the
report of a committee of Congress agreed to on the 22d of April last,
and referred to in a late letter from Congress to Lord Viscount Howe
and Sir Henry Clinton.

You tell us you are willing "to consent to a cessation of hostilities
both by sea and land." It is difficult for rude Americans to determine
whether you are serious in this proposition or whether you mean to jest
with their simplicity. Upon a supposition, however, that you have too
much magnanimity to divert yourselves on an occasion of so much
importance to America, and, perhaps, not very trivial in the eyes of
those who sent you, permit me to assure you, on the sacred word of a
gentleman, that if you shall transport your troops to England, where
before long your Prince will certainly want their assistance, we shall
never follow them thither. We are not so romantically fond of fighting,
neither have we such regard for the city of London, as to commence a
crusade for the possession of that holy land. Thus you may be certain
hostilities will cease by land. It would be doing singular injustice to
your national character to suppose you are desirous of a like cessation
by sea. The course of the war, and the very flourishing state of your
commerce, notwithstanding our weak efforts to interrupt it, daily show
that you can exclude us from the sea,--the sea, your kingdom!

You offer "to restore free intercourse, to revive mutual affection, and
renew the common benefits of naturalization." Whenever your countrymen
shall be taught wisdom by experience, and learn from past misfortunes
to pursue their true interests in the future we shall readily admit
every intercourse which is necessary for the purposes of commerce and
usual between different nations. To revive mutual affection is utterly
impossible. We freely forgive you, but it is not in nature that you
should forgive us. You have injured us too much. We might, on this
occasion, give you some instances of singular barbarity committed, as
well by the forces of his Britannic Majesty as by those of his generous
and faithful allies, the Senecas, Onondagas, and Tuscaroras. But we
will not offend a courtly ear by the recital of those disgusting
scenes. Besides this, it might give pain to that humanity which hath,
as you observe, prompted your overtures, to dwell upon the splendid
victories obtained by a licentious soldiery over unarmed men in
defenceless villages, their wanton devastations, their deliberate
murders, or to inspect those scenes of carnage painted by the wild
excesses of savage rage. These amiable traits of national conduct
cannot but revive in our bosoms that partial affection we once felt for
everything which bore the name of Englishman. As to the common benefits
of naturalization, it is a matter we conceive to be of the most
sovereign indifference. A few of our wealthy citizens may hereafter
visit England and Rome to see the ruins of those august temples in
which the goddess of Liberty was once adored. These will hardly claim
naturalization in either of those places as a benefit. On the other
hand, such of your subjects as shall be driven by the iron hand of
Oppression to seek for refuge among those whom they now persecute will
certainly be admitted to the benefits of naturalization. We labor to
rear an asylum for mankind, and regret that circumstances will not
permit you, gentlemen, to contribute to a design so very agreeable to
your several tempers and dispositions.

But further, your Excellencies say, "We will concur to extend every
freedom to trade that our respective interests can require."
Unfortunately, there is a little difference in these interests which
you might not have found it very easy to reconcile, had the Congress
been disposed to risk their heads by listening to terms which I have
the honor to assure you are treated with ineffable contempt by every
honest Whig in America. The difference I allude to is, that it is your
interest to monopolize our commerce, and it is our interest to trade
with all the world. There is, indeed, a method of cutting this Gordian
knot which, perhaps, no statesman is acute enough to untie. By
reserving to the Parliament of Great Britain the right of determining
what our respective interests require, they might extend the freedom of
trade, or circumscribe it at their pleasure, for what they might call
our respective interests. But I trust it would not be for our mutual
satisfaction. Your "earnest desire to stop the effusion of blood and
the calamities of war" will therefore lead you, on maturer reflection,
to reprobate a plan teeming with discord, and which, in the space of
twenty years, would produce another wild expedition across the
Atlantic, and in a few years more some such commission as that "with
which his Majesty hath been pleased to honor you." We cannot but admire
the generosity of soul which prompts you "to agree that no military
force shall be kept up in the different States of North America without
the consent of the General Congress or particular Assemblies." The only
grateful return we can make for this exemplary condescension is, to
assure your Excellencies, and, on behalf of my countrymen, I do most
solemnly promise and assure you, that no military force shall be kept
up in the different States of North America without the consent of the
General Congress and that of the Legislatures of those States. You
will, therefore, cause the forces of your royal master to be removed;
for I can venture to assure you that the Congress have not consented,
and probably will not consent, that they be kept up.

You have also made the unsolicited offer of concurring "in measures
calculated to discharge the debts of America, and to raise the credit
and value of the paper circulation." If your Excellencies mean by this
to apply for offices in the department of our finance, I am to assure
you (which I do with "perfect respect") that it will be necessary to
procure very ample recommendations. For, as the English have not yet
pursued measures to discharge their own debt and raise the credit and
value of their own paper circulation, but, on the contrary, are in a
fair way to increase the one and absolutely destroy the other, you will
instantly perceive that financiers from that nation would present
themselves with the most awkward grace imaginable.

You propose to us a device to "perpetuate our union." It might not be
amiss previously to establish this union, which may be done by your
acceptance of the treaty of peace and commerce tendered to you by
Congress. And such treaty I can venture to say would continue as long
as your ministers could prevail upon themselves not to violate the
faith of nations.

You offer, to use your language, the inaccuracy of which, considering
the importance of the subject, is not to be wondered at, or at least
may be excused, "in short, to establish the powers of the respective
Legislatures in each particular State, to settle its revenue, its civil
and military establishment, and to exercise a perfect freedom of
legislation and internal government, so that the British States
throughout North America, acting with us in peace and war, under one
common sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege
that is short of a total separation of interests, or consistent with
that total union of force on which the safety of our common religion
and liberty depends." Let me assure you, gentlemen, that the power of
the respective Legislatures in each particular State is most fully
established, and on the most solid foundations. It is established on
the perfect freedom of legislation and a vigorous administration of
internal government. As to the settlement of the revenue and the civil
and military establishment, these are the work of the day, for which
the several Legislatures are fully competent. I have also the pleasure
to congratulate your Excellencies that the country for the settlement
of whose government, revenue, administration, and the like, you have
exposed yourselves to the fatigues and hazards of a disagreeable voyage
and more disagreeable negotiation, hath abundant resources wherewith to
defend her liberties now, and pour forth the rich stream of revenue
hereafter. As the States of North America mean to possess the
irrevocable enjoyment of their privileges, it is absolutely necessary
for them to decline all connection with a Parliament who, even in the
laws under which you act, reserve in express terms the power of
revoking every proposition which you may agree to. We have a due sense
of the kind offer you make to grant us a share in your sovereign; but
really, gentlemen, we have not the least inclination to accept of it.
He may suit you extremely well, but he is not to our taste. You are
solicitous to prevent a total separation of interests; and this, after
all, seems to be the gist of the business. To make you as easy as
possible on this subject, I have to observe, that it may, and probably
will, in some instances, be our interest to assist you, and then we
certainly shall. Where this is not the case, your Excellencies have
doubtless too much good sense as well as good nature to require it. We
cannot perceive that our liberty does in the least depend upon any
union of force with you; for we find that after you have exercised your
force against us for upwards of three years, we are now upon the point
of establishing our liberties in direct opposition to it. Neither can
we conceive that, after the experiment you have made, any nation in
Europe will embark in so unpromising a scheme as the subjugation of
America. It is not necessary that everybody should play the Quixote.
One is enough to entertain a generation at least. Your Excellencies
will, I hope, excuse me when I differ from you as to our having a
religion in common with you; the religion of America is the religion of
all mankind. Any person may worship in the manner he thinks most
agreeable to the Deity; and if he behaves as a good citizen, no one
concerns himself as to his faith or adorations, neither have we the
least solicitude to exalt any one sect or profession above another.

I am extremely sorry to find in your letter some sentences which
reflect upon the character of his most Christian Majesty. It certainly
is not kind, or consistent with the principles of philanthropy you
profess, to traduce a gentleman's character, without affording him an
opportunity of defending himself; and that, too, a near neighbor, and
not long since an intimate brother, who besides hath lately given you
the most solid additional proofs of his pacific disposition, and with
an unparalleled sincerity which would do honor to other princes,
declared to your Court, unasked, the nature and effect of a treaty he
had just entered into with these States. Neither is it quite according
to the rules of politeness to use such terms in addressing yourselves
to Congress, when you well knew that he was their good and faithful
ally. It is indeed true, as you justly observe, that he hath at times
been at enmity with his Britannic Majesty, by which we suffered some
inconveniences; but these flowed rather from our connection with you
than any ill-will towards us; at the same time it is a solemn truth,
worthy of your serious attention, that you did not commence the present
war,--a war in which we have suffered infinitely more than by any former
contest, a fierce, a bloody, I am sorry to add, an unprovoked and cruel
war,--that you did not commence this, I say, because of any connection
between us and our present ally; but, on the contrary, as soon as you
perceived that the treaty was in agitation, proposed terms of peace to
us in consequence of what you have been pleased to denominate an
insidious interposition. HOW, then, does the account stand between us?
America, being at peace with the world, was formerly drawn into a war
with France in consequence of her union with Great Britain. At present,
America being engaged in a war with Great Britain, will probably obtain
the most honorable terms of peace in consequence of her friendly
connection with France. For the truth of these positions, I appeal,
gentlemen, to your own knowledge. I know it is very hard for you to
part with what you have accustomed yourselves from your earliest
infancy to call your Colonies. I pity your situation, and therefore I
excuse the little aberrations from truth which your letter contains. At
the same time it is possible that you may have been misinformed. For I
will not suppose that your letter was intended to delude the people of
these States. Such unmanly, disingenuous artifices have of late been
exerted with so little effect, that prudence, if not probity, would
prevent a repetition. To undeceive you, therefore, I take the liberty
of assuring your Excellencies, from the very best intelligence, that
what you call "the present form of the French offers to America," in
other words, the treaties of alliance and commerce between his most
Christian Majesty and these States, were not made in consequence of any
plans of accommodation concerted in Great Britain, nor with a view to
prolong this destructive war. If you consider that these treaties were
actually concluded before the draft of the bills under which you act
was sent to America, and that much time must necessarily have been
consumed in adjusting compacts of such intricacy and importance, and
further, if you consider the early notification of this treaty by the
Court of France, and the assurance given that America had reserved a
right of admitting even you to a similar treaty, you must be convinced
of the truth of my assertions. The fact is, that when the British
minister perceived that we were treating with the greatest prince in
Europe, he applied himself immediately to counteract the effect of
these negotiations. And this leads me, with infinite regret, to make
some observations which may possibly be by you considered in an
offensive point of view.

It seems to me, gentlemen, there is something (excuse the word)
disingenuous in your procedure. I put the supposition that Congress had
acceded to your propositions, and then I ask two questions:-- Had you full
power from your commission to make these propositions? Possibly you did
not think it worth your while to consider your commission, but we
Americans are apt to compare things together and to reason. The second
question I ask is, What security could you give that the British
Parliament would ratify your compacts? You can give no such security;
and therefore we should, after forfeiting our reputation as a people,
after you had filched from us our good name, and persuaded us to give
to the common enemy of man the precious jewel of our liberties,--after all
this, I say, we should have been at the mercy of a Parliament which, to
say no more of it, has not treated us with too great tenderness. It is
quite needless to add that, even if that Parliament had ratified the
conditions you proposed, still poor America was to lie at the mercy of
any future Parliament, or to appeal to the sword, which certainly is
not the most pleasant business men can be engaged in.

For your use I subjoin the following creed of every good American:--I
believe that in every kingdom, state, or empire there must be, from the
necessity of the thing, one supreme legislative power, with authority
to bind every part in all cases the proper object of human laws. I
believe that to be bound by laws to which he does not consent by
himself, or by his representative, is the direct definition of a slave.
I do therefore believe that a dependence on Great Britain, however the
same may be limited or qualified, is utterly inconsistent with every
idea of liberty, for the defence of which I have solemnly pledged my
life and fortune to my countrymen; and this engagement I will sacredly
adhere to so long as I shall live. Amen.

Now, if you will take the poor advice of one who is really a friend to
England and Englishmen, and who hath even some Scotch blood in his
veins,--away with your fleets and your armies, acknowledge the
independence of America; and as ambassadors, and not commissioners,
solicit a treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and alliance with the
rising States of this Western world. Your nation totters on the brink
of a stupendous precipice, and even delay will ruin her.

You have told Congress, "if, after the time that may be necessary to
consider this communication and transmit your answer, the horrors and
devastations of war should continue, we call God and the world to
witness that the evils which must follow are not to be imputed to Great
Britain." I wish you had spared your protestation. Matters of this kind
may appear to you in a trivial light, as mere ornamental flowers of
rhetoric, but they are serious things, registered in the high chancery
of Heaven. Remember the awful abuse of words like those by General
Burgoyne, and remember his fate. There is One above us who will take
exemplary vengeance for every insult upon His majesty. You know that
the cause of America is just. You know that she contends for that
freedom to which all men are entitled,--that she contends against
oppression, rapine, and more than savage barbarity. The blood of the
innocent is upon your hands, and all the waters of the ocean will not
wash it away. We again make our solemn appeal to the God of heaven to
decide between you and us. And We pray that, in the doubtful scale of
battle, we may be successful as we have justice on our side, and that
the merciful Saviour of the world may forgive our oppressors.

I am, my Lords and Gentlemen, the friend of human nature, and one who
glories in the title of

An American.

1Also attributed to Adams in The Remembrancer, 1778, p. 306.

TO BARON STEUBEN.

[MS., Emmet Collection, Lenox Library.]

YORK TOWN June 3d 1778

SIR/

I very gratefully acknowledge the Receipt of your Favor of the 28th of
May by Mr Ternant, as well as another which was deliverd to me in
Boston. It affords me great Satisfaction to find that Congress,
sensible of your Merit, have put it in your Power to do eminent Service
to our Country in the Army, and that your Services are so acceptable
there. This is the Fulfillment of my earnest Wishes when I had the
Pleasure of conversing with you in Boston. May Heaven prosper you. Mr
Ternants Haste prevents my adding more than that I am with very cordial
Esteem

Your affectionate

very humble servt

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.]

YORK TOWN June 21 1778

MY DEAR SIR

Although we are exceedingly pressd with publick Business at this
Juncture I cannot omit the Opportunity that now offers of writing to
you. The general Scituation of Affairs, and the particular Transactions
between the British Commissioners and the Congress will be transmited
to you by this Conveyance, by the Committee for foreign Affairs. Since
I last came to this Place from Boston, several Gentlemen have arrivd
here from France viz Mr Simeon Dean, Mr Carmichael, Mr Stephenson, & Mr
Holker. Mr Carmichael comes strongly recommend[ed] by Dr Franklin & Mr
Silas Dean; but Dr Lee in his Letter gives Reasons why he cannot place
a Confidence in him. From a long Correspondence with Dr Lee, I conceive
so great an Opinion of his Candor as well as inflexible Integrity &
Attachment to our Country, that I cannot entertain a Doubt that he
would suffer partial Considerations to operate in his Mind to the
Prejudice of any Man. Such a Difference of Sentiments concerning a
Gentleman who I imagine must be of some Consequence, could not take
Place without at least apparently good Grounds; and it may produce such
Effects on this Side of the Water as may prove uncomfortable to us if
not injurious to our Cause. Would it not then be doing some Service, to
exercise your Prudence in endeavoring to investigate the real Grounds
of it, in doing which possibly some things may open to View of
Importance and at present not thought of.

Dr Lee is a Gentleman of a fair and generous Mind. I wish therefore
that you would freely converse with him upon this Subject if you think
you can do it with Propriety; and let him know that I have lately
receivd many Letters from him, which I have duly attended to and would
have acknowledgd to him by this Opportunity, if I had Leisure.

By the last Accounts I have had from Braintree your Lady & Family were
in Health, though anxiously wishing to hear of your safe Arrival.

I shall write to you as often as I can & shall esteem my self happy in
receiving your Favors.

I remain very affectionately

Your Friend,

TO MRS. ADAMS.

[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]

PHILADE July 9 1778

MY DEAR BETSY

Mr Mc Lean the Bearer of this Letter arrivd in this City yesterday, and
tells me he saw you on the Day he left Boston, and that you were then
in Health. He now returns in so great Haste as to afford me Time only
to let you know that I still enjoy that inestimable Blessing. I now
write at the Table in Congress, having just put my Hand to the
Confederation with my Colleagues & the Delegates of seven other States.
North Carolina and Georgia whose Members are absent have acceded to the
Confederation. Mr H has just obtaind the Leave of Absence and is going
home on Account of his ill State of Health & the Circumstances of his
Family. He tells me his Wife is dangerously ill.

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