The Original Writings of Samuel Adams, Volume 4

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I hope, fellow-citizens, that what I am now about to say will not be
deemed improper.

I have been accustomed to speak my mind upon matters of great moment to
our common country with freedom; and every citizen of the United States
has the same right that I have. I may never hereafter have an
opportunity of publicly expressing my opinion on the Treaty made with
the Court of London: I am therefore constrained with all due respect to
our Constituted Authority to declare, that the Treaty appears to me to
be pregnant with evil. It controuls some of the powers specially vested
in Congress for the security of the people; and I fear that it may
restore to Great Britain such an influence over the Government and
people of this country as may not be consistent with the general
welfare. This subject however it is expected will come before the
Congress whose immediate province it is to discuss it, and to
determine, so far as it may be in their power, as they shall think, for
the safety and welfare of the people.

I shall use my best endeavor to dispatch the business which you shall
lay before me. And it is my cordial wish that all your decisions may
tend to the prosperity of the Commonwealth, and afford to you the most
agreeable reflections.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

MAY 31, 1796.

[Independent Chronicle, June 2, 1796; two texts are in the
Massachusetts Archives.]

FELLOW CITIZENS,

It is not my intention to interrupt your business by a lengthy Address.
I have requested a meeting with you at this time, principally with a
view of familiarizing the several branches of government with each
other, of cultivating harmony in sentiment upon constitutional
principles, and cherishing that mutual friendship which always invites
a free discussion in matters of important concern.

The Union of the States is not less important than that of the several
departments of each of them. We have all of us recently laid ourselves
under a sacred obligation to defend and support our Federal and State
Constitutions: A principal object in the establishment of the former,
as it is expressed in the preamble, was "to form a more perfect Union:"
To preserve this Union entire, and transmit it unbroken to posterity,
is the duty of the People of United America, and it is for their
lasting interest, their public safety and welfare. Let us then be
watchful for the preservation of the Union, attentive to the
fundamental principles of our free Constitutions, and careful in the
application of those principles in the formation of our laws, lest that
great object which the people had in view in establishing the
independence of our country, may be imperceptibly lost.

The Members of the General Court, coming from all parts of the
Commonwealth, must be well acquainted with the local circumstances and
wants of the citizens; to alleviate and provide for which, it is
presumed you will diligently enquire into the state of the
Commonwealth, and render such Legislative aid as may be found
necessary, for the promoting of useful improvements, and the
advancement of those kinds of industry among the people, which
contribute to their individual happiness, as well as that of the
public.--Honest industry, tends to the increase of sobriety, temperance
and all the moral and political virtues--I trust also that you will attend
to the general police of the Commonwealth, by revising and making such
laws and ordinances, conformably to our Constitution, as in your wisdom
you may think further necessary to secure as far as possible, the
safety and prosperity of the people at large.

It is yours, Fellow Citizens, to legislate, and mine only to revise
your bills, under limited and qualified powers; and I rejoice, that
they are thus limited:-- These are features which belong to a free
government alone.

I do not, I ought not to forget that there are other important duties
constitutionally attached to the Supreme Executive--I hope I shall be
enabled within my department, with the continued advice of a wise and
faithful Council, so to act my part, as that a future retrospect of my
conduct may afford me consoling reflections; and that my administration
may be satisfactory to reasonable and candid men, and finally meet with
the approbation of God, the Judge of all.--May his wisdom preside in all
our Councils and deliberations, and lead to such decisions as may be
happily adapted to confirm and perpetuate the public liberty, and
secure the private and personal rights of the citizens from suffering
any injury.

I shall further communicate to you by subsequent message as occasion
may offer.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

PROCLAMATION.

OCTOBER 6, 1796

[Independent Chronicle, October 17, 1796.]

Published by Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY THE GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING.

WHEREAS it has pleased God, the Father of all Mercies, to bestow upon
us innumerable unmerited favours in the course of the year past; it
highly becomes us duly to recollect his goodness, and in a public and
solemn manner to express the greatful feelings of our hearts:

I have therefore thought fit, with the advice and consent of the
Council, to appoint THURSDAY the 15th day of December next, to be
observed as a Day of PUBLIC THANKSGIVING and PRAISE to our Divine
BENEFACTOR throughout this Commonwealth--Calling upon the Ministers of the
Gospel, with their respective Congregations, and the whole body of the
People, religiously to observe the said Day by celebrating the Praises
of that all-gracious Being, of whose Bounty we have experienced so
large a share.

He hath prevented Epidemical Diseases from spreading, and afforded us a
general state of Health. He hath regarded our Pastures and Fields with
an Eye of the most indulgent Parent, and rewarded the Industry of our
Husbandmen with a plentiful Harvest.

Notwithstanding the unreasonable obstructions to our trade on the seas,
it has generally been prosperous and our fisheries successful.

Our civil Constitutions of Government, formed by ourselves, and
administered by Men of our own free Election, are by His Grace
continued to us. And we still enjoy the inestimable Blessings of the
Gospel and right of worshipping God according to His own Institutions
and the honest dictates of our Consciences.

And, together with our thanksgiving, earnest Supplication to God is
hereby recommended for the forgiveness of our Sins which have rendered
us unworthy of the least of his Mercies; and that by the sanctifying
influence of his Spirit, our hearts and manners may be corrected, and
we become a reformed and happy People--That he would direct and prosper
the Administration of the Government of the United States, and of this
and the other States in the Union. That he would still afford his
Blessings on our Trade, Agriculture, Fisheries and all the labours of
our hands. That he would smile upon our University, and all Seminaries
of Learning--That Tyranny and Usurpation may everywhere come to an end--That
the Nations who are contending for true liberty may still be succeeded
by his Almighty aid--That every Nation and Society of Men may be inspired
with the knowledge and feeling of their natural and just rights, and
enabled to form such systems of Civil Government as shall be fully
adopted to promote and establish their Social Security and Happiness--And,
finally, that in the course of God's Holy Providence, the great Family
of Mankind may bow to the sceptre of the Prince of Peace so that mutual
Friendship and Harmony may universally prevail.

And I do recommend to the People of this Commonwealth to abstain from
all such Labours and Recreations as may not be consistent with the
Solemnity of the said Day.

Given at the Council Chamber in Boston, this sixth day of October, in
the year of our Lord, one Thousand seven Hundred and Ninety-six, and in
the twenty-first Year of the Independence of the United States of
America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Attest

JOHN AVERY, Sec'ry

GOD save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts!

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

NOVEMBER 17,1796.

[Independent Chronicle, November 21, 1796; two texts are in the
Massachusetts Archives.]

You are sensible, Fellow Citizens, that the principal motive which
induced your adjournment to the 16th current, was to transact the
business prescribed by law, respecting the Electors of a President and
Vice-President of the United States of America.

Not being able to determine in my own mind, whether you would probably
be inclined to begin the business of a winter session at this season,
or not, I did, by the advice of the Council, appoint a later day for a
Public Thanksgiving, than has been usual; intending thereby, to afford
you an opportunity to finish the business above mentioned, and, if you
should then think it proper, keep the festival in your respective
families. This matter, however, it becomes me to leave to your own
discretion. Which ever, you may determine upon, while you continue this
session, I will endeavour to finish the business which you may lay
before me, with all convenient dispatch, always considering, that
harmony and union among the several branches and governmental powers,
consistent with their respective Constitutional rights and duties, to
be essential to the security and welfare of our constituents at large.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

TO THE SENATE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

NOVEMBER 23, 1796.

[Independent Chronicle, November 28, 1796.]

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE,

HAVING had before me a Resolve of the 22d inst. providing for filling
up any vacancies in the Electors of President and Vice President of the
United States, which may be occasioned by death or resignation before
the time of their meeting for the purpose of giving their suffrages,
have prematurely approved the same; since which, having more fully
considered the subject, I find a strong objection operating upon my
mind, and I have erased my name: That the Electors chosen by the People
and their Representatives for the great and important purpose of
electing a President and Vice-President of the United States, should
have the power of filling up vacancies in their own body, under any
circumstances whatever, appears to be dangerous to the Liberties of the
People, and ought not to form a precedent in a free government. If upon
further deliberation you should be of my opinion, I shall be happy to
concur with you, in a mode more consonant to the spirit of our
government.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

NOVEMBER 24, 1796.

[Independent Chronicle, November 28, 1796 , a text is in the
Massachusetts Archives, and a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers,
Lenox Library.]

Gentlemen of the Senate,

and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.

BY a Message, which I yesterday laid before the Senate, I gave a full,
free and candid account of my proceedings respecting a Resolve of the
two Houses, for filling up vacancies which may possibly happen in the
Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States.

My mode of conduct on this occasion, I know is, and I flatter myself,
will be considered, to be as well the result of an ardent wish to
preserve free, important and secure the Elections of those very
important Officers, as a desire to dispatch the business at this
juncture before the Legislature.--I wish to promote the true interest of
my country--I have no other object in view; and therefore, it can be of no
consequence to me, in what mode this question is discussed nor in what
form your opinions shall be expressed. I am not, at present, for
supporting the idea that after the Resolve had been signed by me, and
delivered to the Secretary, that it was not a formal act of government.
Be that as it may--the question is now properly before the General Court,
and if the Resolve, to which I have made an objection, was, under all
considerations an Act of the Government upon my signing the same, the
only question now is whether it ought to be repealed, and another
provision made for the same object?

My objection to the Resolve, or my reason why it should be repealed,
(if it is one) is, that a delegation by the Legislature to the Electors
appointed by the Citizens in their individual capacity for the Election
of President and Vice President, to fill up vacancies in their own
number, by death or resignation, is a dangerous power, and tends to the
establishing a dangerous Precedent; but should my fellow citizens of
the Senate and House, think differently from me, while I shall feel
quite contented with your decision, I shall be happy, that I have
candidly acknowledged an error in signing that Resolve, and yet done,
with firmness, what has appeared to me as the true interest of the
State of which I am a Member, and of a Nation of which I am a Citizen.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1797

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 27, 1797.

[Independent Chronicle, January 30, 1797; a text is in the
Massachusetts Archives].

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,

SINCE your last adjournment, the President of the United States has
officially announced to the Legislature of the Union his determination
to retire from the cares of public life.--When a citizen so distinguished
by his country withdraws himself from the Councils of the Nation, and
retires to peaceful repose, it must afford very pleasurable feelings in
his own mind, to be conscious of the good will of the people towards
him--how much more consoling must his feelings be, in reflecting that he
has served them many years with purity of intention and disinterested
zeal. We sincerely wish him tranquility in his retirement and strong
consolation in the latter stage of life.

In pursuance of the provision in the Constitution, the people have
recently exercised their own sovereign power in the election of another
President. Elections to offices, even in the smallest Corporations, are
and ought to be deemed highly important; of how much more importance is
it, that elections to the highest offices in our extensive Republic,
should be conducted in a manner and with a spirit becoming a free,
virtuous and enlightened people, who justly estimate the value of their
sacred rights. In the late elections, the people have turned their
attention to several citizens, who have rendered eminent services to
our federal Commonwealth in exalted stations. Upon which ever of the
Candidates the lot may have fallen, the people have reason to expect,
that his administration will be strictly conformable to the letter and
true intent of the Constitution, that it may long continue to be the
guarantee of our freely elective Republican Government.--On fair and
uncontrouled elections, depend, under God, the whole superstructure of
our government--should corruption ever insert itself in our elections,
there would be great danger of corruption in our governments.--Although it
is not long since the subject of elections was under the consideration
of the Legislature, and a law passed for the purpose of further
security to the people in the free exercise of this invaluable right;
yet give me leave to suggest for your consideration, whether still
further securities may not be provided, so that the rightful electors
may not be frustrated in their honest intentions. That elections may
not be contaminated by strangers, or unqualified persons, may it not be
necessary that every man may be known, as far as possible, when he
presents himself to give his vote; this may be more especially
important in our seaports and other populous towns, in which many
foreigners of all sorts frequently reside. I would be far from
dictating to you, but I would submit to your judgment whether,
considering the liberality of this country to foreigners, and the
frequency of their naturalizations, it may not be eligible that such
foreigners should be required when they offer their votes to the
Selectmen of the towns, to produce authentic certificates from the
Courts, by which they were endowed with so high a privilege, as a test
of their citizenship. As Piety, Religion and Morality have a happy
influence on the minds of men, in their public as well as private
transactions, you will not think it unseasonable, although I have
frequently done it, to bring to your remembrance the great importance
of encouraging our University, town schools, and other seminaries of
education, that our children and youth while they are engaged in the
pursuit of useful science, may have their minds impressed with a strong
sense of the duties they owe to their God, their instructors and each
other, so that when they arrive to a state of manhood, and take a part
in any public transactions, their hearts having been deeply impressed
in the course of their education with the moral feelings--such feelings
may continue and have their due weight through the whole of their
future lives.

Permit me to call your attention to the subject of the Militia of the
Commonwealth.--A well regulated militia "held in an exact subordination to
the civil authority and governed by it," is the most safe de fence of a
Republic.--In our Declaration of Rights, which expresses the sentiments of
the people, the people have a right to keep and bear arms for the
common defence. The more generally therefore they are called out to be
disciplined, the stronger is our security. No man I should think, who
possesses a true republican spirit, would decline to rank with his
fellow-citizens, on the fancied idea of a superiority in circumstances:
This might tend to introduce fatal distinctions in our country. We can
all remember the time when our militia, far from being disciplined, as
they are at present, kept a well appointed hostile army for a
considerable time confined to the capital; and when they ventured out,
indeed they took possession of the ground they aimed at, yet they
ventured to their cost, and never forgot the battle of Bunker Hill. The
same undisciplined militia under the command and good conduct of
General Washington, continued that army confined in or near the
capital, until they thought proper to change their position and
retreated with haste to Halifax.--If the Militia of the Commonwealth can
be made still more effective, I am confident that you will not delay a
measure of so great magnitude. I beg leave to refer you to the
seventeenth article in our Declaration of Rights, which respects the
danger of standing armies in time of peace. I hope we shall ever have
virtue enough to guard against their introduction.--But may we not hazard
the safety of our Republic should we ever constitute, under the name of
a select militia, a small body to be disciplined in a camp with all the
pomp & splendor of a regular army? Would such an institution be likely
to be much less dangerous to our free government and to the morals of
our youth, than if they were actually enlisted for permanent service?
And would they not as usual in standing armies feel a distinct interest
from that of our fellow-citizens at large? The great principles of our
present militia system are undoubtedly good, constituting one simple
body, and embracing so great a proportion of the citizens as will
prevent a separate interest among them, inconsistent with the welfare
of the whole.--Those principles, however, I conceive should equally apply
to all the active citizens, within the age prescribed by law.--All are
deeply interested in the general security; and where there are no
invidious exemptions, partial distinctions or privileged bands, every
Man, it is presumed, would pride himself in the right of bearing arms,
and affording his personal appearance in common with his
fellow-citizens. If upon examination you shall find, that the duties
incident to our present system bear harder on one class of citizens,
than on another, you will undoubtedly endeavour, as far as possible, to
equalize its burthens.

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,

I THINK it a duty incumbent upon me to acquaint you, and our
fellow-citizens at large, that having arrived to a stage of life,
marked in holy writ, and verified by constant experience, as a time of
labour and sorrow; it is highly proper both upon my own account, as
well as that of the public, to decline the future suffrages of my
fellow-citizens for the office I have now the honor to sustain.1 I have
had this in contemplation near a twelve month past. The infirmities of
age render me an unfit person in my own opinion, and very probably in
the opinion of others, to continue in this station; and I mention it
now, that those of the electors who may probably be too warmly attached
to me, may not nullify their own votes by giving them for me. I have
always been convinced that many others might have been found to fill my
place with greater advantage to the Commonwealth than is now or ever
has been in my power.--In the Civil Department during the times of War and
of Peace, I have served her in various stations to the best of my
ability, and I hope with general approbation; and I can say with truth,
that I have not enriched myself in her service.--My warmest thanks are
justly due to my constituents for the confidence they have repeatedly
placed in me.--When I shall be released from the burthens of my public
station, I shall not forget my country.-- Her welfare and happiness, her
peace and prosperity, her liberty and independence will always have a
great share in the best wishes of my heart.

I will endeavour to consider the business you may lay before me with
fidelity and dispatch. SAMUEL ADAMS.2

1 In May, 1797, Adams was succeeded as governor by Increase Sumner.

2 There are in the Massachusetts Archives additional papers by Adams
which have here been omitted, but certain of which may well be noted,
as follows: 1782, October 15, statement as to funds for South Carolina
and Georgia; 1790, May 28, letter accepting office of Lieutenant
Governor; 1794, February 3, veto message; 1795, February 18, veto
message; 1795, June 12, message on the resignation of Major General
Lithgow; 1795, June 17, message upon the election of an additional
major general; 1795, June 22, message as to suspicious vessel in Boston
Harbor; 1796, February 2, message on petition of Willard Griffith;
1796, February 24, message as to suit on bond of S. Ely; 1796, February
27, message as to vacancies in excise offices; 1796, June I, message as
to the Massachusetts-Connecticut boundary; 1796, June I, message as to
troubles in Hancock County; 1796, November 22, message as to vacancies
in Council; 1797, February 1, message on the militia system; 1797,
February 13, message on the Nantucket Bank.

The Independent Chronicle contains the following papers which have not
been used: 1794, June 27, proclamation upon rioting in Boston; 1795,
June 21, proclamation as to the burning of the "Betsey"; 1795, June 26,
proclamation offering a reward in connection with the "Betsey."

The Life of Samuel Adams, by W. V. Wells, vol. iii., pp. 379-381,
contains the will of Samuel Adams, dated December 29, 1790, and also a
number of letters printed only in part, which have not been used.

There have also been omitted a number of relatively unimportant papers,
such as a brief committee report of November 30, 1785 (Manuscript
Documents, 1785, Boston City Clerk's office); a brief letter to
Elbridge Gerry, recommending Thomas Melville, February 20, 1789 (Emmet
Papers, Lenox Library); a note of introduction to John Adams, June 18,
1782 (Washburn Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society); two letters
to Thomas McKean, November 7, 1781, and June 7, 1782, and one to
Woodbury Langdon, September 1, 1784 (Library of the Historical Society
of Pennsylvania); a note of introduction to Richard Henry Lee, December
9, 1784 (Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society); and a brief note
to Rochambeau, May, 17, 1794 (Library of Congress). A few original
manuscripts, such as a letter of November 8, 1784, to John Avery and a
letter of January 22, 1794, to George Clinton, have passed into private
hands at auction sales. Certain manuscripts have been withheld by their
owners; but in most instances the entire text of the same has been
available, so that it is believed that all the important existing
materials of Adams have been comprised in these volumes.

PROCLAMATION.

MARCH 20, 1797.

[Independent Chronicle, March 30, 1797; the text is in W. V. Wells,
Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 365, 366.]

By Authority. Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY THE GOVERNOR,

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF SOLEMN FASTING AND PRAYER.

IT having been the invariable practice derived from the days of our
renowned ancestors, at this season of the year to set apart a Day of
Public Fasting and Prayer: And the practice appearing to be in itself
productive, if well improved, of happy effects on the public mind--

I have therefore thought fit, by & with the advice and consent of the
Council, to appoint Thursday, the FOURTH day of May next ensuing, to be
observed and improved throughout this Commonwealth for the purpose of
PUBLIC FASTING AND PRAYER: Earnestly recommending to the Ministers of
the Gospel with their respective Congregations then to assemble
together and seriously to consider, and with one united voice confess
our past sins and transgressions, with holy resolutions, by the Grace
of God, to turn our feet into the path of His Law-- Humbly beseeching him
to endue us with all the Christian Spirit of Piety, Benevolence and the
Love of our Country; and that in all our public deliberations we may be
possessed of a sacred regard to the fundamental principles of our free
elective civil Constitutions--That we may be preserved from consuming
Fires and all other desolating Judgments.

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