The Original Writings of Samuel Adams, Volume 4

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These opinions, I conceive to be conformable to the sentiments held up
in our State Constitution. It is therein declared, that Government is
instituted for the common good; not for the profit, honor or private
interest of any one man, family, or class of men. And further, all the
inhabitants of this Commonwealth, having such qualifications, as shall
be established by their Constitution, have an equal right to elect or
be elected for the public employments.

Before the formation of this Constitution, it had been affirmed as a
self evident truth, in the declaration of Independence, very
deliberately made by the Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled that, "all men are created equal, and are
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights." This
declaration of Independence was received and ratified by all the States
in the Union, and has never been disannulled. May we not from hence
conclude, that the doctrine of Liberty and Equality is an article in
the political creed of the United States.

Our Federal Constitution ordains that, no title of nobility shall be
granted by the United States. The framers of that Constitution probably
foresaw that such titles, vain and insignificant in themselves, might
be in time, as they generally, and I believe always have been, the
introductory to the absurd and unnatural claims of hereditary and
exclusive privileges.

The Republic of France have also adopted the same principle, and laid
it as the foundation of their Constitution. That nation having for many
ages groaned under the exercise of the pretended right claimed by their
Kings and Nobles, until their very feelings as men were become torpid,
at length suddenly awoke, from their long slumber, abolished the
usurpation, and placed every man upon the footing of equal rights. "All
men are born free and equal in rights," if I mistake not, is their
language.

>From the quotations I have made, I think it appears, that the
Constitutions referred to, different as they may be in forms, agree
altogether in the most essential principles upon which legitimate
governments are founded. I have said essential principles, because I
conceive that without Liberty and Equality, there cannot exist that
tranquillity of mind, which results from the assurance of every
citizen, that his own personal safety and rights are secure:--This, I
think is a sentiment of the celebrated Montesquieu; and it is the end
and design of all free and lawful Governments. Such assurance,
impressed upon the heart of each, would lead to the peace, order and
happiness of all. For I should think, no man, in the exercise of his
reason would be inclined in any instance to trespass upon the equal
rights of citizens, knowing that if he should do it, he would weaken
and risque the security of his own. Even different nations, having
grounded their respective Constitutions upon the afore-mentioned
principles, will shortly feel the happy effects of mutual friendship,
mutual confidence and united strength. Indeed I cannot but be of
opinion, that when those principles shall be rightly understood and
universally established, the whole family and brotherhood of man will
then nearly approach to, if not fully enjoy that state of peace and
prosperity, which ancient Prophets and Sages have foretold.

I fear I have dwelt too long upon this subject. Another presents itself
to my mind, which I think is indeed great and important; I mean the
education of our children and youth. Perhaps the minds even of infants
may receive impressions, good or bad, at an earlier period than many
imagine. It has been observed, that "education has a greater influence
on manners, than human laws can have." Human laws excite fears and
apprehensions, least crimes committed may be detected and punished: But
a virtuous education is calculated to reach and influence the heart,
and to prevent crimes. A very judicious writer, has quoted Plato, who
in shewing what care for the security of States ought to be taken of
the education of youth, speaks of it as almost sufficient to supply the
place both of Legislation and Administration. Such an education, which
leads the youth beyond mere outside shew, will impress their minds with
a profound reverence of the Deity, universal benevolence, and a warm
attachment and affection towards their country. It will excite in them
a just regard to Divine Revelation, which informs them of the original
character and dignity of Man; and it will inspire them with a sense of
true honor, which consists in conforming as much as possible, their
principles, habits, and manners to that original character. It will
enlarge their powers of mind, and prompt them impartially to search for
truth in the consideration of every subject that may employ their
thoughts; and among other branches of knowledge, it will instruct them
in the skill of political architecture and jurisprudence; and qualify
them to discover any error, if there should be such, in the forms and
administration of Governments, and point out the method of correcting
them. But I need not press this subject, being persuaded, that this
Legislature from the inclination of their minds, as well as in regard
to the duty enjoined by the Constitution, will cherish "the interest of
Literature, the Sciences and all their Seminaries."

Fellow-Citizens,

Legislation is within your department; yet the Constitution assigns a
part to be taken by the Governor when Bills, and Resolves intended to
operate as Laws, shall be presented to him, which is, merely to state
objections if he has any, of which the Legislature will judge and
finally determine. Let me in treat you to dispatch the weightier
business, so early in the session, as to afford me opportunity to
perform my duty, with due consideration and care.

I have communications to make, such as the state of the Treasury--of the
military stores belonging to the Commonwealth, and others, which I will
transmit to you by the Secretary.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 Hancock died October 8, 1793, and Adams became Governor; he was
thereafter elected to that office in the years 1794, 1795, and 1796.

PROCLAMATION.

FEBRUARY 19, 1794

[Independent Chronicle, March 6, 1794 , No. 3764 of the Leffingwell
sale appears to have been a manuscript of this text.]

Commonwealth of Massachusetts [Seal]

BY HIS HONOR SAMUEL ADAMS, ESQ , LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER IN
CHIEF OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS

A PROCLAMATION FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC FASTING, HUMILIATION, AND PRAYER.

IT having been the invariable practice from time to time when our pious
and renowned ancestors took possession of this land, at the approaching
season of the year, to set apart a day publickly to acknowledge an
entire dependence on the Father of all Mercies for every needful
blessing, and to express sorrow and repenntace for the manifold
transgressions of His Holy Laws: And the Practice being highly becoming
all people, especially those who profess the Christian Religion:

I HAVE thought fit, by, and with the advice of the Council to appoint
THURSDAY, the Seventeenth day of APRIL next, to be observed throughout
this Commonwealth, as a day of PUBLIC FASTING, HUMILIATION and PRAYER;
earnestly exhorting the Ministers of Religion to assemble with their
respective Congregations on the same day--that deeply lamenting our
ingratitude to our Heavenly Father, to whom we are under all possible
obligations, and our many deviations from those right and safe Paths,
into which, as our Supreme Governor, HE hath plainly directed us, we
may with one heart and voice humbly implore His gracious and free
pardon, thro' JESUS CHRIST, supplicating His Divine aid that we may
become a reformed and happy people. At the same time humbly beseeching
HIM, mercifully to regard our lives and health, so that no infectious
and mortal distemper may prevail amongst us: To favour our land with
the alternate benefits of rain and warmth of the Sun; and that our
hopes of a plentiful harvest may not be disappointed by devouring
insects, or any other calamity:--To prosper our trade and fishery, and the
labor of our hands:--To protect our navigation from the rapacious hands of
invaders and robbers on the seas, and graciously to open a door of
deliverance to our fellow-citizens in cruel captivity in a land of
Barbarians:--To continue and confirm our civil and religious liberties;
and for that great purpose to bless and direct our great University,
and all Seminaries and Schools of education:-- To guide and succeed the
Councils of our Federal Government, as well as those of the several
States in the Union, that under their respective Constitutions they may
be led to such decisions as will establish the liberty, peace, safety,
and honor of our country:-- To inspire our friends and allies, the
Republic of France, with a spirit of wisdom and true religion, that
relying on the strength of HIS Almighty Arm, they may still go on
prosperously till their arduous conflict for a government of their own,
founded on the just and equal rights of men, shall be finally crowned
with success:--And above all, to cause the Religion of JESUS CHRIST, in
its true spirit, to spread far and wide, till the whole earth shall be
filled with HIS glory.

And I do earnestly commend that all unnecessary labor and recreation be
suspended on said day.

GIVEN at the Council-Chamber, in Boston, the Nineteenth day of February
in the year of our LORD, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-Four,
and in the Eighteenth Year of the Independence of the United States of
America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

By His Honor's command, with the advice and consent of the Council,
JOHN AVERY, jun. Secry.

GOD save the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

MAY 31, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, June 2, 1794; a draft is in the Samuel Adams
Papers, Lenox Library, and two manuscript texts (those sent to the
Senate and House respectively) are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

FELLOW-CITIZENS!

While I attempt a short, but very respectful address to the two
Branches of this new General Court, I cannot help expressing a great
satisfaction in the continuance of the right which the citizens of the
Commonwealth at large enjoy, of exercising their own sovereignty. In
pursuance of the direction of our Constitution, which is expressive of
their will, they have again in their anniversary meetings, made their
free elections of such persons as they have judged meet to administer
their public affairs. In this great transaction, they must surely have
felt their own dignity; and however different their sentiments may have
been with regard to the men of their choice, each elector having given
his suffrage according to the dictates of his own conscience, must
enjoy the consoling reflection of having honestly done his duty. Those
in whom the people have placed their confidence, it is presumed will
faithfully watch over, and guard their general interests, and take care
that the liberties and the sovereignty of right belonging to this
Commonwealth, shall suffer no diminution.

Fellow-Citizens!

We are met at a very critical period--The baneful influence of war in
Europe, has already too far extended itself into this remote region. A
war of Kings and Nobles, against the equal Rights of Men. Their first
object was to controul the common right of all civil societies, by
frustrating the attempt of a magnanimous nation, to establish a
Constitution of government for themselves, according to their own mind:
More lately the nefarious design has been to crush the new formed
Republic in its infancy:--But the GOD of Armies, who favors the brave in a
righteous cause, has hitherto appeared for its protection, and crowned
the astonishing efforts of its defenders with astonishing victories.

Great Britain takes an active part with the mighty combination of
Kings. Indeed it does not appear that she has yet made a demand on our
confederate Republic to join the league. A demand which we are well
informed she has made upon some of the neutral Republics of Europe.
But, whilst we have preserved the most strict neutrality towards the
belligerent powers of Europe, in observance of treaties made under the
authority of the United States, which are the supreme law of the land,
she, for the sake of aiding the cause in which she is so deeply
engaged, has employed her naval force in committing depredations on our
lawful and unprotected commerce. Thus in fact, she has commenced
hostilities. The Federal Government, although very solicitous if
possible, to prevent the calamities of war, have meditated measures
preparatory for the event. The papers and communications which I have
received on this subject, shall be laid before you.

It was a declared intention of the people of the United States, when
they adopted our present constitution, "to form a more perfect union"--an
important object indeed. The deliberate voice of the people is commonly
the voice of reason--the voice of the people ought therefore to be
attended to. Union, formed upon the genuine republican principles and
views of our political institutions, by combining our strength, will
have a powerful tendency in a time of war to reduce an unreasonable
enemy to terms of Justice, and the re-establishment of tranquility; and
in peace to secure the blessings of equal liberty to the present and
future generations.

Fellow-Citizens!

It is my sincere and ardent wish, and I have a strong persuasion in my
own mind, that wisdom and public spirit will guide you in all your
deliberations and decisions. I will endeavor seasonably to dispatch
such business as you shall lay before me during this session, and at
all times, to support the true dignity of this Commonwealth in the
station in which I have the honor of being placed, by a vigilant
attention to its essential duties.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JUNE 4, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, June 5, 1794; a text is in the Massachusetts
Archives.]

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

By an Act of the Legislature passed on the fourteenth of March, 1785,
intitled "An Act1 providing a place of confinement for thieves, and
other convicts to hard labor;" it is provided "that the Island within
the harbor of Boston, commonly called Castle-Island, shall be a place
for the reception, and secure confinement of all such persons as shall
be sentenced for confinement and hard labor, for the term of their
natural lives, or for any shorter space pursuant to the laws of the
Commonwealth."

According to this, and subsequent laws, a great number of persons have
been sentenced to confinement and hard labor; there are a number of
them at this time under sentences, some for the term of their lives,
and others for a shorter space of time.--There are particular regulations
provided by the Legislature of the Commonwealth, and particular modes
of discipline instituted for the government of such convicts.

This mode of punishment has been found by experience to be of great
utility in the preservation of good order, and the producing of safety
in the Commonwealth, and has a manifest tendency to render unnecessary
those sanguinary punishments which are too frequently inflicted in
other Governments.

The situation of our country now calls for fortifications on our
seacoasts; and the President of the United States has communicated the
Act of Congress for erecting forts in the harbor of Boston, which now
lies before you. The fortification on Castle Island is very ancient,
and has always been supported by this Government. It is a prison for
certain purposes, by an act of the legislature of the Commonwealth,
which puts it out of my power, if I was disposed to do it, to deliver
the controul over to any other hands. Should that place, by act of the
General Court, be given over to the controul of the military department
of the general Government, the convicts under sentence, must be
discharged, or another place of confinement be provided for them. No
government can assign the execution of sentences passed by it to the
officers of another government, because such officers would be under no
obligation to execute the laws of a government of which they are
totally independent, nor can they be held amenable to it for any
excesses, or oppressions in their conduct. That fortification being
thus appropriated by the Legislature, and yet being convenient as a
place of defence, I submit it to you, gentlemen, to determine, whether
it will not be for the interest of the Commonwealth in particular, and
the United States in general, to have it repaired at the ex-pence of
this government. The expence will not be great, and the utility, if not
the indispensible necessity of holding it under the controul of this
state, in the same manner, and for the same purposes for which it has
been held for several years last past, is very obvious.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

1 Chapter 32.

PROCLAMATION.

NOVEMBER 3, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, November 6, 1794.]

By Authority [Seal] Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY THE GOVERNOR.

A PROCLAMATION.

IT being provided by the Seventeenth Article of the Treaty of Amity and
Commerce, now subsisting between the United States of America and the
French Republic, "That no shelter or refuge shall be given in the ports
of either of said nations to such as shall have made prize of the
subjects, people or property of either of the parties; but if such
shall come in, being forced by stress of weather, or the dangers of the
sea, all proper measures shall be vigorously used, that they go out and
retire from thence as soon as possible."1 And the Secretary of State
for the Government of the said United States, having by his letter of
the 10th of October last, informed me that "M. Fauchet, the Minister of
the French Republic, near the United States, apprehends from
circumstances which have been experienced that unless prompt and
decisive measures are adopted in the several ports in regard to vessels
hostile to the French Nation, and bringing in French prizes, the branch
before recited, of the Treaty, will become null:" And the said
Secretary having requested that measures may be taken to preserve that
branch of the Treaty inviolate, by Vessels hostile to the French Nation
receiving comfort in the out-ports of the Commonwealth:

I HAVE THEREFORE, in compliance, with the request of the Government of
the United States, thought fit to issue this Proclamation, requiring
all Officers, Civil and Military, within this Commonwealth, to take all
legal and proper measures, and to use and practice all diligence, for
the effectual support of the above recited Article in the said Treaty.

AND I do hereby enjoin it upon them to prevent any breach thereof, if
such should be attempted in any, and especially those ports distant
from the Capital, and immediately to give information of the same, with
their proceedings thereon, to the Governor and Commander in Chief of
the Commonwealth, that such further measures may be taken, if any shall
be necessary, as may be suited to the faith of Nations, and the
solemnity of National Treaties--And I have reason to expect that the good
people of the Commonwealth will cheerfully afford their aid in support
of the Laws of the land.

Given at Boston, in the said Commonwealth, the third day of November,
in the Year of our Lord, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-four,
and in the Nineteenth Year of the Independence of the United States of
America.

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Attest,

JOHN AVERY, jun. Sec'y.

1 The quotation is not exact, although substantially correct.

1795

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 16, 1795.

[Independent Chronicle, January 19, 1795; the copies sent to the two
houses are in the Massachusetts Archives.]

I am happy, fellow citizens, to meet you in General Court assembled, on
the day to which, according to your request, you have stood adjourned.
By the Constitution, the Governor, with the advice of Council, during
the session of the General Court, hath full authority to adjourn them
to such times as the two branches may judge most convenient.

The people of this Commonwealth, in their declaration of rights, have
recorded their own opinion, that the Legislature ought frequently to
assemble for the redress of grievances, correcting, strengthening and
confirming the Laws, and making new Laws, as the common good may
require.--The Laws of the Commonwealth are intended to secure to each and
all the Citizens, their own rights and liberties, and the property
which they honestly possess. If there are any instances wherein the
Laws in being, are inadequate to these great and capital ends, your eye
will discern the evil, and your wisdom will provide a suitable remedy.
It shall be my endeavour, as indeed it is my duty, carefully to revise
and readily approve your Bills and Resolves, which may be calculated
for the public good.

By the late returns of the votes for Representatives to serve the
Commonwealth in Congress, there were several districts in which no
choice had been effected. I immediately issued precepts according to
law, requiring the several towns within those Districts to meet on a
day now past, in order to complete their elections. I cannot but
recommend to your consideration, whether it may not be necessary more
effectually to guard the elections of public agents and officers
against illegal practices. All elections ought to be free, and every
qualified elector who feels his own independence as he ought, will act
his part according to his best, and most enlightened judgment.
Elections are the immediate acts of the people's sovereignty, in which
no foreigners should be allowed to intermeddle. Upon free and unbiassed
elections, the purity of the government, and consequently the safety
and welfare of the citizens, may I not say altogether depend.

If we continue to be a happy people, that happiness must be assured by
the enacting and executing of reasonable and wise laws, expressed in
the plainest language, and by establishing such modes of education as
tend to inculcate in the minds of youth, the feelings and habits of
"piety, religion and morality," and to lead them to the knowledge and
love of those truly Republican principles upon which our civil
institutions are founded. We have solemnly engaged ourselves, fellow
citizens, to support the Constitution of the United States, and the
Constitution of this Commonwealth. This must be reconcileable in the
mind of any man, who judiciously considers the sovereign rights of the
one as limited to federal purposes, and the sovereign rights of the
other, as acting upon and directing the internal concerns of our own
Republic.

We have been under apprehensions of being made a party in the
dissolating contest in Europe. Permit me just to observe, that the
first and main principle which urged the Combined Powers to enter into
the contest, is in my own opinion unsupportable by reason and nature,
and in violation of the most essential right of nations and of men. The
repeated acts of violence which have been committed on the property of
American citizens, might in the opinion of some, have justified
reprisals; but the policy of the Federal Government has directed to
other measures. The wisdom of our own Councils, with the unexampled
successes of our magnanimous Ally, the Republic of France, afford the
strongest ground of hope, that under the continued smiles of Divine
Providence, peace and tranquility, so interesting to a rising Republic,
will in the end be firmly established.

The business of fortifying certain harbors within this Commonwealth,
according to an act of Congress, was left unfinished in your last
session. It is indeed probable, that the danger which produced that
measure, has nearly subsided; but the law still exists, and in my
opinion it cannot be carried into constitutional effect in this
Commonwealth, without the aid of the Legislature of the same. I am led
to this opinion by contemplating the first article of the Constitution
of the United States, which establishes the powers of Congress and
which particularly authorises them to exercise exclusive legislation in
all cases whatever, over all places purchased by the consent of the
Legislature of the States, in which the same shall be for the erection
of Forts Magazines, and other public buildings.

Those who wish to persuade the world to believe, that a free
representative Republic cannot be supported, will no doubt make use of
every art to injure, and by degrees to alter, and finally to eradicate
the principles of our free Constitutions: But the virtuous and
enlightened citizens of this Commonwealth, and of all united America,
have understanding and firmness, sufficient to support those
Constitutions of Civil Government which they have themselves formed,
and which have done them so much honor in the estimation of the world.

It is with pain that I mention the insurrection which has lately taken
place in a sister state.1 It was pointed more immediately at an act of
the Federal Government. An act of that government, as well as of the
governments in the Union, is constitutionally an act of the people, and
our Constitutions provide a safe and easy method to redress any real
grievances. No people can be more free under a Constitution established
by their own voluntary compact, and exercised by men appointed by their
own frequent suffrages. What excuse then can there be for forcible
opposition to the laws? If any law shall prove oppressive in its
operation, the future deliberations of a freely elective
Representative, will afford a constitutional remedy. But the measures
adopted by The President of the United States, supported by the virtue
of citizens of every description, in that, and the adjacent states,
have prevailed, and there is an end of the insurrection. Let the glory
be given to Him, who alone governs all events, while we express the
just feelings of respect and gratitude due to all those, whom He
honours as instruments to carry into effect his gracious designs.

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