The Original Writings of Samuel Adams, Volume 4

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May the administration of the Federal government, and those of the
several States in the Union, be guided by the unerring finger of
Heaven! Each of them and all of them united will then, if the people
are wise, be as prosperous as the wisdom of human institutions and the
circumstances of human society will admit.

1 Upon taking office as Lieutenant-Governor, to which office he was
also elected in 1791 and 1792.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy.1]

BOSTON Septemr 2d 1790

SR

I have not written a single line to any friend in, or out of Congress
during the late session, having been prevented by my old nervous
disorder, and am now dictating this to a confidential friend, whom you
well know.

Capn Nathaniel Byfield Lyde who commanded the Ship in which your Lady
sailed to England has informed me that a number of Vessells are to be
built, and employed to guard the coast for a preventing of breaches of
the act of trade; and he requests me to ask the favour of you to
mention his Name to the President of the United States for a command. I
now gratify his request, which is my apology.

I hope you, and your connections are in good health, and spirits. Mrs
Adams joins me in due Regards to yourself, and Lady.

I am, dear sir, with much Esteem, and respect, Your affectionate friend,

1 The body of this letter, like several in the later years, was not in
the autograph of Adams.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers,
Lenox Library; the text is in John Adams, Works, vol. vi., pp. 412-414,
W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 300-302; cf.
Department of State, Bureau of Rolls and Library, Bulletin No. 8, p.
15.]

BOSTON Octr 4th 1790

DEAR SIR

With pleasure I received your Letter of Septr 12th; and as our good
friend, to whom I dictated our last is yet in Town, I have requested of
him a second favour.

You ask what the World is about to become? and, Is the Millenium
commencing? I have not studied the Prophesies, and cannot even
conjecture. The Golden Age so finely pictured by Poets, I believe has
never yet existed; but in their own imaginations. In the earliest
periods, when for the honor of human nature, one should have thought,
that man had not learnt to be cruel; what Scenes of horror have been
exhibited in families of some of the best instructors in Piety and
morals! Even the heart of our first father was grievously wounded at
the sight of the murder of one of his Sons, perpetrated by the hand of
the other. Has Mankind since seen the happy Age? No, my friend. The
same Tragedys have been acted on the Theatre of the World, the same
Arts of tormenting have been studied, and practiced to this day; and
true religion, and reason united have never succeeded to establish the
permanent foundations of political freedom, and happiness in the most
enlightened Countries on the Earth. After a compliment to Boston Town
meetings, and our Harvard College as having "set the universe in
Motion"; you tell me Every Thing will be pulled down; I think with you,
"So much seems certain," but what say you, will be built up? Hay, wood
and stubble, may probably be the materials, till Men shall be yet more
enlightened, and more friendly to each other. "Are there any Principles
of Political Architecture?" Undoubtedly. "What are they?" Philosophers
ancient, and modern, have laid down different plans, and all have
thought themselves, masters of the true Principles. Their Disciples
have followed them, probably with a blind prejudice, which is always an
Enemy to truth, and have thereby added fresh fuel to the fire of
Contention, and increased the political disorder. Kings have been
deposed by aspiring Nobles, whose pride could not brook restraint.
These have waged everlasting War, against the common rights of Men. The
Love of Liberty is interwoven in the soul of Man, and can never be
totally extinguished; and there are certain periods when human patience
can no longer endure indignity, and oppression. The spark of liberty
then kindles into a flame; when the injured people attentive to the
feelings of their just rights magnanimously contend for their compleat
restoration. But such contests have too often ended in nothing more
than "a change of Impostures, and impositions". The Patriots of Rome
put an End to the Life of Caesar; and Rome submitted to a Race of
Tyrants in his stead. Were the People of England free, after they had
obliged King John to concede to them their ancient rights, and
Libertys, and promise to govern them according to the Old Law of the
Land? Were they free, after they had wantonly deposed their Henrys,
Edwards, and Richards to gratify family pride? Or, after they had
brought their first Charles to the block, and banished his family? They
were not. The Nation was then governed by Kings, Lords, and Commons,
and its Libertys were lost by a strife among three Powers, soberly
intended to check each other, and keep the scales even. But while we
daily see the violence of the human passions controuling the Laws of
Reason and religion, and stifling the very feelings of humanity; can we
wonder, that in such tumults little or no regard is had to Political
Checks and Ballances? And such tumults have always happened within as
well as without doors. The best formed constitutions that have yet been
contrived by the wit of Man have, and will come to an End--because "the
Kingdoms of the Earth have not been governed by Reason." The Pride of
Kings, of Nobles, and leaders of the People who have all governed in
their turns, have disadjusted the delicate frame, and thrown all into
confusion. What then is to be done?--Let Divines, and Philosophers,
Statesmen and Patriots unite their endeavours to renovate the Age, by
impressing the Minds of Men with the importance of educating their
little boys, and girls--of inculcating in the Minds of youth the fear, and
Love of the Deity, and universal Phylanthropy; and in subordination to
these great principles, the Love of their Country--of instructing them in
the Art of self government, without which they never can act a wise
part in the Government of Societys great, or small--in short of leading
them in the Study, and Practice of the exalted Virtues of the Christian
system, which will happily tend to subdue the turbulent passions of
Men, and introduce that Golden Age beautifully described in figurative
language; when the Wolf shall dwell with the Lamb, and the Leopard lie
down with the Kid--the Cow, and the bear shall feed; their young ones
shall lie down together, and the Lyon shall eat straw like the Ox--none
shall then hurt, or destroy; for the Earth shall be full of the
Knowledge of the Lord. When this Millenium shall commence, if there
shall be any need of Civil Government, indulge me in the fancy that it
will be in the republican form, or something better.

I thank you for your Countenance to our friend Lyde. Mrs Adams tells me
to remember her to yourself, Lady, and connections; And be assured that
I am sincerely

your friend,

TO JOHN ADAMS.

[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy; a draft is in the Samuel Adams Papers,
Lenox Library; the text with variations is in John Adams, Works, vol.
vi., pp. 420-426, W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp.
308-314; cf. Department of State, Bureau of Rolls and Library, Bulletin
No. 8, p. 16. Certain texts give the date as November 20.]

BOSTON Novemr 25th 1790

MY DEAR SIR

I lately received your Letter of the 18th of October.--The Sentiment, and
observations contained in it demand my attention.

A Republic, you tell me, is a Government in which "the People have an
essential share in the sovereignty;" Is not the whole sovereignty, my
friend, essentially in the People? Is not Government designed for the
Welfare and happiness of all the People? and is it not the
uncontroulable essential right of the People to amend, and alter, or
annul their Constitution, and frame a new one, whenever they shall
think it will better promote their own welfare, and happiness to do it?
That the Sovereignty resides in the People is a political doctrine
which I have never heard an American Politician seriously deny. The
Constitutions of the American States reserve to the People the exercise
of the rights of Sovereignty; by the annual, or biennial elections of
their Governours, Senators, & Representatives; and by empowering their
own Representatives to impeach the greatest officers of the State,
before the Senators who are also chosen by themselves.

We the people is the stile of the federal Constitution. They adopted
it; and conformably to it, they delegate the exercise of the Powers of
Government to particular persons, who, after short intervals resign
their Powers to the People, and they will re-elect them, or appoint
others, as1 they think fit.

The American Legislatures are nicely balanced: They consist of two
branches, each having a check upon the determinations of the other:
they sit in different chambers, and probably often reason differently
in their respective chambers, on the same question-- if they disagree in
their decisions, by a conference their reasons, and Arguments are
mutually communicated to each other: Candid explanations tend to bring
them to agreement; and then according to the Massachusetts
constitution, the matter is laid before the first Magistrate for his
revision. He states objections, if he has any, with his Reasons, and
returns them to the Legislators, who by larger Majorities ultimately
decide. Here is a mixture of three Powers founded in the Nature of Man;
calculated to call forth the rational Faculties in the great points of
Legislation, into exertion; to cultivate mutual Friendship, and good
humour; and finally to enable them to decide, not by the impulse of
passion, or party prejudice, but the calm Voice of Reason, which is the
Voice of God:--In this mixture you may see your "natural, and actual
Aristocracy among mankind," operating among the several Powers in
Legislation, and producing the most happy Effects. But the Son of an
excellent Man may never inherit the great qualities of his father; this
is common observation, and there are many instances of its truth:
Should we not therefore conclude that hereditary Nobility is a solecism
in Government? Their Lordships Sons, or Grandsons may be destitute of
the faintest feelings of honor, or honesty; and yet retain an essential
share in the Government by right of inheritance from Ancestors, who may
have been the Minions of ministers--the favourites of Mistresses, or Men
of real, and distinguished Merit. The same may be said of hereditary
Kings; Their Successors may also become so degenerated, and corrupt, as
to have neither inclination, nor capacity to know the extent, and
Limits of their own Powers, nor consequently those of others. Such kind
of Political Beings, Nobles, or Kings, possessing hereditary right to
essential shares in an equipoized Government are very unfit persons to
hold the scales; Having no just conception of the Principles of the
Government, nor of the part which they, and their copartners bear in
the administration; they run a wild career, destroy the checks, and
ballances, by interfering in each others departments, till the Nation
is involved in confusion, and reduced to the danger, at least, of
Bloodshed to remove a Tyranny, which may ensue. Much safer is it, and
much more does it tend to promote the Welfare and happiness of Society
to fill up the offices of Government after the mode prescribed in the
American Constitution, by frequent Elections of the People. They may
indeed be deceived in their choice; they sometimes are; but the Evil is
not incurable; the Remedy is always near; they will feel their
mistakes, and correct them.

I am very willing to agree with you in thinking, that improvement in
Knowledge, and Benevolence receive much assistance from the principles,
and Systems of good Government: But is it not as true that without
knowledge, and benevolence Men would neither have been capable or
disposed to search for the principles, or form the System--Should we not,
my friend, bear a gratefull remembrance of our pious and benevolent
Ancestors, who early laid plans of Education; by which means Wisdom,
Knowledge, and Virtue have been generally diffused among the body of
the people, and they have been enabled to form and establish a civil
constitution calculated for the preservation of their rights, and
liberties. This Constitution was evidently founded in the expectation
of the further progress, and "extraordinary degrees" of virtue. It
injoyns the encouragement of all Seminaries of Literature, which are
the nurseries of Virtue depending upon these for the support of
Government, rather than Titles, Splendor, or Force. Mr Hume may call
this a "Chimerical Project." I am far from thinking the People can be
deceived by urging upon them a dependance on the more general
prevalence of Knowledge, and Virtue: It is one of the most essential
means of further, and still further improvements in Society, and of
correcting, and amending moral sentiments, and habits, and political
institutions; till "by human means" directed by divine influence, Men
shall be prepared for that "happy, and holy State" when the Messiah is
to reign.

"It is a fixed Principle that all good Government is, and must be
Republican." You have my hearty concurrence; and I believe we are well
enough acquainted with each others Ideas to understand what we
respectively mean when we "use the Word with approbation." The Body of
the People in this Country are not so ignorant as those of England were
in the Time of the Interregnum Parliament. They are better educated:
they will not easily be prevailed upon to believe that a Republican is
"as unamiable as a Witch, a Blasphemer, a Rebel, or a Tyrant." They are
charmed with their forms of Government, in which is admitted a mixture
of Powers to check the human passions, and controul them from rushing
into exorbitances. So well assured are they, that their liberties are
best secured, by their own frequent, and free Election of fit persons
to be the essential sharers in the administration of their Government,
and that this form of Government is truly Republic, that the body of
the People will not be perswaded nor compelled to "renounce, detest,
and execrate the very Word Republican as the English do." Their
Education has "confirmed them in the opinion of the necessity of
preserving, and strengthening the Dykes against the Ocean, its Tydes,
and Storms," and I think they have made more safe, and more durable
Dykes, than the English have done.

We agree in the Utility of universal Education, but "will nations agree
in it as fully, and extensively as we do"? Why should they not? It
would not be fair to conclude, that because they have not yet been
disposed to agree in it, they never will. It is allowed, that the
present age is more enlightened than former ones. Freedom of enquiry is
certainly more encouraged: The feelings of humanity have softned the
heart: The true principles of civil, and religious Liberty are better
understood: Tyranny in all its shapes, is more detested, and bigotry,
if not still blind, must be mortified to see that she is despised. Such
an age may afford at least a flattering Expectation that Nations, as
well as individuals, will view the utility of universal Education in so
strong a light as to induce sufficient national Patronage, and Support.
Future Ages will probably be more enlightned than this.

The Love of Liberty is interwoven in the Soul of Man. "So it is in that
of a Wolf;" However irrational, ungenerous, and unsocial the love of
liberty may be in a rude Savage, he is capable of being enlightned by
Experience, Reflection, Education, and civil, and Political
Institutions. But the Nature of the Wolf is, and ever will be confined
to running in the forest to satisfy his hunger, and his brutal
appetites; the Dog is inclined in a more easy way to seek his living,
and fattens his sides with what comes from his masters kitchen. The
Comparison of La Fontaine is in my opinion ungenerous, unnatural, and
unjust.

Among the Numbers of Men, my friend, are to be found not only those who
have "preferred ease, slumber, and good chear to liberty"; but others,
who have eagerly sought after Thrones, and Sceptres, hereditary shares
in Sovereignty Riches, and Splendor, Titles, Stars, Garters, Crosses,
Eagles, and many other childish play things, at the expence of real
Nobility, without one thought, or care for the liberty, and happiness
of the rest of Mankind. "The People, who have no property feel the
Power of governing by a majority; and even attack those who have
property." "The injured Men of Property recur to finess, trick, and
Stratagem," to outwit them: True; These may proceed from a Lust of
domination in some of both parties. Be this as it may; It has been
known, that such deceitful tricks have been practiced by some of the
rich upon their unsuspecting fellow Citizens; to turn the determination
of Questions, so as to answer their own selfish purposes. To plunder or
filch the rights of Men are crimes equally immoral, and nefarious;
though committed in a different manner: Neither of them is confined to
the Rich, or the Poor; they are too common among both. The Lords as
well as the commons of Great Brittain by continued large majorities
endeavoured by Finess, Tricks, and Stratagems, as well as threats to
prevail on the American Colonies to surrender their Liberty and
Property to their disposal. These failing, they attempted to plunder
our rights by force of Arms. We feared their Arts more than their Arms.
Did the Members of that hereditary House of Lords, who constituted
those repeated majorities, then possess the spirit of Nobility? Not so,
I think: That Spirit resided in the illustrious Minorities in both
Houses. But "by Nobles" who have prevented "one hideous Despotism as
horrid as that of Turkey from falling to the lot of every Nation of
Europe"; you mean not peculiarly an hereditary Nobility, or any
particular Modification, but "the natural, and actual Aristocracy among
Mankind;" The existence of which, I am not disposed to deny. Where is
this Aristocracy to be found? Among Men of all Ranks and Conditions.
The Cottager may beget a wise Son; the Noble, a Fool: The one is
capable of great Improvement--the other not. Education is within the Power
of Men, and Societys of Men. Wise, and judicious Modes of Education,
patronized, and supported by communities, will draw together the Sons
of the rich, and the poor, among whom it makes no distinction; it will
cultivate the natural Genius, elevate the Soul, excite laudable
Emulation to excel in Knowledge, Piety, and Benevolence, and finally it
will reward its Patrons, and Benefactors by sheding its benign
Influence on the Public Mind. Education inures Men to thinking and
reflection, to reasoning and demonstration. It discovers to them the
moral and religious duties they owe to God, their Country and to all
Mankind. Even Savages might, by the means of Education, be instructed
to frame the best civil, and political Institutions with as much skill
and ingenuity, as they now shape their Arrows. Education leads youth to
"the Study of human nature, society, and universal History" from whence
they may "draw all the Principles" of Political Architecture, which
ought to be regarded. All Men are "interested in the truth." Education
by showing them "the End of all its consequences" would induce, at
least, the greatest numbers to inlist on its side. The Man of good
understanding who has been well educated, and improves these advantages
as far as his circumstances will allow, in promoting the happiness of
Mankind, in my opinion, and I am inclined to think in yours is indeed
"well born." It may be "puerile, and unworthy of Statesmen" to declame
against Family Pride; but there is and always has been such a
ridiculous kind of Vanity among Men. "Statesmen know the evil, and
danger is too serious to be sported with." I am content they should be
put into one hole; as you propose, but I have some fears that your
Watchmen on each side will not well agree. When a Man can recollect the
Virtues of his Ancestors; he certainly has abundantly more solid
satisfaction than another who boasts that he sprang from those, who
were rich, or noble; but never discovers the least degree of Virtue, or
true worth of any kind. "Family Popularity," if I mistake not, has its
source in family pride; It is by all means sought after that hommage
may be paid to the name of the Title or Estate, to supply the want, in
the possessor, of any great, or good quality whatsoever. There are
individuals among Men, who study the art of making themselves popular,
for the purpose of getting into Places of Honour, and Emoluments, and
by these means of gratifying hereafter the noble Passion--Family Pride.
Others are so inchanted with the Musick of the sound, that they
conceive it to be supreme felicity. This is indeed Vanity of Vanities,
and if such deluded Men ever come to their Senses, they will find it to
be vexation of Spirit. When they reflect on their own folly, and
injustice in having received the breath of Applause with avidity, and
great delight, for Merrit which they are conscious they never had; and
that many who have been the loudest in sounding their praises, had
nothing in view, but their own private, and selfish interests, it will
excite in them the feelings of shame, remorse, and self contempt.

The truly virtuous Man, and real Patriot, is satisfied with the
approbation of the wise, and discerning; he rejoices in the
contemplation of the Purity of his Intentions, and waits in humble hope
for the Plaudit of his final Judge.

I shall hardly venture again to trespass on the Benevolence of our
Confidential Friend--you will not be sorry; it will afford you Reliefe,
for in common Civility you must be at the Trouble of reading ones
Epistles. I hope there will be a Time when we shall have "sweet
Communion" together. In the mean Time let me not lose the Benefit of
your valueable Letters. Adieu. Believe me

Your sincere Friend

1 The draft at this point reads: "as in their own enlightened Judgments
shall best serve the great End of Government the good of the whole
People."

1794

TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

JANUARY 17, 1794.

[Independent Chronicle, January 20, 1794; the text is in W. V. Wells,
Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 324-328, and in the Massachusetts
Archives.]

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE

TWO BRANCHES OF THE LEGISLATURE,

IT having pleased the Supreme Being, since your last meeting, in His
holy providence to remove from this transitory life, our late excellent
Governour Hancock, the multitude of his surviving fellow-citizens, who
have often given strong testimonials of their approbation of his
important services, while they drop a tear, may certainly profit by the
recollection of his virtuous and patriotic example.

You are sensible, that on this melancholly event, our Constitution
directs that the Lieutenant Governour,1 for the time being, shall
perform all the duties which were incumbent on him, and exercise all
the powers and authorities, during the vacancy of the chair, which by
the Constitution, he was vested with when personally present. Diffident
as I am of my abilities, I have yet felt myself constrained, to
undertake the performance of those duties, and the exercise of those
powers and authorities, in consequence of a sovereign act of God. To
Him I look for that wisdom which is profitable to direct. The
Constitution must be my rule, and the true interest of my Constituents,
whose agent I am, my invariable object.

The people of this Commonwealth, have heretofore been possessed of the
intire sovereignty within and over their own territories. They were
"not controul-able by any other laws than those to which their
constituted representative body gave their consent." This, I presume,
was the case in every other State of the Union.--But, after the memorable
declaration of their Independence was by solemn treaty, agreed to and
ratified by the British King, the only power that could have any
pretence to dispute it, they considered themselves decidedly free and
independent of all other people. Having taken rank among nations, it
was judged that their great affairs could not well be conducted under
the direction of a number of distinct sovereignties. They therefore
formed and adopted a Federal Constitution; by which certain powers of
sovereignty are delegated and entrusted to such persons as they shall
judge proper from time to time to elect; to be exercised conformably
to, and within the restrictions of the said Constitution, for the
purposes of strengthening and confirming the Union, and promoting the
safety and happiness of the confederate Commonwealth. All powers not
vested in Congress, remain in the separate States to be exercised
according to their respective Constitutions.--Should not unremitting
caution be used, least any degree of interference or infringement might
take place, either on the rights of the Federal Government on the one
side, or those of the several States on the other. Instances of this
kind may happen; for infallibility is not the lot of any man or body of
men, even the best of them on earth. The human mind in its present
state, being very imperfect, is liable to a multitude of errors.
Prejudice, that great source of error, often creeps in and takes
possession of the hearts of honest men, without even their perceiving
it themselves. Honest men will not feel themselves disgusted, when
mistakes are pointed out to them with decency, candor and friendship,
nor will they, when convinced of truth, think their own dignity
degraded by correcting their own errors. Among the objects of the
Constitution of this Commonwealth, Liberty and Equality stand in a
conspicuous light. It is the first article in our Declaration of
rights, "all men are born free and equal, and have certain natural,
essential and unalienable rights." In the supposed state of nature, all
men are equally bound by the laws of nature, or to speak more properly,
the laws of the Creator:--They are imprinted by the finger of God on the
heart of man. Thou shall do no injury to thy neighbour, is the voice of
nature and reason, and it is confirmed by written revelation. In the
state of nature, every man hath an equal right by honest means to
acquire property, and to enjoy it; in general, to pursue his own
happiness, and none can consistently controul or interrupt him in the
pursuit. But, so turbulent are the passions of some, and so selfish the
feelings of others, that in such a state, there being no social
compact, the weak cannot always be protected from the violence of the
strong, nor the honest and unsuspecting from the arts and intrigues of
the selfish and cunning. Hence it is easy to conceive, that men,
naturally formed for society, were inclined to enter into mutual
compact for the better security of their natural rights. In this state
of society, the unalienable rights of nature are held sacred:--And each
member is intitled to an equal share of all the social rights. No man
can of right become possessed of a greater share: If any one usurps it,
he so far becomes a tyrant; and when he can obtain sufficient strength,
the people will feel the rod of a tyrant. Or, if this exclusive
privilege can be supposed to be held in virtue of compact, it argues a
very capital defect; and the people, when more enlightened, will alter
their compact, and extinguish the very idea.

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