The Original Writings of Samuel Adams, Volume 4
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Samuel Adams >> The Original Writings of Samuel Adams, Volume 4
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TO JOHN ADAMS.
[MS., Adams Papers, Quincy , a draft, dated July 20, is in the Samuel
Adams Papers, Lenox Library]
BOSTON July 21 1786
MY DEAR SIR
There are two great Objects which I think should engage the Attention
of Patriots here, & which appear to me to involve every thing else--to
preserve entire our political Liberties, & to support our National
Faith. To effect either of these Capital Ends, we must counterwork the
Designs of Great Britain, who to say the least does not appear to be
our most cordial Friend, by her Emissaries amongst us, to ruin both.
The internal Enemies of this Country ridiculed our early Ideas of
Opposition, embarrassd our Measures through the whole Conflict and
prolonged the War. They had nearly broke up our Army in 1782, and they
are now practicing the same Arts, by influencing many weak Men to
withhold the necessary Aid of Taxes, to destroy the publick Faith. I
should therefore think it very impolitick to increase their Number by
admitting the Tory Refugees without Discrimination. Jonathan
Philanthrop whom you well knew, with many others took a very active
Part, & they were very successful in promoting the Designs of the
British Government before the War , There are some among them who would
be the fittest Instruments to be employed by that Court in tearing up,
or rather undermining the Foundations of our newly erected Fabrick.--If
you ask, What has thrown me into this Fit of Zeal against the Refugees?
I answer, they already have or soon will in my opinion form a dangerous
Faction. But I will be more explicit in my next.
This Letter I commit to the care of Mr Benj Austin junr whose Father
and Connexions you are not unacquainted with. Adieu & believe me
your affectionate Friend
1787
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE
[MS , Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society, a draft is in the
Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library , a text is in W. V Wells, Life of
Samuel Adams, vol. in , pp. 251-253]
BOSTON Decr 3d 1787
MY DEAR SIR
I am to acknowledge your several Favours of the 5th and 27 of October,
the one by the Post and the other by our worthy Friend Mr Gerry. The
Session of our General Court which lasted six Weeks, and my Station
there requiring my punctual & constant Attendance, prevented my
considering the new Constitution as it is already called, so closely as
was necessary for me before I should venture an Opinion. I confess, as
I enter the Building I stumble at the Threshold. I meet with a National
Government, instead of a Federal Union of Sovereign States. I am not
able to conceive why the Wisdom of the Convention led them to give the
Preference to the former before the latter. If the several States in
the Union are to become one entire Nation, under one Legislature, the
Powers of which shall extend to every Subject of Legislation, and its
Laws be supreme & controul the whole, the Idea of Sovereignty in these
States must be lost. Indeed I think, upon such a Supposition, those
Sovereignties ought to be eradicated from the Mind; for they would be
Imperia in Imperio justly deemd a Solecism in Politicks, & they would
be highly dangerous, and destructive of the Peace Union and Safety of
the Nation. And can this National Legislature be competent to make Laws
for the free internal Government of one People, living in Climates so
remote and whose "Habits & particular Interests" are and probably
always will be so different. Is it to be expected that General Laws can
be adapted to the Feelings of the more Eastern and the more Southern
Parts of so extensive a Nation? It appears to me difficult if
practicable. Hence then may we not look for Discontent, Mistrust,
Disaffection to Government and frequent Insurrections, which will
require standing Armies to suppress them in one Place & another where
they may happen to arise. Or if Laws could be made, adapted to the
local Habits, Feelings, Views & Interests of those distant Parts, would
they not cause Jealousies of Partiality in Government which would
excite Envy and other malignant Passions productive of Wars and
fighting. But should we continue distinct sovereign States,
confederated for the Purposes of mutual Safety and Happiness, each
contributing to the federal Head such a Part of its Sovereignty as
would render the Government fully adequate to those Purposes and no
more, the People would govern themselves more easily, the Laws of each
State being well adapted to its own Genius & Circumstances, and the
Liberties of the United States would be more secure than they can be,
as I humbly conceive, under the proposed new Constitution. You are
sensible, Sir, that the Seeds of Aristocracy began to spring even
before the Conclusion of our Struggle for the natural Rights of Men,
Seeds which like a Canker Worm lie at the Root of free Governments. So
great is the Wickedness of some Men, & the stupid Servility of others,
that one would be almost inclined to conclude that Communities cannot
be free. The few haughty Families, think They must govern. The Body of
the People tamely consent & submit to be their Slaves. This unravels
the Mystery of Millions being enslaved by the few! But I must desist--My
weak hand prevents my proceeding further at present. I will send you my
poor Opinion of the political Structure at another Time. In the Interim
oblige me with your Letters; & present mine and Mrs A's best Regards to
your Lady & Family, Colo Francis, Mr A. L. if with you, & other
Friends, & be assured that I am
very affectionately yours
As I thought it a Piece of Justice I have venturd to say that I had
often heard from the best Patriots from Virginia that Mr G Mason was an
early active & able Advocate for the Liberties of America.
1789
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in the
Samuel ,Adams Papers, Lenox Library]
BOSTON April 22d, 1789.
MY DEAR FRIEND
You must not expect lengthy Letters from me for a Reason which I have
heretofore given you. Possibly, however, I may trouble you with more
frequent Letters. I hope the federal Congress is vested with Powers
adequate to all the great purposes of the federal Union; and if they
have such adequate Powers, no true and understanding Federalist would
consent that they should be trusted with more--for more would discover the
Folly of the People in their wanton Grant of Power, because it might,
and considering the Disposition of the human Mind, without Doubt would
be wantonly [exercised to] their Injury and Ruin. The Powers vested in
Government by the People, the only just Source of such Powers, ought to
be critically defined and well understood; lest by a Misconstruction of
ambiguous Expressions, and by interested Judges too, more Power might
be assumed by the Government than the People ever intended they should
possess. Few men are contented with less Power than they have a Right
to exercise, the Ambition of the human Heart grasps at more. This is
evinced by the Experience of all Ages.
Will you give me Leave to mention to you the Name of Leonard Jarvis,
Esqr; a Gentleman to whose agreable Acquaintance, tho he is a native of
this Town, I introduced myself by the Request of our worthy Friend
General Whipple now deceased. Mr. Jarvis is a very sensible Republican,
and an honest Man. He holds the Place of Comptroller General in this
Commonwealth. I believe Mr. Dalton can shew you a Specimen of his
Industry and Accuracy in Business. It is not by his Solicitation, or
even knowledge that I write this. I am induced to it, because I think
that good Men living at a Distance from the Seat of the federal
Government, and capable of serving the United States should be made
known.
Adieu my dear Sir.
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. iii., pp. 284, 285; the text
is also in the pamphlet Resolutions of the General Court (Boston,
1789), p. 7.]
May 27, 1789.1
MR. PRESIDENT,--
I have been politely notified by a joint committee of the two branches
of the General Court that, having examined the returns of the votes for
a Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth, it appears that a majority
of the electors have seen fit to give me their suffrages.
I am impressed with a warm sense of the honor done me, and it is a
pleasing reflection, in my own mind, that I have this testimonial of
the confidence of my countrymen, without my solicitation or
interference in any manner to obtain it.
I rejoice in the freedom of our elections; and it affords me particular
satisfaction to be invited to take a share in government by citizens
possessed of the most lively feelings of natural and civil liberty, and
enlightened with the knowledge and true ends of civil government, who,
in conjunction with their sister States, have gloriously contended for
the rights of mankind, and given the world another lesson, drawn from
experience, that all countries may be free, since it has pleased the
righteous Governor of the universe to smile upon their virtuous
exertions, and crown them with independence and liberty.
If it be not improper on this occasion, may I beg leave to express a
devout and fervent wish that gracious Heaven may guide the public
councils of the great confederated commonwealth, and the several free
and independent republics which compose it, so that the people may be
highly respected and prosperous in their affairs abroad, and enjoy at
home that tranquillity which results from a well-grounded confidence
that their personal and domestic rights are secure.
I feel, sir, a diffidence of my own abilities, and am anxious but in
certain events they may be found inadequate to the importance of the
duties I may be called to perform; but relying on the aid of Divine
grace, and hoping for the justice, candor, and liberal sentiments of
the General Court and of my fellow-citizens at large, I venture to
accept the trust, and am now ready to be qualified in the mode
prescribed by the Constitution.
1 Upon taking the oath as Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts.
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society.]
BOSTON July 14th, 1789
DEAR SIR
I have not lately received a Line from you, and am ready to impute it
to the Multiplicity of Affairs in which your Mind is employed. You must
not expect that I shall be even with you upon the epistolary Score, for
the Reason which I have heretofore given you. I wish to know from you
the State of federal Affairs as often as your Leisure may admit.1 We
organize our State Governments, and I heartily wish that their
Authority and Dignity may be preserved within their several
Jurisdictions, as far as may be consistent with the Purposes for which
the federal Government is designed. They are in my opinion petit
Politicians who would wish to lessen the due Weight of the State
Governments; for I think the federal must depend upon the Influence of
these to carry their Laws into Effect; and while those Laws have for
their sole Object the promoting the purposes of the federal Union,
there is Reason to expect they will have the due Support of the State
Authorities. Places are now become the Object of Multitudes; I
mentioned to you in a former Letter the name of Leonard Jarvis, Esqr
whom I hope you will not forget. Israel Keith, Esqr wishes to have the
Place of Marshall within this District. He is a Gentleman of the Law,
and was during the War Aid de Camp to General Heath, who I understand
has recommended him to the President. You will gratify the wishes of Mr
Keith as far as shall consist with your own Ideas of Propriety; and be
assured, that I am sincerely
Your Friend,
P. S. I have been informed that Mr Edward Church a Native of this Town,
but now an Inhabitant of Georgia is in the City of New York. I take him
to have been a steady Friend to the Liberties of our Country, and a man
of Sense and Integrity. If it will not weary you with Applications I
will beg your Notice of him, and after your own Inquiries afford him
your Influence, if you shall think it proper, in promoting him to a
suitable Employment under Congress in the State of Georgia. This I
mention without his Sollicitation, or even Knowledge.
1 Lee was at this time in the United States Senate.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library]
BOSTON Augt 22 1789
MY DEAR SIR
I wrote to you hastily two days ago, & as hastily venturd an Opinion
concerning the Right of Congress to controul a Light-house erected on
Land belonging to this sovereign & independent State for its own Use &
at its own Expence. I say sovereign & independent, because I think the
State retains all the Rights of Sovereignty which it has not expressly
parted with to the Congress of the United States--a federal Power
instituted solely for the Support of the federal Union.
The Sovereignty of the State extends over every part of its Territory.
The federal Constitution expresses the same Idea in Sec. 8, Art. 1. A
Power is therein given to Congress "to exercise like Authority," that
is to exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, "over all
places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature in which the same
shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, and other needful
Buildings," among which Light-houses may be included. Is it not the
plain Conclusion from this Clause in the Compact, that Congress have
not the Right to exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases
whatsoever, nor even to purchase or controul any part of the Territory
within a State for the Erection of needful Buildings unless it has the
Consent of its Legislature. If there are any such Buildings already
erected, which operate to the General Welfare of the U S, and Congress
by Virtue of the Power vested in them have taken from a State for the
general Use, the necessary Means of supporting such Buildings it
appears to be reasonable & just that the U S should maintain them; but
I think that it follows not from hence, that Congress have a right to
exercise any Authority over those buildings even to make Appointments
of officers for the immediate Care of them or furnishing them with
necessary Supplies. I wish to have your Opinion if you can find Leisure.
I hope Congress, before they adjourn, will take into very serious
Consideration the necessary Amendments of the Constitution. Those whom
I call the best--the most judicious & disinterested Federalists, who wish
for the perpetual Union, Liberty & Happiness of the States & their
respective Citizens, many of them if not all are anxiously expecting
them. They wish to see a Line drawn as clearly as may be, between the
federal Powers vested in Congress and the distinct Sovereignty of the
several States upon which the private & personal Rights of the Citizens
depend. Without such Distinction there will be Danger of the
Constitution issuing imperceptibly and gradually into a consolidated
Government over all the States; which, altho it may be wished for by
some was reprobated in the Idea by the highest Advocates for the
Constitution as it stood without Amendmts. I am fully persuaded that
the population of the U S livg in different Climates, of different
Education and Manners, and possest of different Habits & feelings under
one consolidated Governt can not long remain free, or indeed remain
under any kind of Governt but despotism.
You will not forget our old Friend Devens, and if you please mention
him to Mr R H Lee.
Adieu my dear Friend and believe me to be sincerely your,
P. S. The joint regards of Mrs A & myself to Mrs Gerry.
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society; a draft is in the
Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON August 24th 1789.
MY DEAR SIR
Your very acceptable Letter of the 8th Current came to me by the Post.
You flatter me very much when you tell me that any sentiment of mine
can please you. I have always been apprehensive that through the
weakness of the human Mind often discovered even in the wisest and best
of Men, or the perverseness of the interested, and designing, in as
well as out of Government; Misconstructions would be given to the
federal constitution, which would disappoint the Views, and
expectations of the honest among those who acceded to it, and hazard
the Liberty, Independence and Happiness of the People. I was
particularly affraid that unless great care should be taken to prevent
it, the Constitution in the Administration of it would gradually, but
swiftly and imperceptably run into a consolidated Government pervading
and legislating through all the States, not for federal purposes only
as it professes, but in all cases whatsoever: such a Government would
soon totally annihilate the Sovereignty of the several States so
necessary to the Support of the confederated Commonwealth, and sink
both in despotism. I know these have been called vulgar opinions, and
prejudices: be it so--I think it is Lord Shaftsbury who tells us, that it
is folly to despise the opinions of the Vulgar; this Aphorism, if
indeed it is his, I eagerly catched from a Nobleman many years ago,
whose writings on some accounts, I never much admired. Should a strong
Federalist as some call themselves see what has now dropt from my Pen,
he would say that I am an Antifed, an Amendment Monger &c; those are
truly vulgar terms, invented and used by some whose feelings would be
sorely wounded to be ranked among such kind of Men, and invented and
used for the mean purpose of deceiving, and entrapping others whom they
call the Vulgar; but in this "enlightned" Age one should think there
was no such Vulgar to be thus amused, and ensnared. I mean, my friend,
to let you know how deeply, I am impressed with a sense of the
Importance of Amendments; that the good People may clearly see the
distinction, for there is a distinction, between the federal Powers
vested in Congress, and the sovereign Authority belonging to the
several States, which is the Palladium of the private, and personal
rights of the Citizens. I freely protest to you that I earnestly wish
some Amendments may be judiciously, and deliberately made without
partial or local considerations--that there may be no uncomfortable
Jarrings among the several Powers; that the whole People may in every
State contemplate their own safety on solid grounds, and the Union of
the States be perpetual. I hope that you have recovered your health, so
valuable to our Country. Your Letter requires a further Consideration.
I will at present only express my astonishment at the strange and
absurd Opinion of our former republican Connecticut friend. Tempora
mutantur, et hic mutatur in illis.
Your friend,
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
[MS., Lee Papers, American Philosophical Society, a draft is in the
Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Augt 29th. 1789.
MY DEAR SIR
The Power of removing federal Officers at the Pleasure of the President
is to be found the Constitution or it is not. If it is, What Need was
there of an Act or Decision of Congress to authorize it? But if it is
not, could Congress give so important a Power? What have the United
States been contending for? Liberty. This is the great Object of their
State Governments, and has not the federal Constitution the same Object
in View? If therefore a Doubt arises respecting the Exercise of any
Power, no Construction, I conceive, should militate with the main
Design, or Object of the Charter. If there is a total Silence in the
Constitution, is it not natural to conclude that an Officer holding
during Pleasure is removable by the same Power which appointed him,
whether vested in a single Person, or a joint Number? I am sensible, it
is said, that a single Person, being amenable for his Exercise of Power
will use the utmost Circumspection. This may be true, but may not this
Idea be carried too far in Practice? May not some Powers vested in a
single Man give him such Weight and Influence as to render any
Restraint from his feeling himself amenable of little, or no Effect. If
this Power lodged in the Discretion of a single Person will afford a
greater Security against Corruption because of his Amenability, why
should not the Power of appointing as well as removing Officers be
given to him? In the one Case the gracious Hand may be held forth, in
the other, the threatning Rod; and both may be used for improper
Purposes. In England, "the King can do no wrong" is a Maxim. His
Ministers are made accountable for him; and how often have corrupt
Ministers and Councellors been brought to the Block for Follies and
Crimes committed by their Royal Masters who can do no Wrong? And it may
also be asked, how often such Ministers and Councellors have found
Means to get themselves screened from Punishment through the Influence
of their Masters, by procuring Parliamentary Sanctions to such Crimes
and Follies? But in the Removal of Officers the President has not a
Constitutional Council. He must therefore be solely accountable. I need
not tell you who have known so thoroughly the Sentiments of my Heart,
that I have always had a very high Esteem for the late Commander in
Chief of our Armies; and I now most sincerely believe that while
President Washington continues in the Chair he will be able to give to
all good Men a satisfactory Reason for every Instance of his public
Conduct. I feel myself constrained contrary to my usual Manner to make
Professions of Sincerity on this Occasion because Dr Gordon in his
History of the Revolution, among many other Anecdotes innocent and
triffling enough, has gravely said, that I was concerned in an Attempt
to remove General Washington from Command; and mentions an anonymous
Letter written to your late Governor Henry which I affirm I never saw
nor heard of till I lately met with it in reading the History1--This is a
Digression to which a Man of my years is liable. Who will succeed the
present President for it is the Lot of Man to die? Perhaps the next and
the next may inherit his Virtues. But my Friend, I fear the Time will
come, when a Bribe shall remove the most excellent Man from Office for
the Purpose of making Room for the worst. It will be called an Error in
Judgment. The Bribe will be concealed. It may however be vehemently
suspected & who, in Times of great Degeneracy will venture to search
out and detect the corrupt Practices of great Men? Unless a sufficient
Check is provided and clearly ascertained for every Power given, will
not the Constitution and the Liberties of the Citizens for want of such
Checks be finally subverted.
A Gentleman of this Place who has suffered much for his Attachment to
our Cause I conceive has Documents in his Hands which would be of
Importance in the Settlement of the Eastern Boundary of the United
States which appears to have been encroached upon by the British. I
wrote so long ago as last April to Mr Dalton respecting this Gentleman;
but have never received an Answer. He I suppose is able to give you an
Account of Mr Boyd the Name of the Gentleman referred to. I wish you
would converse with Mr Dalton upon the Subject. The Vice President
however is probably able, and undoubtedly disposed to give you the
fullest Account. I am sincerely yours
P. S. Pray write to me and let me know the State of your Health, & pay
my affectionate Regards to your Brother the Doctor.
1 William Gordon, History of the American Revolution, (3rd Amer. edit.)
vol. ii., p. 306.
1790
TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
MAY 28, 1790.1
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. in., pp. 288, 289; a text is
in the Massachusetts Archives.]
MR. PRESIDENT,--
Having been regularly informed that a majority of the late electors in
the several towns and districts within this Commonwealth have honored
me with their suffrages for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, I now
present myself before the two branches of the General Court to be
qualified as the Constitution directs. I do the more readily obey this
repeated call, because I cannot help flattering myself that it has
proceeded from a persuasion in the minds of my fellow-citizens of the
attachment of my heart to their rights and liberties, and my earnest
desires that they may be perpetuated. My fellow-citizens may be assured
that I feel that attachment and the strength of those desires. The
first of my wishes, as they respect this life, is for our country; and
the best of my feeble abilities shall be ever employed for her
prosperity.
I shall presently be called upon by you, sir, as it is enjoined by the
Constitution, to make a declaration upon oath (and shall do it with
cheerfulness, because the injunction accords with my own judgment and
conscience) that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts is, and of right
ought to be, a free, sovereign, and independent State. I shall also be
called upon to make another declaration, with the same solemnity, to
support the Constitution of the United States. I see the consistency of
this, for it cannot have been intended but that these Constitutions
should mutually aid and support each other. It is my humble opinion
that, while the Commonwealth of Massachusetts maintains her own just
authority, weight, and dignity, she will be among the firmest pillars
of the Federal Union.
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