The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India Volume IV of IV

R >> R.V. Russell >> The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India Volume IV of IV

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6. Snake-charmers

The groups who practise snake-charming are known as Sapera or Garudi
and in the Maratha Districts as Madari. Another name for them is
Nag-Nathi, or one who seizes a cobra. They keep cobras, pythons,
scorpions, and the iguana or large lizard, which they consider to be
poisonous. Some of them when engaged with their snakes wear two pieces
of tiger-skin on their back and chest, and a cap of tiger-skin in
which they fix the eyes of various birds. They have a hollow gourd
on which they produce a kind of music and this is supposed to charm
the snakes. When catching a cobra they pin its head to the ground
with a stick and then seize it in a cleft bamboo and prick out the
poison-fangs with a large needle. They think that the teeth of the
iguana are also poisonous and they knock them out with a stick,
and if fresh teeth afterwards grow they believe them not to contain
poison. The python is called Ajgar, which is said to mean eater of
goats. In captivity the pythons will not eat of themselves, and the
snake-charmers chop up pieces of meat and fowls and placing the food
in the reptile's mouth massage it down the body. They feed the pythons
only once in four or five days. They have antidotes for snake-bite,
the root of a creeper called _kalipar_ and the bark of the _karheya_
tree. When a patient is brought to them they give him a little pepper,
and if he tastes the pungent flavour they think that he has not been
affected by snake-poison, but if it seems tasteless that he has
been bitten. Then they give him small pieces of the two antidotes
already mentioned with tobacco and 2 1/2 leaves of the _nim_ tree
[349] which is sacred to Devi. On the festival of Nag-Panchmi (Cobra's
Fifth) they worship their cobras and give them milk to drink and then
take them round the town or village and the people also worship and
feed the snakes and give a present of a few annas to the Sapera. In
towns much frequented by cobras, a special adoration is paid to
them. Thus in Hatta in the Damoh District a stone image of a snake,
known as Nag-Baba or Father Cobra is worshipped for a month before
the festival of Nag-Panchmi. During this period one man from every
house in the village must go to Nag-Baba's shrine outside and take
food there and come back. And on Nag-Panchmi the whole town goes out
in a body to pay him reverence, and it is thought that if any one is
absent the cobras will harass him for the whole year. But others say
that cobras will only bite men of low caste. The Saperas will not kill
a snake as a rule, but occasionally it is said that they kill one and
cut off the head and eat the body, this being possibly an instance
of eating the divine animal at a sacrificial meal. The following is
an old account of the performances of snake-charmers in Bengal: [350]

"Hence, on many occasions throughout the year, the dread Manasa
Devi, the queen of snakes, is propitiated by presents, vows and
religious rites. In the month of Shrabana the worship of the snake
goddess is celebrated with great eclat. An image of the goddess,
seated on a water-lily, encircled with serpents, or a branch of the
snake-tree (a species of Euphorbia), or a pot of water, with images
of serpents made of clay, forms the object of worship. Men, women and
children, all offer presents to avert from themselves the wrath of
the terrific deity. The Mals or snake-catchers signalise themselves
on this occasion. Temporary scaffolds of bamboo work are set up in
the presence of the goddess. Vessels filled with all sorts of snakes
are brought in. The Mals, often reeling with intoxication, mount
the scaffolds, take out serpents from the vessels, and allow them to
bite their arms. Bite after bite succeeds; the arms run with blood;
and the Mals go on with their pranks, amid the deafening plaudits
of the spectators. Now and then they fall off from the scaffold and
pretend to feel the effects of poison, and cure themselves by their
incantations. But all is mere pretence. The serpents displayed on
the occasion and challenged to do their worst, have passed through a
preparatory state. Their fangs have been carefully extracted from their
jaws. But most of the vulgar spectators easily persuade themselves
to believe that the Mals are the chosen servants of Siva and the
favourites of Manasa. Although their supernatural pretensions are
ridiculous, yet it must be confessed that the Mals have made snakes
the subject of their peculiar study. They are thoroughly acquainted
with their qualities, their dispositions, and their habits. They
will run down a snake into its hole, and bring it out thence by
main force. Even the terrible cobra is cowed down by the controlling
influence of a Mal. When in the act of bringing out snakes from their
subterranean holes, the Mals are in the habit of muttering charms, in
which the names of Manasa and Mahadeva frequently occur; superstition
alone can clothe these unmeaning words with supernatural potency. But
it is not inconsistent with the soundest philosophy to suppose that
there may be some plants whose roots are disagreeable to serpents,
and from which they instinctively turn away. All snake-catchers of
Bengal are provided with a bundle of the roots of some plant which
they carefully carry along with them, when they set out on their
serpent-hunting expeditions. When a serpent, disturbed in its hole,
comes out furiously hissing with rage, with its body coiled, and its
head lifted up, the Mal has only to present before it the bundle of
roots above alluded to, at the sight of which it becomes spiritless
as an eel. This we have ourselves witnessed more than once."

These Mals appear to have been members of the aboriginal Male or Male
Paharia tribe of Bengal.

Nunia

_Nunia, Lunia._ [351]--A mixed occupational caste of salt-makers and
earth-workers, made up of recruits from the different non-Aryan tribes
of northern India. The word _non_ means salt, and is a corruption of
the Sanskrit _lavana_, 'the moist,' which first occurs as a name for
sea-salt in the Atharva Veda. [352] In the oldest prose writings salt
is known as Saindhava or 'that which is brought from the Indus,' this
perhaps being Punjab rock-salt. The Nunias are a fairly large caste in
Bengal and northern India, numbering 800,000 persons, but the Central
Provinces and Berar contain only 3000, who are immigrants from Upper
India. Here they are navvies and masons, a calling which they have
generally adopted since the Government monopoly has interfered with
their proper business of salt-refining. The mixed origin of the caste
is shown by the list of their subdivisions in the United Provinces,
which includes the names Mallah, Kewat, Kuchbandhia, Bind, Musahar,
Bhuinhar and Lodha, all of which are distinct castes, besides a number
of territorial subcastes. A list of nearly thirty subcastes is given
by Mr. Crooke, and this is an instance of the tendency of migratory
castes to split up into small groups for the purpose of arranging
marriages, owing to the difficulty of ascertaining the status and
respectability of each other's families, and the unwillingness to
contract alliances with those whose social position may turn out to
be not wholly satisfactory. "The internal structure of the caste,"
Mr. Crooke remarks, "is far from clear; it would appear that they are
still in a state of transition, and the different endogamous subcastes
are not as yet fully recognised." In Bilaspur the Nunias have three
local subcastes, the Bandhaiya, the Ratanpuria and the Kharodhia. The
two last, deriving their names from the towns of Ratanpur and Kharod
in Bilaspur, are said to have been employed in former times in the
construction of the temples and other buildings which abound in
these localities, and have thus acquired a considerable degree of
professional skill in masonry work; while the Bandhaiya, who take their
name from Bandhogarh, confine themselves to the excavation of tanks
and wells. The exogamous divisions of the caste are also by no means
clearly defined; in Mirzapur they have a system of local subdivisions
called _dih_, each subdivision being named after the village which
is supposed to be its home. The word _dih_ itself means a site or
village. Those who have a common _dih_ do not intermarry. [353] This
fact is interesting as being an instance of the direct derivation of
the exogamous clan from residence in a parent village and not from
any heroic or supposititious ancestor.

The caste have a legend which shows their mixed origin. Some centuries
ago, they say, a marriage procession consisting of Brahmans, Rajputs,
Banias and Gosains went to a place near Ajodhya. After the ceremony was
over the bride, on being taken to the bridegroom's lodging, scraped up
a little earth with her fingers and put it in her mouth. She found it
had a saltish taste, and spat it out on the ground, and this enraged
the tutelary goddess of the village, who considered herself insulted,
and swore that all the bride's descendants should excavate salt in
atonement; and thus the caste arose.

In Bilaspur the caste permit a girl to be married to a boy younger
than herself. A price of five rupees has to be paid for the bride,
unless her family give a girl in exchange. The bridegroom is taken to
the wedding in a palanquin borne by Mahars. After its conclusion the
couple are carried back in the litter for some distance, after which
the bridegroom gets out and walks or rides. When he goes to fetch
his wife on her coming of age the bridegroom wears white clothes,
which is rather peculiar, as white is not a lucky colour among the
Hindus. The Nunias employ Brahmans at their ceremonies, and they have
a caste _panchayat_ or committee, whose headman is known as Kurha. The
Bilaspur section of the caste has two Kurhas. Here Brahmans take water
from them, but not in all places. They consider their traditional
occupation to have been the extraction of salt and saltpetre from
saline earth. At present they are generally employed in the excavation
of tanks and the embankment of fields, and they also sink wells,
build and erect houses, and undertake all kinds of agricultural labour.

Ojha

_Ojha._--The community of soothsayers and minstrels of the Gonds. The
Ojhas may now be considered a distinct subtribe, as they are looked
down upon by the Gonds and marry among themselves. They derive their
name from the word _ojh_ meaning 'entrail,' their original duty
having been, like that of the Roman augurs, to examine the entrails
of the victim immediately after it had been slain as an offering to
the gods. In 1911 the Ojhas numbered about 5000 persons distributed
over all Districts of the Central Provinces. At present the bulk
of the community subsist by beggary. The word Ojha is of Sanskrit
and not of Gond origin and is applied by the Hindus to the seers or
magicians of several of the primitive tribes, while there is also a
class of Ojha Brahmans who practise magic and divination. The Gond
Ojhas, who are the subject of this article, originally served the
Gonds and begged from them alone, but in some parts of the western
Satpuras they are also the minstrels of the Korkus. Those who beg
from the Korkus play on a kind of drum called _dhank_ while the Gond
Ojhas use the _kingri_ or lyre. Some of them also catch birds and
are therefore known as Moghia. Mr. Hislop [354] remarks of them:
"The Ojhas follow the two occupations of bard and fowler. They lead
a wandering life and when passing through villages they sing from
house to house the praises of their heroes, dancing with castanets in
their hands, bells at their ankles and long feathers of jungle birds
in their turbans. They sell live quails and the skins of a species
of Buceros named Dhan-chiria; these are used for making caps and for
hanging up in houses in order to secure wealth (_dhan_), while the
thigh-bones of the same bird when fastened round the waists of children
are deemed an infallible preservative against the assaults of devils
and other such calamities. Their wives tattoo the arms of Hindu and
Gond women. Among them there is a subdivision known as the Mana Ojhas,
who rank higher than the others. Laying claim to unusual sanctity,
they refuse to eat with any one, Gonds, Rajputs or even Brahmans, and
devote themselves to the manufacture of rings and bells which are in
request among their own race, and even of _lingas_ (phallic emblems)
and _nandis_ (bull images), which they sell to all ranks of the Hindu
community. Their wives are distinguished by wearing the cloth of the
upper part of the body over the right shoulder, whereas those of the
common Ojhas and of all the other Gonds wear it over the left."

Mr. Tawney wrote of the Ojhas as follows: [355] "The Ojha women do
not dance. It is only men who do so, and when thus engaged they put
on special attire and wear anklets with bells. The Ojhas like the
Gonds are divided into six or seven god _gots_ (classes or septs),
and those with the same number of gods cannot intermarry. They worship
at the same Deokhala (god's threshing-floor) as the Gonds, but being
regarded as an inferior caste they are not allowed so near the sacred
presence. Like the Gonds they incorporate the spirits of the dead with
the gods, but their manner of doing so is somewhat different, as they
make an image of brass to represent the soul of the deceased and keep
this with the household gods. As with the Gonds, if a household god
makes himself too objectionable he is quietly buried to keep him out
of mischief and a new god is introduced into the family. The latter
should properly bear the same name as his degraded predecessor, but
very often does not. The Ojhas are too poor to indulge in the luxury
of burning their deceased friends and therefore invariably bury them."

The customs of the Ojhas resemble those of the Gonds. They take the
bride to the bridegroom's house to be married, and a widow among
them is expected, though not obliged, to wed her late husband's
younger brother. They eat the flesh of fowls, pigs, and even oxen,
but abstain from that of monkeys, crocodiles and jackals. They will
not touch an ass, a cat or a dog, and consider it sinful to kill
animals which bark or bray.

They will take food from the hands of all except the most impure
castes, and will admit into the community any man who has taken an Ojha
woman to live with him, even though he be a sweeper, provided that he
will submit to the prescribed test of begging from the houses of five
Gonds and eating the leavings of food of the other Ojhas. They will
pardon the transgression of one of their women with an outsider of
any caste whatever, if she is able and willing to provide the usual
penalty feast. They have no _sutak_ or period of impurity after a
death, but merely take a mouthful of liquor and consider themselves
clean. In physical appearance the Ojhas resemble the Gonds but are
less robust. They rank below the Gonds and are considered as impure
by the Hindu castes. In 1865, an Ojha held a village in Hoshangabad
District which he had obtained as follows: [356] "He was singing
and dancing before Raja Raghuji, when the Raja said he would give a
rent-free village to any one who would pick up and chew a quid of
betel-leaf which he (the Raja) had had in his mouth and had spat
out. The Ojha did this and got the village."

The Maithil or Tirhut Brahmans who are especially learned in Tantric
magic are also sometimes known as Ojha, and a family bearing this
title were formerly in the service of the Gond kings of Mandla. They
do not now admit that they acted as augurs or soothsayers, but state
that their business was to pray continuously for the king's success
when he was engaged in any battle, and to sit outside the rooms of sick
persons repeating the sacred Gayatri verse for their recovery. This is
often repeated ten times, counting by a special method on the joints
of the fingers and is then known as _Jap_. When it is repeated a
larger number of times, as 54 or 108, a rosary is used.

Oraon

[_Authorities_: The most complete account of the Oraons is a
monograph entitled, _The Religion and Customs of the Oraons_, by
the late Rev. Father P. Dehon, published in 1906 in the _Memoirs
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, vol. i. No. 9. The tribe is also
described at length by Colonel Dalton in _The Ethnography of Bengal_,
and an article on it is included in Mr. (Sir H.) Risley's _Tribes
and Castes of Bengal_. References to the Oraons are contained in
Mr. Bradley-Birt's _Chota Nagpur_, and Mr. Ball's _Jungle Life in
India_. The Kurukh language is treated by Dr. Grierson in the volume
of the Linguistic Survey on _Munda and Dravidian Languages_. The
following article is principally made up of extracts from the accounts
of Father Dehon and Colonel Dalton. Papers have also been received
from Mr. Hira Lal, Mr. Balaram Nand, Deputy Inspector of Schools,
Sambalpur, Mr. Jeorakhan Lal, Deputy Inspector of Schools, Bilaspur,
and Munshi Kanhya Lal of the Gazetteer Office.]

List of Paragraphs

1. _General notice_.
2. _Settlement in Chota Nagpur_.
3. _Subdivisions_.
4. _Pre-nuptial licence_.
5. _Betrothal_.
6. _Marriage ceremony_.
7. _Special customs_.
8. _Widow-remarriage and divorce_.
9. _Customs at birth_.
10. _Naming a child_.
11. _Branding and tattooing_.
12. _Dormitory discipline_.
13. _Disposal of the dead_.
14. _Worship of ancestors_.
15. _Religion_. _The supreme deity_.
16. _Minor godlings_.
17. _Human sacrifice_.
18. _Christianity_.
19. _Festivals_. _The Karma or May-day_.
20. _The Sal flower festival_.
21. _The harvest festival_.
22. _Fast for the crops_.
23. _Physical appearance and costume of the Oraons_.
24. _Dress of women_.
25. _Dances_.
26. _Social customs_.
27. _Social rules_.
28. _Character_.
29. _Language_.

1. General notice

_Oraon, Uraon, Kurukh, Dhangar, Kuda, Kisan._--The Oraons are an
important Dravidian tribe of the Chota Nagpur plateau, numbering
altogether about 750,000 persons, of whom 85,000 now belong to the
Central Provinces, being residents of the Jashpur and Sarguja States
and the neighbouring tracts. They are commonly known in the Central
Provinces as Dhangar or Dhangar-Oraon. In Chota Nagpur the word Dhangar
means a farmservant engaged according to a special customary contract,
and it has come to be applied to the Oraons, who are commonly employed
in this capacity. Kuda means a digger or navvy in Uriya, and enquiries
made by Mr. B.C. Mazumdar and Mr. Hira Lal have demonstrated that
the 18,000 persons returned under this designation from Raigarh
and Sambalpur in 1901 were really Oraons. The same remark applies
to 33,000 persons returned from Sambalpur as Kisan or cultivator,
these also being members of the tribe. The name by which the Oraons
know themselves is Kurukh or Kurunkh, and the designation of Oraon
or Orao has been applied to them by outsiders. The meaning of both
names is obscure. Dr. Halm [357] was of opinion that the word _kurukh_
might be identified with the Kolarian _horo_, man, and explained the
term Oraon as the totem of one of the septs into which the Kurukhs
were divided. According to him Oraon was a name coined by the Hindus,
its base being _orgoran_, hawk or cunny bird, used as the name of a
totemistic sept. Sir G. Grierson, however, suggested a connection with
the Kaikari, _urupai_, man; Burgandi _urapo_, man; _urang_, men. The
Kaikaris are a Telugu caste, and as the Oraons are believed to have
come from the south of India, this derivation sounds plausible. In
a similar way Sir. G. Grierson states, Kurukh may be connected
with Tamil _kurugu_, an eagle, and be the name of a totemistic
clan. Compare also names, such as Korava, Kurru, a dialect of Tamil,
and Kudagu. In the Nerbudda valley the farmservant who pours the seed
through the tube of the sowing-plough is known as Oraya; this word
is probably derived from the verb _urna_ to pour, and means 'one who
pours.' Since the principal characteristic of the Oraons among the
Hindus is their universal employment as farmservants and labourers,
it may be suggested that the name is derived from this term. Of the
other names by which they are known to outsiders Dhangar means a
farmservant, Kuda a digger, and Kisan a cultivator. The name Oraon
and its variant Orao is very close to Oraya, which, as already seen,
means a farmservant. The nasal seems to be often added or omitted in
this part of the country, as Kurukh or Kurunkh.

2. Settlement in Chota Nagpur

According to their own traditions, Mr. Gait writes, [358] "The
Kurukh tribe originally lived in the Carnatic, whence they went up the
Nerbudda river and settled in Bihar on the banks of the Son. Driven out
by the Muhammadans, the tribe split into two divisions, one of which
followed the course of the Ganges and finally settled in the Rajmahal
hills: while the other went up the Son and occupied the north-western
portion of the Chota Nagpur plateau, where many of the villages they
occupy are still known by Mundari names. The latter were the ancestors
of the Oraons or Kurukhs, while the former were the progenitors of the
Male or Saonria as they often call themselves." Towards Lohardaga the
Oraons found themselves among the Mundas or Kols, who probably retired
by degrees and left them in possession of the country. "The Oraons,"
Father Dehon states, "are an exceedingly prolific tribe and soon become
the preponderant element, while the Mundas, being conservative and
averse to living among strangers, emigrate towards another jungle. The
Mundas hate zamindars, and whenever they can do so, prefer to live in
a retired corner in full possession of their small holding; and it
is not at all improbable that, as the zamindars took possession of
the newly-formed villages, they retired towards the east, while the
Oraons, being good beasts of burden and more accustomed to subjection,
remained." In view of the fine physique and martial character of
the Larka or Fighting Kols or Mundas, Dalton was sceptical of the
theory that they could ever have retired before the Oraons; but in
addition to the fact that many villages in which Oraons now live have
Mundari names, it may be noted that the headman of an Oraon village
is termed Munda and is considered to be descended from its founder,
while for the Pahan or priest of the village gods, the Oraons always
employ a Munda if available, and it is one of the Pahan's duties to
point out the boundary of the village in cases of dispute; this is a
function regularly assigned to the earliest residents, and seems to
be strong evidence that the Oraons found the Mundas settled in Chota
Nagpur when they arrived there. It is not necessary to suppose that
any conquest or forcible expropriation took place; and it is probable
that, as the country was opened up, the Mundas by preference retired
to the wilder forest tracts, just as in the Central Provinces the
Korkus and Baigas gave way to the Gonds, and the Gonds themselves
relinquished the open country to the Hindus. None of the writers quoted
notice the name Munda as applied to the headman of an Oraon village,
but it can hardly be doubted that it is connected with that of the
tribe; and it would be interesting also to know whether the Pahan or
village priest takes his name from the Pans or Gandas. Dalton says
that the Pans are domesticated as essential constituents of every
Ho or Kol village community, but does not allude to their presence
among the Oraons. The custom in the Central Provinces, by which in
Gond villages the village priest is always known as Baiga, because
in some localities members of the Baiga tribe are commonly employed
in the office, suggests the hypothesis of a similar usage here. In
villages first settled by Oraons, the population, Father Dehon states,
is divided into three _khunts_ or branches, named after the Munda,
Pahan and Mahto, the founders of the three branches being held to
have been sons of the first settler. Members of each branch belong
therefore to the same sept or _got_. Each _khunt_ has a share of the
village lands.

3. Subdivisions

The Oraons have no proper subcastes in the Central Provinces, but the
Kudas and Kisans, having a distinctive name and occupation, sometimes
regard themselves as separate bodies and decline intermarriage with
other Oraons. In Bengal Sir H. Risley gives five divisions, Barga,
Dhanka, Kharia, Khendro and Munda; of these Kharia and Munda are the
names of other tribes, and Dhanka may be a variant for Dhangar. The
names show that as usual with the tribes of this part of the country
the law of endogamy is by no means strict. The tribe have also a
large number of exogamous septs of the totemistic type, named after
plants and animals. Members of any sept commonly abstain from killing
or eating their sept totem. A man must not marry a member of his own
sept nor a first cousin on the mother's side.

4. Pre-nuptial licence

Marriage is adult and pre-nuptial unchastity appears to be tacitly
recognised. Oraon villages have the institution of the Dhumkuria
or Bachelors' dormitory, which Dalton describes as follows: [359]
"In all the older Oraon villages when there is any conservation of
ancient customs, there is a house called the Dhumkuria in which all
the bachelors of the village must sleep under penalty of a fine. The
huts of the Oraons have insufficient accommodation for a family,
so that separate quarters for the young men are a necessity. The
same remark applies to the young unmarried women, and it is a fact
that they do not sleep in the house with their parents. They are
generally frank enough when questioned about their habits, but on
this subject there is always a certain amount of reticence, and I have
seen girls quietly withdraw when it was mooted. I am told that in some
villages a separate building is provided for them like the Dhumkuria,
in which they consort under the guardianship of an elderly duenna,
but I believe the more common practice is to distribute them among the
houses of the widows, and this is what the girls themselves assert, if
they answer at all when the question is asked; but however billeted,
it is well known that they often find their way to the bachelors'
hall, and in some villages actually sleep there. I not long ago saw a
Dhumkuria in a Sarguja village in which the boys and girls all slept
every night." Colonel Dalton considered it uncertain that the practice
led to actual immorality, but the fact can hardly be doubted. Sexual
intercourse before marriage, Sir H. Risley says, is tacitly recognised,
and is so generally practised that in the opinion of the best observers
no Oraon girl is a virgin at the time of her marriage. "To call this
state of things immoral is to apply a modern conception to primitive
habits of life. Within the tribe, indeed, the idea of sexual morality
seems hardly to exist, and the unmarried Oraons are not far removed
from the condition of modified promiscuity which prevails among
many of the Australian tribes. Provided that the exogamous circle
defined by the totem is respected, an unmarried woman may bestow
her favours on whom she will. If, however, she becomes pregnant,
arrangements are made to get her married without delay, and she is
then expected to lead a virtuous life." [360] According to Dalton,
however, _liaisons_ between boys and girls of the same village seldom
end in marriage, as it is considered more respectable to bring home a
bride from a distance. This appears to arise from the primitive rule
of exogamy that marriage should not be allowed between those who have
been brought up together. The young men can choose for themselves,
and at dances, festivals and other social gatherings they freely woo
their sweethearts, giving them flowers for the hair and presents of
grilled field-mice, which the Oraons consider to be the most delicate
of food. Father Dehon, however, states that matches are arranged by
the parents, and the bride and bridegroom have nothing to say in the
matter. Boys are usually married at sixteen and girls at fourteen
or fifteen. The girls thus have only about two years of preliminary
flirtation or Dhumkuria life before they are settled.