The Letters of Queen Victoria, Volume 1 (of 3), 1837 to 1843)

Q >> Queen Victoria >> The Letters of Queen Victoria, Volume 1 (of 3), 1837 to 1843)

Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | 35 | 36 | 37 | 38 | 39 | 40 | 41 | 42 | 43 | 44 | 45 | 46 | 47 | 48 | 49 | 50 | 51

Lord Melbourne is very glad to hear that your Majesty was pleased and
impressed with Archdeacon Wilberforce's[103] sermon and his manner of
delivering it. Lord Melbourne has never seen nor heard him. His father
had as beautiful and touching a voice as ever was heard. It was very
fine in itself. He spoiled it a little by giving it a methodistical
and precatory intonation.

Hayter has been to Lord Melbourne to-day to press him to sit to him,
which he will do as soon as he has done with Chantrey. Chantrey says
that all Lord Melbourne's face is very easy except the mouth. The
mouth, he says, is always the most difficult feature, and he can
rarely satisfy himself with the delineation of any mouth, but Lord
Melbourne's is so flexible and changeable that it is almost impossible
to catch it.

[Footnote 102: For Vienna and Constantinople.]

[Footnote 103: Samuel, son of William Wilberforce, at this
date Archdeacon of Surrey, and chaplain to Prince Albert;
afterwards, in 1844, appointed Bishop of Oxford, and
eventually translated to the See of Winchester.]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S ADVICE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _1st October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He received
your Majesty's letter yesterday evening, and cannot express to your
Majesty how much obliged he feels by your Majesty's taking the trouble
to give him so much information upon so many points. Ste Aulaire's
hair-powder seems to make a very deep and general impression.[104]
Everybody talks about it. "He appears to be very amiable and
agreeable," everybody says, but then adds, "I never saw a man wear so
much powder." A head so whitened with flour is quite a novelty and a
prodigy in these times. Lord Melbourne has not yet seen him, but means
to call upon him immediately. Lord Melbourne is upon the whole
glad that the Duke of Beaufort has declined St Petersburg. It is an
appointment that might have been acquiesced in, but would not have
been approved. Bulwer[105] will not be a bad choice to accompany Sir
Charles[106] to Canada. Your Majesty knows Bulwer well. He is clever,
keen, active; somewhat bitter and caustic, and rather suspicious. A
man of a more straightforward character would have done better, but
it would be easy to have found many who would have done worse. Lord
Melbourne is very glad that it has been offered to the Prince to be at
the head of this Commission, and that His Royal Highness has accepted
it. It is an easy, unexceptionable manner of seeing and becoming
acquainted with a great many people, and of observing the mode of
transacting business in this country. The Commission itself will be
a scene of very considerable difference of opinion. Lord Melbourne
is for decorating the interior of the Houses of Parliament, if it be
right to do so, but he is not for doing it, whether right or wrong,
for the purpose of spending the public money in the encouragement of
the Fine Arts. Whether it is to be painting or sculpture, or both; if
painting, what sort of painting, what are to be the subjects chosen,
and who are to be the artists employed? All these questions furnish
ample food for discussion, difference, and dispute. Chantrey says
fresco will never do; it stands ill in every climate, will never stand
long in this, even in the interior of a building, and in a public work
such as this is, durability is the first object to be aimed at. He
says that there is in the Vatican a compartment of which the middle
portion has been painted by Giulio Romano[107] in fresco, and at each
of the ends there is a figure painted by Raphael in oil. The fresco
painting has been so often repaired in consequence of decay, that not
a vestige of the original work remains; while the two figures painted
by Raphael in oil still stand out in all their original freshness, and
even improved from what they were when first executed....

Lord Melbourne dined and slept on Wednesday at Wimbledon.[108] He
met there Lord and Lady Cottenham, Lord[109] and Lady Langdale, Lord
Glenelg and his brother, Mr Wm. Grant, who was his private secretary,
and is an amusing man. Lord Melbourne is going there again to-morrow
to stay until Monday. The place is beautiful; it is not like
Claremont, but it is quite of the same character, and always puts Lord
Melbourne in mind of it. The Duchess has many merits, but amongst them
is the not small one of having one of the best cooks in England.

[Footnote 104: Madame de Lieven wrote to Aberdeen, 12th
September 1841: "Ne jugez pas cet Ambassadeur par son
exterieur; il personnifie un peu les Marquis de Moliere....
Passez-lui ses cheveux poudres, son air galant et papillon
aupres des femmes. He cannot help it."]

[Footnote 105: Sir Henry Bulwer, afterwards Lord Dalling.]

[Footnote 106: Sir Charles Bagot.]

[Footnote 107: He was a pupil of Raphael, celebrated for
(among other works) his "Fall of the Titans."]

[Footnote 108: The word is almost illegible. Wimbledon was at
that time in the occupation of the Duke of Somerset.]

[Footnote 109: Master of the Rolls.]

[Pageheading: PEERS AND AUDIENCES]

_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._

WHITEHALL, _2nd October 1841._

Sir James Graham with humble duty begs to lay before your Majesty two
letters, which he has received from the Earl of Radnor,[110] together
with the copy of the answer which Sir James Graham returned to the
first of the two letters.

If the presentation of Petitions were the sole subject of the
Audience, it might be needless to impose on your Majesty the
trouble incident to this mode of receiving them, since they might be
transmitted through the accustomed channel of one of the Secretaries
of State; but Sir James Graham infers from a conversation which,
since the receipt of the letters he has had with Lord Radnor, that
the Audience is asked in exercise of a right claimed by Peers of the
Realm.

The existence of this right is not recognised by Statute; but it
rests in ancient usage, and is noticed by Judge Blackstone in his
Commentaries on the Laws of England in the following terms:--

"It is usually looked upon to be the right of each particular Peer of
the Realm to demand an Audience of the King, and to lay before him,
with decency and respect, such matters as he shall judge of importance
to the public weal."

The general practice on the part of the Sovereign has been not to
refuse these Audiences when Peers have asked them....

The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and
Servant,

J. R. G. GRAHAM.

[Footnote 110: William, third Earl, formerly M.P. for
Salisbury.]

_Queen Victoria to Sir James Graham._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1841._

The Queen has received Sir James Graham's communication with the
enclosures. She thinks that it would be extremely inconvenient if
Audiences were to be granted to Peers for the purpose of presenting
Petitions or Addresses. The Queen knows that it has always been
considered a sort of right of theirs to ask for and receive an
Audience of the King or Queen. But the Queen knows that upon several
occasions Lord Melbourne and Lord John Russell wrote to the Peers who
requested Audiences, stating that it would be very inconvenient for
the Queen, particularly in the country, and that they had better
either put off asking for it, till the Queen came to town, or send
what they had to say; communicate in writing--which was complied with.
If, therefore, Sir James Graham would state this to Lord Radnor, he
may probably give up pressing for an Audience. Should he, however,
urge his wish very strongly, the Queen will see him in the manner
proposed by Sir James. The Queen would wish to hear from Sir James
again before she gives a final answer.

[Pageheading: THE CHINESE CAMPAIGN]

_Lord Ellenborough to Queen Victoria._

INDIA BOARD, _2nd October 1841._

Lord Ellenborough, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, humbly
acquaints your Majesty that your Majesty's Ministers, taking into
consideration the smallness of the force with which the campaign in
China was commenced this year, and the advanced period of the season
at which the reinforcements would arrive (which reinforcements would
not so raise the strength of the Army as to afford any reasonable
expectation that its operations will produce during the present year
any decisive results), have deemed it expedient that instructions
would be at once issued to the Indian Government with a view to the
making of timely preparations for the campaign of 1842.[111]

Your Majesty's Ministers are of opinion that the War with China should
be conducted on an enlarged scale, and the Indian Government will
be directed to have all their disposable military and naval force
at Singapore in April, so that the operations may commence at the
earliest period which the season allows.

Lord Ellenborough cannot but entertain a sanguine expectation that
that force so commencing its operations, and directed upon a point
where it will intercept the principal internal communication of the
Chinese Empire, will finally compel the Chinese Government to accede
to terms of Peace honourable to your Majesty, and affording future
security to the trade of your Majesty's subjects.

[Footnote 111: Ningpo was taken by Sir Hugh Gough on 13th
October 1841, and no further operations took place till the
spring of the following year. _See_ Introductory Note, _ante_,
p. 254. (Intro Note to Ch. X)]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _3rd October 1841._

Sat by the Queen last night at dinner. Her Majesty alluded to Sir
Robert Peel's awkward manner, which she felt she could not get over.
I asked if Her Majesty had yet made any effort, which I was
good-humouredly assured Her Majesty "thought she really had done."

Sir Robert's ignorance of character was most striking and
unaccountable; feeling this, made it difficult for Her Majesty to
place reliance upon his judgment in recommendations.

[Pageheading: ENGLISH AND FOREIGN ARTISTS]

[Pageheading: SIR FRANCIS CHANTREY]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _4th October 1811._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the
honour of receiving your Majesty's letter of the 2nd inst. yesterday,
at Wimbledon. If Lord Melbourne should hear of anything of what your
Majesty asks respecting the impression made upon Sir Robert and Lady
Peel, he will take care and inform your Majesty, but, of course,
they will speak very favourably, and if they feel otherwise will not
breathe it except in the most secret and confidential manner.

Lord Melbourne is very much rejoiced to hear that the Duchess of Kent
arrived safe and well and in good spirits.

Lord Melbourne sat to Sir F. Chantrey on Saturday last. He will, Lord
Melbourne believes, require only one more sitting, which he wishes to
be at the distance of a week from the last, in order that he may
take a fresh view of the bust, and not become reconciled to its
imperfections by continually looking at it. It may give the Prince
some idea of the national feeling which prevails here, when he is told
that Lord Melbourne upon asking Sir F. Chantrey what ought to be done
if foreign artists were employed to paint the Houses of Parliament,
received from him the following answer: "Why, their heads ought to be
broke and they driven out of the country, and, old as I am, I should
like to lend a hand for that purpose."

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _5th October 1841._

... Lord Melbourne, by telling your Majesty what Sir Francis Chantrey
said respecting foreign artists, and by requesting your Majesty to
repeat it to the Prince, by no means intended to imply that there was
any disposition on the part of His Royal Highness to recommend the
employment of foreigners. He only meant to convey the idea of the
strength of the prejudice which is felt by enlightened and able men
upon the subject. Lord Melbourne has been sitting this morning to
Hayter for the picture of the marriage, and he (Hayter) held an
entirely contrary language. His tone is: "If foreign artists are more
capable than English, let them be employed. All I require is that the
work should be done as well as it can be." The English are certainly
very jealous of foreigners, and so, Lord Melbourne apprehends, are
the rest of mankind, but not knowing himself any nation except the
English, he cannot venture to make positively that assertion. Lord
Melbourne has been reading the evidence given before the committee of
the House of Commons upon this subject. It is well worth attention,
particularly Mr Eastlake's,[112] which appears to Lord Melbourne to be
very enlightened, dispassionate, and just....

[Footnote 112: Afterwards Sir Charles Eastlake, Keeper of the
National Gallery, 1843-1847, President of the Royal Academy,
1850-1865.]

[Pageheading: THE PRINCE'S GRANT]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _6th October 1841._

Sat by Her Majesty last night at dinner.

The Queen had written to Lord Melbourne about coming to the Castle,
but in his answer he had made no allusion to it; she did not know
whether this was accidental or intentional, for he very often gave no
answer to questions which were put.

I told Her Majesty that I feared he had raised an obstacle to his
visit by making a strong speech against the Government just at the
time he was thinking of coming. That this attack had identified him as
the leader of his Party, at a moment when I had been most anxious
that he should abstain from taking an active part, and by withdrawing
himself from politics he would enable himself to become the more
useful friend to Her Majesty. The Queen had not seen the speech,
was sorry he had felt himself obliged to make it, but it would
be difficult for him to avoid it after having been so long Prime
Minister.

Her Majesty told me that previous to the exit of the late Government,
Lord John had earnestly cautioned Her Majesty not to propose any
new grant of money, as it would in the case of L70,000 for the new
stables, however unfairly, bring great unpopularity upon the Queen. I
said in regard to any increase to the Prince's annuity, I thought
it would be very imprudent in him to think of it, except under very
peculiar circumstances which might arise, but which could not yet be
foreseen. The Queen said that _nothing_ should induce Her Majesty to
accept such a favour from these Ministers. Peel probably now regretted
his opposition to the grant, but it was, and was intended to be, a
personal insult to herself, and it was followed up [by] opposition
to her private wishes in the precedency question, where the Duke of
Wellington took the lead against her wishes, as Peel had done in the
Commons against the Prince's grant. She never could forget it, and no
favour to her should come from such a quarter. I told Her Majesty I
could not rest the Prince's case on Her Majesty's objections if they
were the only ones which could be brought forward. If the case again
rose I feared Her Majesty would find many who before, from Party
views, voted according to Her Majesty's wishes, would now rank on the
opposite side.

Her Majesty asked Dr Hawtrey the evening before who was the cleverest
boy at Eton.

Dr Hawtrey made a profound bow to the Queen and said, "I trust your
Majesty will excuse my answering, for if I did I make 600 enemies at
once."

_Memorandum by Baron Stockmar._

_6th October 1841._

The Queen had asked Lord Melbourne whether he would soon visit her at
Windsor. He had not replied on that point, but had written to Prince
Albert in order to learn first the Prince's opinion on the feasibility
of the matter.

The Prince sent for me and consulted with me. I was of opinion that
the Prince had better refrain from giving an answer, and that I should
give my opinion in the written form of a Memorandum, with which Anson
should betake himself to town. He was to read it aloud to Melbourne,
and orally to add what amplifications might be necessary.

And so it was done.

[Pageheading: RELATIONS WITH PEEL]

My Memorandum was as follows:--

Sir Robert Peel has yet to make his position opposite[113] the
Queen, which for him to obtain is important and desirable for
obvious reasons. I have good cause to doubt that Sir Robert
is sure within himself of the good-will and confidence of the
Queen. As long as the secret communication exists between Her
Majesty and Lord Melbourne, this ground, upon which alone Sir
Robert could obtain the position necessary to him as Premier,
must remain cut away from under his feet. I hold, therefore,
this secret interchange an _essential injustice_ to Sir
Robert's present situation. I think it equally wrong to call
upon the Prince to give an opinion on the subject, as he has
not the means to cause his opinion to be either regarded or
complied with. In this particular matter nobody has paramount
power to do right or wrong but the Queen, and more especially
Lord Melbourne himself. To any danger which may come out of
this to Her Majesty's character, the caution and objection
must come from him, and from him alone; and if I was standing
in his shoes I would show the Queen, of my own accord,
and upon constitutional grounds _too_, that a continued
correspondence of that sort must be fraught with imminent
danger to the Queen, especially to Lord Melbourne, and to the
State.

[Footnote 113: _I.e._ with.]

I then gave Anson the further arguments with which he was to accompany
the reading out of this Memo.

[Pageheading: DISCRETION URGED ON MELBOURNE]

[Pageheading: MELBOURNE'S INFLUENCE]

On the next day Anson went to Melbourne and told him that his note to
him had raised a great consultation, that the Prince felt much averse
to giving any opinion in a case upon which he could exercise no
control, and in which, if it was known that he had given his sanction,
he would be held responsible for any mischief which might arise. He
had consulted Baron Stockmar, who had written the enclosed opinion,
which the Prince had desired Anson to read to Lord Melbourne.
Melbourne read it attentively twice through, with an occasional change
of countenance and compression of lips. He said on concluding
it: "This is a most decided opinion indeed, quite an '_apple[114]
opinion_.'" Anson told him that the Prince felt that if the Queen's
confidence in Peel was in a way to be established, it would be
extremely shaken by his (Lord Melbourne's) visit at such a moment. He
felt that it would be better that Lord Melbourne's appearance should
be in London, where he would meet the Queen only on the terms of
general society, but at the same time he (the Prince) was extremely
reluctant to give an opinion upon a case which Lord Melbourne's own
sense of right ought to decide. Anson added how he feared his speech
of yesterday in the House of Lords[115] had added another impediment
to his coming at this moment, as it had identified him with and
established as the head of the Opposition party, which he (Anson) had
hoped Melbourne would have been able to avoid. Melbourne, who was then
sitting on the sofa, rushed up upon this, and went up and down the
room in a violent frenzy, exclaiming--"God eternally d--n it!"
etc., etc. "Flesh and blood cannot stand this. I only spoke upon
the defensive, which Ripon's speech at the beginning of the session
rendered quite necessary. I cannot be expected to give up my position
in the country, neither do I think that it is to the Queen's interest
that I should."

Anson continued that the Baron thought that no Ministry could stand
the force of such an undercurrent influence, that all the good that
was to be derived from pacifying the Queen's mind at the change had
been gained, and that the danger which we were liable to, and which
threatened him in particular, could only be averted by his own
straightforward decision with the Queen. Anson asked him if _he_ saw
any danger likely to arise from this correspondence. After a long
pause he said, "_I certainly cannot think it right_," though he
felt sure that some medium of communication of this sort was no new
precedent. He took care never to say anything which could bring his
opinion in opposition _to Sir Robert's, and he should distinctly
advise the Queen to adhere to her Ministers in everything,[116]
unless he saw the time had arrived at which it might be
resisted_.[117] The principal evil, replied Anson, to be dreaded from
the continuance of Lord Melbourne's influence was, according to the
Baron's opinion, that so long as the Queen felt she could resort to
Lord Melbourne for his advice, she never would be disposed (from not
feeling the necessity) to place any real confidence in the advice she
received from Peel.

[Footnote 114: No doubt Lord Melbourne said an "apple-pie"
opinion.]

[Footnote 115: At the opening of the Session Lord Ripon had
reprobated the late Government for resorting to temporary
expedients, and Lord Melbourne, on the second reading of the
Exchequer-bills Funding Bill, caustically but good-humouredly
replied to the attack.]

[Footnote 116: _Note by Baron Stockmar._--If he wishes to
carry this out consistently and quite honestly, what then is
the value of his advice, if it be only the copy of that of Sir
R. Peel?]

[Footnote 117: _Note by Baron Stockmar._--This means, in my
way of reading it: "The Queen, by her correspondence with
me, puts Peel into my hands, and there I mean to let him stay
unhurt, until time and extraneous circumstances--but more
especially the advantage that will accrue to me by my secret
correspondence with the Queen--shall enable me to plunge, in
all security, the dagger into his back."]

_The Earl of Liverpool to Baron Stockmar._[118]

FIFE HOUSE, _7th October 1841._

MY DEAR BARON,--Peel sent for me this morning to speak to me about
the contents of his letter to me. After some general conversation on
matters respecting the Royal Household, he said that he had had
much satisfaction in his intercourse lately with Her Majesty, and
specifically yesterday, and he asked me whether I had seen Her Majesty
or the Prince yesterday, and whether they were satisfied with him. I
told him that except in public I had not seen Her Majesty, and except
for a moment in your room I had not seen the Prince; but that as he
spoke to me on this matter, I must take the opportunity of saying a
word to him about _you_, from whom I had learnt yesterday that both
the Queen and Prince are extremely well pleased with him. That I
had known you very long, but that our great intimacy began when King
Leopold sent you over just previous to the Queen's accession; that we
had acted together on that occasion, and that our mutual esteem and
intimacy had increased; that your position was a very peculiar one,
and that you might be truly said to be a species of second parent to
the Queen and the Prince; that your only object was their welfare, and
your only ambition to be of service to them; that in this sense you
had communicated with Melbourne, and that I wished that in this sense
you should communicate with him (Peel). He said that he saw the matter
exactly as I did, that he wished to communicate with you, and felt the
greatest anxiety to do everything to meet the wishes of the Queen and
Prince in all matters within his power, and as far as consistent
with his known and avowed political principles; that in all matters
respecting the Household and their private feelings that the smallest
hint sufficed to guide him, as he would not give way to any party
feeling or job which should in any way militate against Her Majesty
or His Royal Highness's comfort; that he wished particularly that it
should be known that he never had a thought of riding _roughshod_ over
Her Majesty's wishes; that if you would come to him at any time, and
be candid and explicit with him, you might depend upon his frankness
and discretion; that above all, if you had said anything to him, and
expressed a wish that it might not be communicated even to the Duke of
Wellington, (that was his expression), that he wished me to assure you
that your wishes should be strictly attended to. Pray give me a line
to say that you do not disapprove of what I have done. We had a great
deal more conversation, but with this I will not now load my letter,
being ever sincerely yours,

LIVERPOOL.

Direct your answer to this house.

[Footnote 118: This letter was submitted to the Queen.]

[Pageheading: AUDIENCES OF PEERS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _8th October 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has this
morning received your Majesty's letter of yesterday. There can be no
doubt that your Majesty is right about the Audiences which have been
requested....

Sir Robert Peel is probably right in supposing that the claim of a
Peer to an Audience of the Sovereign originated in early times, and
before the present course of government by responsible advisers was
fully and decidedly established, which it hardly can be said to have
been until after the accession of the House of Hanover, but the custom
of asking for such Audiences, and of their being in general granted,
was well known, and has for the most part been observed and adhered
to. Lord Melbourne remembers that during the part of the French War,
when considerable alarm began to prevail respecting its duration, and
the serious aspect which it was assuming, George III. gave Audiences
to the Duke of Norfolk and others which he certainly would not have
been inclined to do if he had not thought himself bound by his duty
and by Constitutional precedent. At the time of the passing of the
Roman Catholic Relief Act, George IV. received very many Peers, much
no doubt against his will, who came to remonstrate with him upon the
course which his Ministers were pursuing. William IV. did the same at
the time of the Reform Bill, and certainly spoke upon the subject in
a manner which Lord Melbourne always thought indiscreet and imprudent.
Upon the whole, the practice has been so much acted upon and
established, that Lord Melbourne will certainly not think it wise to
make any alteration now, especially as it has in itself beneficial
effects, especially as in a time of strong political feeling it is a
satisfaction to the people to think that their wishes and opinions are
laid before the Sovereign fairly and impartially. It is not likely to
be a very heavy burthen, inasmuch as such Audiences are only asked at
particular moments, and they are not in themselves very burthensome
nor difficult to deal with. It is only for the Sovereign to say that
he is convinced of the good motives which have actuated the step, and
that consideration will be given to the matter and arguments which
have been stated.