The Letters of Queen Victoria, Volume 1 (of 3), 1837 to 1843)

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"At twenty minutes past four Lord Melbourne returned. 'Well, Ma'am,'
he said, 'we've considered this question, and both the sides of
it well, and at last we voted upon it; and there were--the Lord
Chancellor for dissolution, Lord Minto[38] for it, Lord Normanby
against it, but greatly modified; Lord John for, Lord Palmerston for,
Lord Clarendon for, Lord Morpeth for, Lord Lansdowne for, Labouchere
for, Hobhouse for, Duncannon[39] for, Baring for, Macaulay for; and
under those circumstances of course I felt I could not but go with
them.[40] Lord Melbourne was much affected in saying all this. 'So we
shall go on, bring on the Sugar Duties, and then, if things are in a
pretty good state, dissolve. I hope you approve?' I said I did highly
... and that I felt so happy to keep him longer. 'You are aware we may
have a majority against us?' he said; he means in our election. The
Sugar Duties would probably take a fortnight or three weeks to pass,
and they would dissolve in June and meet again in October. He thought
they must."

[Footnote 38: Lord Minto was First Lord of the Admiralty.]

[Footnote 39: Then First Commissioner of Land Revenue.]

[Footnote 40: See Sir John Hobhouse's account of this Cabinet
meeting, _Edinburgh Review_, vol. 133, p. 336.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND THE CHURCH]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_21st May 1841._

Lord Melbourne thinks that what your Majesty proposes to say will do
very well, but it is thought best to say "Church as Reformed" at the
Reformation.

If your Majesty could say this, it would be well:

"I am very grateful for your congratulations on the return of this
day. I am happy to take this opportunity of again expressing to you my
firm determination to maintain the Church of England as settled at
the Reformation, and my firm belief in her Articles and Creeds, as
hitherto understood and interpreted by her soundest divines."

Nothing could go off better than the dinner. Everybody was much
pleased with the Prince.

Lord Melbourne is not conscious of having slept.[41]

[Footnote 41: It seems that some one had told the Queen that
Lord Melbourne had fallen asleep at dinner.]

[Pageheading: FEELING IN FRANCE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

BRUSSELS, _20th May 1841._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I receive this very moment your dear letter of
the 18th, and without loss of time I begin my answer here, though the
messenger can only go to-morrow. I cannot _sufficiently_ express to
you my _gratitude_ for the frankness with which you have written
to me--and let me entreat you, whenever you have anything _sur
le c[oe]ur_, to _do the same_. I shall begin with your postscript
concerning the idea that I wished your present Ministers to retire,
because they had become disagreeable to France. The people who
_avancent quelque chose de la sorte_ probably have some ill-natured
motive which it is not always easy to guess; perhaps in the present
instance does it mean, let us say, _that?_ whatever opinion he may
then express we can easily counteract it, representing it as the
result of _strong partiality to France_. Let us therefore examine
what France has to gain in a change of Administration. Certainly your
present Ministers are _not_ much loved _now_ in France, not so much in
consequence of the political events of last year themselves, than for
the _manner_ in which they came to pass. Nevertheless, when I was at
Paris, King and Council were decided to sign the treaty with the four
other Powers, which would put an end to the _isolement_, though many
people are stoutly _for the isolement_. There end the relations which
will exist for some time between the two countries--they will be on
_decent_ terms; that is all I wish for the present, and it is matter
of moonshine who your Ministers are. No doubt, formerly there existed
such a predilection in favour of Lord Grey's[42] Administration and
those who continued it, that the coming in of the Tories would have
been considered as a great public calamity; but even now, though
this affection is gone, the Tories will also be looked on with some
suspicion. Lord Melbourne's Administration has had the great merit of
being liberal, and at the same time prudent, conservative in the good
sense of the word, preserving what was good. Monarchy, by an adherence
to this system, was very safe, and the popular liberal cry needless.

[Footnote 42: 1830-1834.]

[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S ADVICE]

(_Continued at_) LAEKEN, _21st May._

I regret that the Corn question was brought forward somewhat
abruptly;[43] it is a dangerous one, as it roused the most numerous
and poorest classes of society, and may easily degenerate into
bloodshed. The dissolution under such circumstances would become still
more a source of agitation, as it generally always is in England. Lord
Melbourne, I am sure, will think so too.

I am delighted by what you say of Albert; it is just the proper line
for him to take, without biassing you either way, to show you honestly
the consequences which in his opinion the one or the other may have.
As he has really a very clear and logical judgment, his opinion will
be valuable for you. I feel very much for you, and these Ministerial
complications are of a most painful and perplexing nature, though
less in England than on the Continent, as the thing is at least better
understood. To amuse you a little, and to prove to you how impartial
I must be to be in this way accused by both parties, I must tell you
that it is said in France that, conjointly with Lord Melbourne,
we _artfully_ ruined the Thiers Administration,[44] to the great
detriment of the honour and welfare of France. But what is still
stranger is, that the younger branches of the family, seeing that my
arrival at Paris was delayed from time to time, became convinced that
_I would not come at all_, and that my intention was to _cut them
completely_, not to _compromettre_ myself with England! Truly people
are strange, and the unnecessary suspicions and stories which they
love to have, and to tell, a great bore....

Pray have the goodness of giving my _kindest_ regards to Lord
Melbourne. I will love him very _tenderly_ in and out of office, as
I am really attached to him. Now last, though first, I offer my
sincerest wishes on the happy return of your birthday; may every
blessing be always bestowed on your beloved head. You possess _much_,
let your warm and honest heart _appreciate_ that. Let me also express
the hope that you always will maintain your _dear character true_
and _good_ as it is, and let us also humbly express the hope that
our warmth of feeling, a valuable gift, will not be permitted to
grow occasionally a little violent, and particularly not against your
uncle. You may pull Albertus by the ear, when so inclined, but be
never irritated against your uncle. But I have _not to complain_ when
other people do not instigate such things; you have always been kind
and affectionate, and when you look at my deeds for you, and on
behalf of you, these twenty-two years, I think you will not have many
hardships to recollect. I am happy to hear of my god-daughter's teeth,
and that she is so well. May God keep the whole dear little family
well and happy for ever. My dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 43: The Ministerial proposal of a fixed duty instead
of a sliding scale.]

[Footnote 44: The Thiers Government had resigned in the
preceding October, owing to the King objecting to the warlike
speech which they wished him to pronounce to the Chambers. The
Soult-Guizot Cabinet was accordingly formed.]

[Pageheading: SIR ROBERT PEEL]

_Memorandum of Mr Anson's last secret interview with Sir R. Peel._
(No. 4.)

_Sunday, 23rd May 1841._

Called upon Sir Robert Peel this morning. I said I could not feel
satisfied without seeing him after the very unexpected course which
political affairs had taken. I wished to know that he felt assured,
though I trusted there could be no doubt upon his mind, that there
had been perfect honesty of purpose on my part towards him, and more
especially upon the part of those with whose knowledge I had been
acting. I assured Sir Robert that H.M. had acted in _the most perfect
fairness towards him_, and I was most anxious that there should be no
erroneous impression upon his mind as to the conduct of either H.M. or
the Prince.

I said (quoting the Prince's expression), "that the Queen has a
natural modesty upon her constitutional views, and when she receives
an advice from men like the Lord Chancellor, Lord John Russell, Mr
Baring, Mr Labouchere, and Lord Clarendon, and knows that they have
been weighing the question through so many days, she concludes that
her judgment cannot be better than theirs, and that she would do wrong
to reject their advice."

The Prince, I said, however strongly impressed for or against a
question, thinks it wrong and impolitic, considering his age and
inexperience and his novelty to the country, to press upon the Queen
views of his own in opposition to those of experienced statesmen. Sir
Robert said he could relieve my mind entirely; that he was convinced
that all that had taken place had been with the most perfect honesty;
that he had no feeling whatever of annoyance, or of having been
ill-used; that, on the contrary, he had the feeling, and should always
retain it, of the deepest gratitude to the Queen for the condescension
which Her Majesty had been pleased to show him, and that it had only
increased his devotion to Her Majesty's person. He said that much of
the reserve which he had shown in treating with me was not on _his
own_ account, but that he felt from his own experience that events
were by no means certain, and he most cautiously abstained from
permitting her Majesty in any way to commit herself, or to bind
herself by any engagement which unforeseen circumstances might render
inconvenient. Sir Robert said it was very natural to try and remove
obstacles which had before created so much confusion, and he was
convinced that they would have been practically removed by what had
passed. He said that neither Lord Stanley nor Sir James Graham knew
a word of what had passed. That Mr Greville had asked his friend Mr
Arbuthnot whether some understanding had not been entered into between
Lord Melbourne and him. That Mr Arbuthnot had replied that he was
certain that nothing of the sort could have passed,[45] as, if it had,
Sir Robert Peel would have informed him (Mr Arbuthnot) of the fact.
Again, Lady de Grey, the night of the ball at the Palace, came up to
him and said the Duke of Bedford had been speaking to her about the
resignation of the Duchess of Bedford, and asking her whether she
thought it necessary. She volunteered to find out from Sir Robert
whether he thought it requisite. She asked the question, which Sir
Robert tried to evade, but not being able, he said it struck him that
if it was a question of doubt the best means of solving it, was for
the Duke of Bedford to ask Lord Melbourne for his opinion.

I added that if the dissolution was a failure, which it was generally
apprehended would be the case, I felt convinced that Sir Robert would
be dealt with in the most perfect fairness by Her Majesty.

[Footnote 45: "After I had been told by the Duke of Bedford
that Peel was going to insist on certain terms, which was
repeated to me by Clarendon, I went to Arbuthnot, told him
Melbourne's impression, and asked him what it all meant. He
said it was all false, that he was certain Peel had no such
intentions, but, on the contrary, as he had before assured me,
was disposed to do everything that would be conciliatory
and agreeable to the Queen."--_Greville's Journal_, 19th May
1841.]

[Pageheading: VOTE OF WANT OF CONFIDENCE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _24th May 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has to
acquaint your Majesty that in the House of Commons this evening
Sir Robert Peel gave notice that on Thursday next he would move a
resolution to the following effect: "That Her Majesty's Ministers not
possessing power sufficient to carry into effect the measures
which they considered necessary, their retention of office was
unconstitutional and contrary to usage."[46] These are not the exact
words, but they convey the substance. This is a direct vote of want of
confidence, and Lord Melbourne would be inclined to doubt whether it
will be carried, and if it is, it certainly will not be by so large
a majority as the former vote. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer
moved the resolution upon the Sugar Duties, Sir Robert Peel seconded
the motion, thereby intending to intimate that he did not mean to
interfere with the Supplies. This course was determined upon at a
meeting held at Sir R. Peel's this morning.

[Footnote 46: The closing words of the resolution were as
follows: "... That Her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently
possess the confidence of the House of Commons to enable
them to carry through the House measures which they deem of
essential importance to the public welfare, and that their
continuance in office under such circumstances is at variance
with the spirit of the Constitution."]

[Pageheading: PROSPECT OF DISSOLUTION]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _28th May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that Sir Robert Peel yesterday brought forward his
motion in a remarkably calm and temperate speech.

Sir John Hobhouse and Mr Macaulay completely exposed the fallacy
of his resolution, and successfully vindicated the government. Lord
Worsley[47] declared he would oppose the resolution, which declaration
excited great anger, and produced much disappointment in the Tory
party.

If the debate is carried on till next week, it is probable the
Ministers may have a majority of one or two.

The accounts from the country are encouraging.

It does not appear that Sir Robert Peel, even if he carries this
motion, intends to obstruct the measures necessary for a dissolution
of Parliament.

[Footnote 47: M.P. for Lincolnshire, who had voted for Lord
Sandon's motion.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_31st May 1841._

... I beg you _not_ to be alarmed about what is to be done; it is
_not_ for a Party triumph that Parliament (_the longest_ that has
sat for _many_ years) is to be dissolved; it is the fairest and most
constitutional mode of proceeding; and you may trust to the moderation
and prudence of my whole Government that nothing will be done without
due consideration; if the present Government get a majority by the
elections they will go on prosperously; if not, the Tories will come
in for a short time. The country is quiet and the people very well
disposed. I am happy, dearest Uncle, to give you these quieting news,
which I assure you are _not_ partial....

[Pageheading: KING LEOPOLD'S VIEWS]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN _31st May 1841._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--Your Mother[48] is safely arrived, though she
was received close to Ostende by a formidable thunderstorm. I had
given directions that everywhere great civilities should be shown her.
She stood the fatigues better than I had expected, and is less sleepy
than in England. She seems to be pleased with her _sejour_ here, and
inclined in fact to remain rather than to go on; but I am sure, when
once in Germany she will be both pleased and interested by it. It will
amuse you to hear from herself her own impressions.

I cannot help to add a few political lines. I regret much, I must
confess, that the idea of a dissolution has gained ground, and I will
try to show in a very few words why I am against it.

In politics, a great rule ought to be to rule with the things which
one _knows already_, and not to jump into something entirely new of
which no one can do more _than guess the consequences._ The present
Parliament has been elected at a moment most favourable to the
present Administration after a most popular accession to the throne,
everything new and fresh, and with the natural fondness of the great
mass of people, a change is always popular; it was known that you were
kindly disposed towards your Ministers, everything was therefore
_a souhait_ for the election of a new Parliament. In this respect
Ministers have nothing like the favourable circumstances which smiled
upon them at the last general election. Feeling this, they raise a
cry, which may become popular and embarrass their antagonists about
_cheap_ bread! I do not think this is quite befitting their
dignity; such things do for revolutionaries like Thiers, or my
late Ministers.... If the thing rouses the people it may do serious
mischief; if not, it will look awkward for the Ministers themselves.
If you do not grant a dissolution to your present Ministers you would
have, at the coming in of a new Administration, the right to tell them
that they must go on with the present Parliament; and I have no doubt
that they could do so. The statistics of the present House of Commons
are well known to all the men who sit in it, and to keep it a few
years longer would be a real advantage.

You know that I have been rather maltreated by the Tories, formerly to
please George IV., and since I left the country, because I served, in
their opinion, on the revolutionary side of the question. I must
say, however, that for your service as well as for the quiet of the
country, it would be good to give them a trial. If they could not
remain in office it will make them quieter for some time. If by
a dissolution the Conservative interest in the House is too much
weakened the permanent interests of the country can but suffer from
that. If, on the contrary, the Conservatives come in stronger, your
position will not be very agreeable, and it may induce them to be
perhaps less moderate than they ought to be. I should be very happy if
you would discuss these, my _hasty_ views, with Lord Melbourne. I
do not give them for more than what they are, mere _practical_
considerations; but, as far as I can judge of the question, if I was
myself concerned I should have no dissolution; if even there was but
the very _banale_ consideration, _qu'on sait ce qu'on a, mais qu'on ne
sait nullement ce qu'on aura_. The moment is not without importance,
and well worthy your earnest consideration, and I feel convinced that
Lord Melbourne will agree with me, that, notwithstanding the great
political good sense of the people in England, the machine is so
complicated that it should be handled with great care and tenderness.

To conclude, I must add that perhaps a permanent duty on corn may be a
desirable thing, but that it ought to be sufficiently high to serve as
a real protection. It may besides produce this effect, that as it
will be necessary, at least at first, to buy a good deal of the to be
imported corn with _money_, the currency will be seriously affected
by it. The countries which would have a chance of selling would be
chiefly Poland in all its parts, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, the
South of Russia on the Black Sea, and maybe Sicily. Germany does not
grow a sufficient quantity of wheat to profit by such an arrangement;
it will besides not buy more from England for the present than it does
now, owing to the Zollverein,[49] which must first be altered. But I
will not bore you too long, and conclude with my best love to little
Victoria, of whom her Grandmama speaks with raptures. Ever, my dearest
Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 48: The Duchess of Kent had left England for a tour
on the Continent.]

[Footnote 49: After the fall of Napoleon, the hopes of many
Germans for a united national Germany were frustrated by
the Congress of Vienna, which perpetuated the practical
independence of a number of German States, as well as the
predominance within the Germanic confederation of Austria,
a Power largely non-German. One of the chief factors in the
subsequent unification of Germany was the Zollverein, or
Customs Union, by which North Germany was gradually bound
together by commercial interest, and thus opposed to Austria.
The success of this method of imperial integration has not
been without influence on the policies of other lands.]

[Pageheading: THE OPPOSITION ELATED]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

_WILTON CRESCENT, 5th June 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to state that the House divided about three this morning.

For Sir Robert Peel 312
Against 311
---
Majority 1

The Opposition were greatly elated by this triumph. Lord Stanley, and
Sir Robert Peel who spoke last in the debate, did not deny that the
Crown might exercise the prerogative of dissolution in the present
case. But they insisted that no time should be lost in previous
debates, especially on such a subject as the Corn Laws.

Lord John Russell spoke after Lord Stanley, and defended the whole
policy of the Administration.

After the division he stated that he would on Monday propose the
remaining estimates, and announce the course which he meant to pursue
respecting the Corn Laws.

[Pageheading: MARRIAGE OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_6th June 1841._

... Now, many thanks for two letters of the 31st ult. and 4th June.
The former I shall not answer at length, as Albert has done so, and
I think has given a very _fair_ view of the state of affairs. Let
me only repeat to you again that you need not be alarmed, and that I
think you will be pleased and _beruhigt_ when you talk to our friend
Lord Melbourne on the subject...

I fear you will again see nothing of the Season, as Parliament will
probably be dissolved by the 21st....

As to my letters, dear Uncle, I beg to _assure_ you (for Lord
Palmerston was _most indignant_ at the doubt when I once asked) that
_none_ of our letters nor any of those _coming_ to us, are ever opened
at the Foreign Office. My letters to Brussels and Paris are _quite
safe_, and all those to Germany, which are of any _real_ consequence,
I always send through Rothschild, which is perfectly _safe_ and very
quick.

We are, and so is _everybody here_, so charmed with Mme. Rachel;[50]
she is perfect, _et puis_, such a nice modest girl; she is going to
declaim at Windsor Castle on Monday evening.

Now adieu in haste. Believe me, always, your very devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Really Leopold _must_ come, or I shall _never_ forgive you.

[Footnote 50: The young French actress, who made her _debut_
in England on 4th May as Hermione in Racine's _Andromaque._
She was received with great enthusiasm.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _8th June 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is quite
well, and has nothing particular to relate to your Majesty, at least
nothing that presses; except that he is commissioned by Lord John
Russell respectfully to acquaint your Majesty that his marriage is
settled, and will take place shortly.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

Does Lord Melbourne _really_ mean J. Russell's _marriage_? and to
whom?

[Pageheading: VISIT TO NUNEHAM]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

The Lady Fanny Eliot.[51] Lord Melbourne did not name her before, nor
does not now, because he did not remember her Christian name.

[Footnote 51: Daughter of Lord Minto. Lord Melbourne
originally wrote _The Lady ---- Eliot_ at the head of his
letter (spelling the surname wrong, which should be Elliot).
The word "Fanny" is written in subsequently to the completion
of the letter.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

NUNEHAM,[52] _15th June 1841._

Affairs go on, and all will take some shape or other, but it keeps one
in hot water all the time. In the meantime, however, the people are
in the best possible humour, and I never was better received at Ascot,
which is a great test, and also along the roads yesterday. This is a
most lovely place; pleasure grounds in the style of Claremont, only
much larger, and with the river Thames winding along beneath them, and
Oxford in the distance; a beautiful flower and kitchen garden, and all
kept up in perfect order. I followed Albert here, faithful to my word,
and he is gone to Oxford[53] for the whole day, to my great grief.
And here I am all alone in a strange house, with not even Lehzen as
a companion, in Albert's absence, but I thought she and also Lord
Gardner,[54] and some gentlemen should remain with little Victoria for
the first time. But it is rather a trial for me.

I must take leave, and beg you to believe me always, your most devoted
Niece,

VICTORIA R.