The Letters of Queen Victoria, Volume 1 (of 3), 1837 to 1843)

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Viscount Palmerston deems it his duty in laying these papers before
your Majesty, to state some few of the objections which he feels to
the arrangement, but the Cabinet will have to consider, as soon as
they meet after the Recess, what advice they may wish humbly to tender
to your Majesty upon these important matters. There is no doubt,
however, that much has been accomplished, but it is very mortifying
to find that other things which the plenipotentiaries were ordered
to obtain, and which the force placed at their command was amply
sufficient to enable them to accomplish, have not been attained.

Viscount Palmerston has sent a small map of the Canton River, which
your Majesty may like to keep for future reference.

[Footnote 6: Captain Elliot, after capturing the Chinese
position at the mouth of Canton River, concluded a preliminary
treaty with the Chinese Government, which did not satisfy the
Chinese, and which was strongly disapproved of by the English
Ministry, as containing no mention of the opium traffic,
which had been the cause of all the difficulties; Elliot was
accordingly recalled, and succeeded by Sir Henry Pottinger.]

[Footnote 7: They were the cession of Hong-Kong, and payment
of an indemnity of 6,000,000 dollars to Great Britain,
with provision for commercial facilities and collection of
customs.]

[Footnote 8: The native Canton merchants,--Hong here probably
meaning a "row of houses," a "street." Hong Kong (Hiang Kiang)
means the "fragrant lagoon."]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_13th April 1841._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I thank you much for your kind letter of the 9th,
received yesterday. I have just heard from Stockmar (who, I hope,
reported favourably of us all) that your Ministry is at _last_
settled, of which I wish you joy. I think, dear Uncle, that you would
find the East not only as "absurd" as the West, but very barbarous,
cruel, and dangerous into the bargain.

The Chinese business vexes us much, and Palmerston is deeply mortified
at it. _All_ we wanted might have been got, if it had not been for
the unaccountably strange conduct of Charles Elliot (_not Admiral_
Elliot,[9] for _he_ was obliged to come away from ill-health), who
completely disobeyed his instructions and _tried_ to get the _lowest_
terms he could.... The attack and storming of the Chorempee Forts on
the 7th of January was very gallantly done by the Marines, and immense
destruction of the Chinese took place.[10] The accounts of the cruelty
of the Chinese to one another are horrible. Albert is so much amused
at my having got the Island of Hong Kong, and we think Victoria ought
to be called Princess of Hong Kong in addition to Princess Royal.

She drives out every day in a close carriage with the window open,
since she has been here, which does her worlds of good, and she is to
have a _walk_ to-day.

Stockmar writes me word that Charlotte[11] is quite beautiful. _I_ am
very jealous.

I think Vecto quite right not to travel without Nemours; for it would
look just as if she was unhappy, and ran to her parents for help. I
am sure _if_ Albert ever should be away (which, however, _will_ and
_shall never_ happen, for I would go with him even if he was to go
to the _North Pole_), I should never think of travelling; but I can't
make mamma understand this. Now farewell. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 9: They were both cousins of Lord Minto, the First
Lord of the Admiralty.]

[Footnote 10: Commodore Bremer very speedily reduced some of
the forts, but his further operations were stopped.]

[Footnote 11: Daughter of King Leopold, who married in
1857 the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria (afterwards Emperor
Maximilian of Mexico).]

[Pageheading: LORD CARDIGAN]

[Pageheading: ARMY DISCIPLINE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_24th April 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. Mr
Labouchere[12] has desired that the five-pound piece which is about
to be issued from the Mint should be submitted for your Majesty's
inspection and approbation.

We have had under our consideration at the Cabinet the unfortunate
subject of the conduct of Lord Cardigan.[13] The public feeling upon
it is very strong, and it is almost certain that a Motion will be made
in the House of Commons for an Address praying your Majesty to remove
him from the command of his regiment. Such a Motion, if made, there is
very little chance of resisting with success, and nothing is more to
be apprehended and deprecated than such an interference of the House
of Commons with the interior discipline and government of the Army.
It was also felt that the general order issued by the Horse Guards
was not sufficient to meet the case, and in these circumstances it was
thought proper that Lord Melbourne should see Lord Hill, and should
express to him the opinion of the Cabinet, that it was necessary that
he should advise your Majesty to take such measures as should have the
effect of removing Lord Cardigan from the command of the 11th Hussars.
The repeated acts of imprudence of which Lord Cardigan has been
guilty, and the repeated censures which he has drawn down upon
himself, form a ground amply sufficient for such a proceeding, and
indeed seem imperiously to demand it.[14]

Lord Melbourne has seen Lord Hill and made to him this communication,
and has left it for his consideration. Lord Hill is deeply chagrined
and annoyed, but will consider the matter and confer again with Lord
Melbourne upon it to-morrow.

[Footnote 12: President of the Board of Trade, afterwards
created Lord Taunton.]

[Footnote 13: "Within the space of a single twelvemonth, one
of his [Lord Cardigan's] captains was cashiered for writing
him a challenge; he sent a coarse and insulting verbal message
to another, and then punished him with prolonged arrest,
because he respectfully refused to shake hands with the
officer who had been employed to convey the affront; he fought
a duel with a lieutenant who had left the corps, and shot him
through the body; and he flogged a soldier on Sunday, between
the Services, on the very spot where, half an hour before, the
man's comrades had been mustered for public worship."--SIR G.
TREVELYAN, _Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay_, chap. viii.]

[Footnote 14: In February he had been acquitted on technical
grounds by the House of Lords of shooting a Captain Harvey
Garnett Phipps Tuckett. He had accused Tuckett of being the
author of letters which had appeared in the papers reflecting
on his character; a duel on Wimbledon Common followed, and
Tuckett was wounded. The evidence, consisting in part of a
visiting card, showed that a Captain Harvey Tuckett had
been wounded, which was held to be insufficient evidence of
identity.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_25th April 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He is most
anxious upon all subjects to be put in possession of Your Majesty's
full and entire opinions. It is true that this question may materially
affect the discipline of the Army, by subjecting the interior
management of regiments to be brought continually under the inspection
and control of the House of Commons upon complaints of officers
against their superiors, or even of private men against the officers.

The danger of the whole of Lord Cardigan's proceedings has been lest
a precedent of this nature should arise out of them. The question is
whether it is not more prudent to prevent a question being brought
forward in the House of Commons, than to wait for it with the
certainty of being obliged to yield to it or of being overpowered by
it. But of course this cannot be done unless it is consistent with
justice and with the usage and prestige of the Service.

Lord Melbourne has desired the Cabinet Ministers to assemble here
to-day at four o'clock, in order to consider the subject. Lord
Melbourne has seen Lord Hill again this morning, and Lord Hill has
seen and consulted the Duke of Wellington, who has stated his opinion
very fully.

The opinion of the Duke is that the Punishment on Sunday was a great
impropriety and indiscretion upon the part of Lord Cardigan, but not a
Military offence, nor a breach of the Mutiny Act or of the Articles of
War; that it called for the censure of the Commander-in-Chief, which
censure was pronounced by the General Order upon which the Duke was
consulted before it was issued, and that according to the usage of the
Service no further step can be taken by the Military Authorities. This
opinion Lord Melbourne will submit to-day to the Cabinet Ministers.

Lord Melbourne perceives that he has unintentionally written upon
two sheets of paper, which he hopes will cause your Majesty no
inconvenience.

[Pageheading: THE NOTTINGHAM ELECTION]

_Lord Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _28th April 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
himself seen the result of the election at Nottingham[15] without the
least surprise, from his knowledge of the place and his observation of
the circumstances of the contest. What John Russell reported to your
Majesty was the opinion of those who act for us in that place, but as
soon as Lord Melbourne saw that there was a disposition upon the part
of the violent party, Radicals, Chartists, and what not, to support
the Tory candidate, he knew that the contest was formidable and
dubious. The Tory party is very strong, naturally, at Nottingham,
and if it received any accession of strength, was almost certain to
prevail. This combination, or rather this accession of one party to
the Tories, which has taken place at Nottingham, is very likely, and
in Lord Melbourne's opinion almost certain, to take place in many
other parts of the country in the case of a general election, and
forms very serious matter for consideration as to the prudence of
taking such a step as a dissolution of the Parliament.

Lord Melbourne will wait upon your Majesty after the Levee. It
signifies not how late, as there is no House of Lords.

[Footnote 15: Where Mr Walter, a Tory, was elected with a
majority of 238.]

[Pageheading: THE BUDGET]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _1st May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that Mr Baring yesterday brought forward the
Budget in a remarkably clear and forcible speech.

The changes in the duties on Sugar and Timber,[16] and the
announcement made by Lord John Russell of a proposal for a fixed duty
on Corn, seemed to surprise and irritate the Opposition.

Sir Robert Peel refused to give any opinion on these propositions, and
satisfied himself with attacking the Government on the state of the
finances.

The supporters of the Government were greatly pleased with Mr Baring's
plan, and loud in their cheers.

It is the general opinion that Lord Stanley will not proceed with his
Bill,[17] and there seems little doubt of this fact.

But the two parties are now evenly balanced, and the absence or
defection of some two or three of the Ministerial party may at any
time leave the Government in a minority.

[Footnote 16: The proposals were to increase the duty on
colonial timber from 10_s._ to 20_s._ a load, reducing it on
foreign timber from 55_s._ to 50_s._, to leave the duty on
colonial sugar unloaded at 24_s._ a cwt., reducing that on
foreign sugar from 63_s._ to 36_s._ a cwt.]

[Footnote 17: On Irish Registration.]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_3rd May 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. We decided at
the Cabinet on Friday that we could not sanction the agreement which
Captain Elliot has probably by this time concluded with the Government
of China, but that it would be necessary to demand a larger amount of
indemnity for the past injury, and also a more complete security for
our trade in future. For this purpose it was determined to send out
instructions, in case the armament should not have left the Chinese
coasts and have been dispersed, to reoccupy the Island of Chusan,[18]
a measure which appears to have had a great effect upon the minds
of the Chinese Government. It was also determined to recall Captain
Elliot, and to send out as soon as possible another officer with
full instructions from hence as to the views and intentions of your
Majesty's Government. Sir Henry Pottinger,[19] an officer in the East
India Company's Service, much distinguished in the recent operations
in Afghanistan, is designated with your Majesty's approbation for this
service, which he has signified his willingness to undertake. It was
also thought that it would be proper to entrust Lord Auckland[20]
with general discretionary powers as to the further conduct of the
expedition. These determinations Lord Melbourne hopes that your
Majesty will approve.

Lord John Russell informed Lord Melbourne yesterday that he knew that
it was not the intention of the Opposition to press Lord Stanley's
Bill; but it is not to be expected in the present position of affairs
that they will not determine upon taking some decisive and united
measure in advance.

In the present state of public measures and of public feeling, when
debate may arise at any moment, it would not be fitting for Lord
Melbourne to absent himself on any sitting day from the House of
Lords. But unless there should be anything so urgent as to prevent
him, he will come down after the House on Tuesday evening and stay
until Thursday morning.

Fanny is highly delighted and immeasurably grateful for your Majesty's
offer of the Lodge in Richmond Park, and most desirous to avail
herself of your Majesty's kindness, and so is Jocelyn. Lord Melbourne
has little doubt that they will thankfully accept it.[21]

[Footnote 18: The Island of Chusan, off the coast of China,
had been occupied in July 1840 as a base of operations, but
evacuated by Elliot in 1841. It was retaken in September 1841,
after Elliot's recall, by Sir Henry Pottinger.]

[Footnote 19: He had served in the Mahratta War, and been
political agent in Scinde.]

[Footnote 20: Governor-General of India.]

[Footnote 21: Lady Fanny Cowper, Lord Melbourne's niece, was
married to Lord Jocelyn on 27th April.]

[Pageheading: CHRISTENING OF COMTE DE PARIS]

_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

PARIS, _3rd May 1841._

MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--As you know surely already, the day of yesterday
went off very well. The christening[22] was very splendid, the weather
beautiful, and everything extremely well managed.... The arrival
at Notre-Dame, and the _coup d'[oe]il_ of the old church, all hung
interiorly with crimson velvet draperies and trophies of flags, was
very splendid. There was in the church three rows _de tribunes_ all
full of well-dressed people. _Les grands corps de l'Etat etaient
ranges de chaque cote et dans le ch[oe]ur; l'Autel etait place au
centre de l'eglise. Les cardinaux et tout le clerge etaient alentour._
When my father arrived, the Archbishop of Paris received him at the
door of the church, and we all walked in state. My father _ouvrait la
marche_ with the Queen. _Prie-dieu_ and chairs were disposed for us
_en demi-cercle_ before the altar, or rather before the baptismal
font, which was placed in front of it, in the very middle of the
Church. My father and mother stood in the centre of the row near each
other. Your uncle, Chartres, and all the Princes followed on the
side of my father, and the princesses on the side of my mother. Paris
remained with Helene till the moment of the christening. When the
ceremony began he advanced near the font with my father and mother
(sponsors), and was taken up in the arms of his nurse. After the
christening a Mass and _Te Deum_ were read, and when we came back to
the Tuileries the _corps municipal_ brought the sword which the City
of Paris has given to the Comte de Paris....

[Footnote 22: Of the Comte de Paris, at this time nearly three
years old, son of the Duc d'Orleans.]

[Pageheading: THE SUGAR DUTIES]

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

WILTON CRESCENT, _4th May 1841._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
the honour to report that Lord Stanley yesterday postponed his Bill
for a fortnight, which at this period of the year is equivalent to its
abandonment.

On the other hand, Lord Sandon gave a notice for Friday for a
Resolution on Sugar Duties.

If, as is probable, this Motion is made as a party movement, it is
probable that, with the addition of those on the Ministerial side who
have an interest in the West Indies, the Motion will be successful.

The whole scheme of finance for the year will thus be overturned.

The Tory party seem to expect a dissolution of Parliament, but your
Majesty's advisers will hardly be able to recommend to your Majesty
such a step.

The cry against the Poor Law is sure to be taken up by the worst
politicians of the Tory party, and, as at Nottingham, may be
successful against that most useful law.

The friends of Government who represent counties will be taunted with
the proposal to alter the Corn Law.

Bribery is sure to be resorted to beyond anything yet seen.

A defeat of the Ministry on a dissolution would be final and
irreparable.

On the other hand, their successors in the Government would have to
provide for the excess in the expenditure pledged against the best
measures that could be resorted to for the purpose. It would be a
difficulty of their own seeking, and their want of candour and justice
to their opponents would be the cause of their own embarrassments.

The moment is a very important one, and the consequences of the vote
of Friday, or probably Monday, cannot fail to be serious.

[Pageheading: A MINISTERIAL CRISIS]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

_"The Ministry in jeopardy." (Heading in the Prince Albert's hand.)_

WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th May 1841._

Lord Melbourne came down from town after the House of Lords. I went
with him to his room for an hour after the Queen had retired. He said
the main struggle would take place on the Sugar Duties on Friday. His
impression was that the Government would be beat, and he must then
decide whether to go out or dissolve. He leaned to the former. I said,
"I trusted he would not dissolve unless he thought there was some
prospect of increasing his strength, and begged him to remember what
was done would not be considered the act of the Government but that of
himself and the Queen, and that he individually would be held as the
responsible person."

He said he had not written to the Queen to prepare H.M. for coming
events and the course that it would be incumbent upon her to take, for
he felt it extremely difficult and delicate, especially as to the use
she should make of the Prince, and of her mode of communication when
she required it with Lord Melbourne. He thought she ought never to ask
his advice direct, but if she required his opinion there would be no
objection to her obtaining it through the Prince.

He said H.M. had relied so implicitly upon him upon all affairs, that
he felt that she required in this emergency advice upon almost every
subject. That he would tell H.M. that she must carefully abstain from
playing the same part she did, again, on Sir R. Peel's attempt to form
a Ministry, for that nothing but the forbearance of the Tories had
enabled himself and his colleagues to support H.M. at that time. He
feared Peel's doggedness and pertinacity might make him insist, as a
point of honour, on having all discretion granted to him in regard
to the removal of Ladies. I told him of the Prince's suggestion that
before the Queen saw Sir R. Peel some negotiation might be entered
into with Sir Robert, so that the subject might be avoided by mutual
consent, the terms of which might be that Sir Robert should give up
his demand to extort the principle. The Queen, on the other hand,
should require the resignation of those Ladies objected to by Sir
Robert. Lord Melbourne said, however, that the Prince must not have
personal communication with Sir Robert on this subject, but he thought
that I might through the medium of a common friend.

[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE'S ADVICE]

_Memorandum by Mr Anson._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th May 1841._

Saw Lord Melbourne after his interview this morning with the Queen. He
says Her Majesty was perfectly calm and reasonable, and seemed quite
prepared for the resignation of the Government. He said she was
prepared to give way upon the Ladies if required, but much wished
that that point might be previously settled by negotiation with Sir R.
Peel, to avoid any discussion or difference. Lord Melbourne thinks I
might do this. He would also like Peel to be cautioned not to press
Her Majesty to decide hastily, but to give Her Majesty time, and that
he should feel that if he acted fairly he would be met in the same
spirit by the Queen.

With regard to future communication with Lord Melbourne, the Queen
said she did not mean that a change should exclude her from Lord
Melbourne's society, and when Lord Melbourne said that in society Her
Majesty could not procure Lord Melbourne's opinion upon any subject,
and suggested that that should be obtained through the Prince, Her
Majesty said that that could pass in writing under cover to me, but
that she must communicate direct.

The Queen, he says, leans to sending for the Duke of Wellington. Lord
Melbourne advised that Her Majesty should make up her mind at once to
send for Sir Robert. He told me that it would not be without precedent
to send for both at once; this it appears to me would obviate every
objection. The Queen, he thinks, has a perfect right to exercise her
judgment upon the selection of all persons recommended to Her Majesty
for Household appointments, both as to liking, but chiefly as to their
character and as to the character of the husband or wife of the person
selected. He would advise the Queen to adopt the course which King
William did with Lord Melbourne in 1835, viz. desiring Lord Melbourne,
before His Majesty approved of any appointments, to send a list of
those proposed even to the members of every Board, and the King having
them all before him expressed his objections to certain persons, which
Lord Melbourne yielded to.

Told Lord Melbourne that the Prince wished him to impress upon the
Queen's mind not to act upon the approaching crisis without the
Prince, because she would not be able to go through difficulties by
herself, and the Prince would not be able to help her when he was
ignorant of the considerations which had influenced her actions. He
would wish Lord Melbourne when with the Queen to call in the Prince,
in order that they might both be set right upon Lord Melbourne's
opinions, that he might express in the presence of each other his
views, in order that he should not convey different impressions by
speaking to them separately, so that _they_ might act in concert.

The Prince says the Queen always sees what is right at a glance, but
if her feelings run contrary she avoids the Prince's arguments, which
she feels sure agree with her own, and seeks arguments to support her
wishes against her convictions from other people.

[Pageheading: DISSOLUTION OR RESIGNATION]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _7th May 1841._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and laments
much the prospect that lies before us, more especially as it is so
repugnant to your Majesty's feelings. Your Majesty has often observed
that these events must come in the course of affairs at some moment or
another, but Lord Melbourne knows not whether it is much consolation
to reflect that what is very disagreeable is also natural and
unavoidable. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty will
consider the situation calmly and impartially, will do that which
shall appear the best for your own interests and those of the country,
which are identical.

Everything shall be done that can be; the questions which may arise
shall be considered well, and upon as full information as can be
obtained. But Lord Melbourne has little to add to what he wrote to
your Majesty yesterday. So many interests are affected by this Sugar
question, the West Indian, the East Indian, the opponents of Slavery
and others, that no small number of our supporters will be induced
either to stay away or to vote against us, and this must place us in
a minority upon the main points of our Budget. In this we can hardly
acquiesce, nor can we adopt a different policy and propose other
taxes, when in our opinion the necessary revenue can be raised without
imposing them. This state of things imposes upon us the alternative
of dissolution or of resignation, and to try the former without
succeeding in it would be to place both your Majesty and ourselves in
a worse situation than that in which we are at present.