The Letters of Queen Victoria, Volume 1 (of 3), 1837 to 1843)

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He thinks it might also be imprudent in another point of view, as
affairs are still in a very unsettled state, and the rest of the
Cabinet watch with great impatience, and, to say the truth, not
without suspicion, the manner in which Palmerston will carry into
effect the decision of Saturday. They are particularly anxious
for speed, and I have written both last night and this morning to
Palmerston, to urge him not to delay. He will go down to Windsor
to-morrow, and your Majesty will then have an opportunity of speaking
to him, upon which Lord Melbourne will write again to your Majesty.

Guizot has been with Lord Melbourne this morning for the purpose of
repeating what he had before said to Palmerston, that the Note which
he delivered on Saturday was the result of a great effort made by the
party who are for peace, that it had been conquered against a strong
opposition, that if it were not taken advantage of here now, it would
not be renewed, that the conduct of affairs in France would probably
fall into the hands of the violent party, and that it would be no
longer possible to control the excited feelings of the people of
France.

The worst is that Palmerston, and John Russell, with now the
greater part of the Cabinet, proceed upon principles, opinions, and
expectations which are entirely different from one another, and which
therefore necessarily lead to a different course of action. We are
anxious to finish the business speedily, because we fear that there is
danger of the Government of France being forced into violent measures
by popular outcry. Palmerston, on the contrary, thinks that there is
no danger of war, that the French do not mean war, and that there is
no feeling in France but what has been produced by the Ministry and
their instruments the Press.

We are anxious that the opportunity should be seized now whilst we
have the appearance of success in Syria, not being at all confident of
the ultimate result. Palmerston, on the contrary, is so confident of
complete success, that he wishes to delay concluding the affair until
he can have the benefit of the full advantages, which he anticipates,
in the negotiation.

We should be too glad to see the matter settled, leaving Mehemet Ali
in possession of Egypt.

Palmerston has both the wish and the hope of getting him out of Egypt,
as well as Syria.

These great differences of view, object, and expectation render it
difficult for those who hold them to pursue the same line of conduct.

There is also, as your Majesty knows, much suspicion, distrust and
irritation, and all these circumstances throw great obstacles in the
way of the progress of affairs, but Lord Melbourne hopes that they
will all be overcome, and that we shall arrive at a safe conclusion.

[Pageheading: RELATIONS WITH FRANCE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

SOUTH STREET, _13th October 1840._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. It is
absolutely necessary that we should have a Cabinet on Thursday. There
is so much natural impatience, and so deep an interest taken in what
is now going on, that it cannot be avoided....

Your Majesty will naturally seize this opportunity of stating strongly
to Palmerston your wishes that this opportunity should be taken
advantage of, with a view to the speedy accommodation of the whole
difference. Your Majesty will see the necessity of at the same
time not appearing to take too much the part of France, which might
irritate and indispose.

Your Majesty will find John Russell perfectly right and reasonable.
He was before somewhat embarrassed by the position in which he was
placed. Having agreed to the Convention, it was difficult for him to
take steps which might appear to be in departure from its policy, and
to be occasioned by the gravity of its consequences. But this step
upon the part of France will enable all the friends of peace to act
cordially together. John Russell thinks that you have not been put
fully in possession of his sentiments. Lord Melbourne thinks this is
not the case; but it would be well if your Majesty would try to efface
this impression from his mind as much as possible.

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

_13th October 1840._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,-- ... I have three kind letters of yours unanswered
before me, of the 1st, 2nd, and 6th, for which many thanks. My time is
very short indeed to-day, but Albert has, I know, written to you about
the favourable turn which the Oriental affairs have taken, and of the
proposition of France, which is very amicably received here; Austria
and Prussia are quite ready to agree, but Brunnow has been making
already difficulties (this is in confidence to you). I hope and
trust that this will at length settle the affair, and that peace, the
blessings of which are innumerable, will be preserved. I feel we
owe _much_ of the change of the conduct of France to the peaceable
disposition of the dear King, for which I feel grateful.[48] Pray,
dear Uncle, when an opportunity offers, do offer the King my best,
sincerest wishes for his health and happiness in _every_ way, on the
occasion of his birthday; may he live many years, for the benefit of
all Europe!...

[Footnote 48: The King of the French was alarmed at the
warlike language of his Ministers. He checked the preparations
for war which Thiers was making; he went further, and on
the 24th of October he dismissed the Thiers Ministry, and
entrusted the management of affairs to Soult and Guizot,
who were pacifically inclined and anxious to preserve the
Anglo-French _entente_.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S INFLUENCE]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _16th October 1840._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I received your kind but anxious letter of the
10th, the day before yesterday, and hasten to reply to it by the
courier who goes to-day. Indeed, dearest Uncle, I have worked hard
this last week to bring about something conciliatory, and I hope and
trust I have succeeded. Lord Melbourne, who left Claremont on the
same day as we did, was confined to the house till yesterday, when he
arrived here, by a lumbago and bilious attack; but I had a constant
correspondence with him on this unfortunate and alarming question, and
he is, I can assure you, fully aware of the danger, and as anxious as
we are to set matters right; and so is Lord John, and Palmerston, I
hope, is getting more reasonable. They have settled in consequence of
Thiers' two despatches that Palmerston should write to Lord Ponsonby
to urge the Porte _not_ to dispossess Mehemet Ali finally of Egypt,
and I believe the other foreign Ministers at Constantinople will
receive similar instructions; this despatch Palmerston will send to
Granville (to-night, I believe) to be communicated to Thiers, and _I_
have made Palmerston _promise_ to put into the despatch to Granville
"that it would be a source of great satisfaction to England, if this
would be the cause of bringing back France to that alliance (with
the other Four Powers) from which we had seen her depart with so much
regret." I hope this will have a good effect. Now, in _my_ humble
opinion (but this I say of myself and without anybody's knowledge),
if France, upon this, were to make some sort of advance, and were to
_cease arming_, I think all would do; for you see, if France goes on
arming, we shall hardly be justified in not doing the same, and that
would be very bad. Couldn't you suggest this to the King and Thiers,
as of yourself? My anxiety is great for the return of amity and
concord, I can assure you. I think our child ought to have besides its
other names those of _Turco Egypto_, as we think of nothing else!
I had a long talk with Palmerston on Wednesday, and also with J.
Russell.

I hope I have done good. The Dutch don't like the abdication. I'm so
sorry for poor little Paris![49]

Pray excuse this dreadful scrawl, but I am so hurried. Ever your
devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 49: The Comte de Paris, born 24th August 1838,
eldest son of Ferdinand, Duke of Orleans, who was Louis
Philippe's eldest son.]

[Pageheading: ATTEMPT ON LOUIS PHILIPPE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _17th October 1840._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--You will, I am sure, have been very much shocked
on hearing that on the 15th there was a new attempt made to kill the
poor good King at Paris.[50] The place was cleverly chosen, as the
King generally puts his head out of the carriage window to bow to
the guard. I join the letter which he had the goodness to forward us
through an _estafette_.[51] May this melancholy _attentat_ impress
on your Ministers the necessity of aiding the King in his arduous
task.... You will have the goodness to show this letter to Albert.

Louise was much alarmed when it arrived at such an unusual hour; it
was ten o'clock. At first we thought it might be something about poor
little Paris, who is not yet so well as one could wish.

We have gloomy miserable weather, and I feel much disgusted with this
part of the world. Ever, my beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 50: The King was fired at as he was leaving the
Tuileries, by Darmes, a Marseillais. As Croker wrote to Lord
Brougham on the 31st of October 1840:--"Poor Louis Philippe
lives the life of a mad dog, and will soon, I fear, suffer the
death of that general object of every man's shot."]

[Footnote 51: Express messenger.]

[Pageheading: FRANCE AND EGYPT]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _20th October 1840._

MY MOST BELOVED VICTORIA,--I must write to you a few lines by M.
Drouet, who returns to-morrow morning to England. _God bless you_
for the _great zeal_ you have _mis en action_ for our great work,
the maintenance of peace; it is one of the greatest importance for
everything worth caring for in Europe. You know well that no personal
interest guides me in my exertions; I am in fact bored with being
here, and shall ever regret to have remained in these regions, when I
might so easily have gone myself to the Orient, the great object of my
predilection.

I never shall advise anything which would be against the interests and
honour of yourself, your Government, or your country, in which I have
so great a stake myself. The great thing now is _not to refuse to
negotiate_ with France, even if it should end in nothing. Still for
the King Louis Philippe there is an _immense strength_ and facility in
that word "_nous negocions_"; with this he may get over the opening of
the session, and this once done, one may hope to come to a conclusion.
Since I wrote to Lord Melbourne to-day, I have received a letter
from the King, of the 19th, _i.e._ yesterday, in which he tells me,
"_Pourvu qu'il y ait, pour commencer, des negociations, cela me donne
une grande force._"

I have written yesterday to him most fully a letter he may show Thiers
also concerning the armaments. I think that my arguments will make
some impression on Thiers. The King writes me word that by dint of
great exertion he had brought Thiers to be more moderate. If it was
possible to bring France and Mehemet Ali to agree to the greatest part
of the Treaty, it will be worth while for everybody to consent. The
way to bring France to join in some arrangement, and to take the
engagement to compel Mehemet to accept it, would be the best practical
way to come to a conclusion. It is probable, though I know nothing
about it in any positive way, that the efforts of getting possession
of Syria will fail, if the country itself does not take up arms on a
large scale, which seems not to be believed.

To conclude then my somewhat hurried argumentation, the greatest
thing is to negotiate. The negotiation cannot now have the effect of
weakening the execution as that goes on, and it may have the advantage
of covering the non-success if that should take place, which is at
all events possible if not probable. May I beg you to read these few
confused words to Lord Melbourne as a supplement of my letter to him.
Darmes says that if Chartres had been with the King, he would not
have fired, but that his reason for wishing to kill the King was his
conviction that one could not hope for war till he was dead.

It is really melancholy to see the poor King taking this _acharnement_
very much to heart, and upon my word, the other Powers of Europe owe
it to themselves and to him to do everything to ease and strengthen
his awful task.

What do you say to poor Christina's departure?[52] I am sorry for it,
and for the poor children. She is believed to be very rich.

Now I must conclude, but not without thanking you once more for your
_great and most laudable exertions_, and wishing you every happiness,
which you so _much deserve_. Ever, my most beloved Victoria, your
devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 52: Queen Christina abdicated the Regency of Spain,
and went to Paris. In the following May General Espartero,
Duke of Vittoria, was appointed sole Regent.]

[Pageheading: DEATH OF LORD HOLLAND]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _23rd October 1840._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your two kind letters of the 17th
and 20th. I have very little time to-day, and it being besides _not_
my regular day, I must beg you to excuse this letter being very short.
I return you the King's letters with _bien des remerciments_. It is
a horrid business. We have had accounts of successes on the Syrian
coast. Guizot is here since Wednesday, and goes this morning. Albert
(who desires me to thank you for your kind letter) has been talking
to him, and so have I, and he promised in return for my expressions of
sincere anxiety to see matters _raccommodees_, to do all in his power
to do so. "_Je ne vais que pour cela_," he said.

We were much shocked yesterday at the sudden death of poor good, old
Lord Holland.[53] I send you Dr Holland's letter to Lord Melbourne
about it. He is a great loss, and to _Society_ an irreparable one. I'm
sure you will be sorry for it.

Mamma comes back sooner than the 31st. She is in great distress at
poor Polly's death. You will regret him. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Pray _do_ try and get the King's Speech to be _pacific_, else
Parliament must meet here in November, which would be dreadful for me.

[Footnote 53: Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, who,
by reason of his social influence, great wealth, and high
intellectual endowments, was one of the most efficient
supporters of the Whig party.]

_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _26th October 1840._

... The Duke of Cambridge arrived, as you know, before yesterday
evening, at Brussels. Your Uncle visited him yesterday, and at six he
came to Laeken to dine with us. I found him looking well, and he
was as usual very good-natured and kind. I need not tell you that
conversation did not flag between us, and that I thought of you almost
the whole time. In the course of the evening he took leave. He left
Brussels this morning early, on his way to Calais, and I suppose you
will hear of him before this letter reaches you. He took charge of all
my love and _hommages_ for you, dear Albert, and all the Royal Family.
Before dinner the children were presented to him (that is Leopold
and Philippe), but I am sorry to say that poor Lippchen was so much
frightened with his appearance, loud voice, and black gloves, that he
burst out crying, and that we were obliged to send him away. The
Duke took his shyness very kindly; but I am still ashamed with his
behaviour.

[Pageheading: NEWS FROM SYRIA]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON TERRACE, _8th November 1840._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in
addition to the good news from Syria, which confirms the defeat and
dispersion of the forces, both of Ibrahim and of Solyman Pasha, with
the loss of 8,000 prisoners, 24 pieces of cannon, the whole of
their camp, baggage, and stores, followed by the flight of those two
Generals with a small escort, he has the satisfaction of informing
your Majesty that the new French Ministers had a majority of 68, upon
the vote for the election of the President of the Chamber.[54]

This majority, so far exceeding any previous calculation, seems to
place the stability of the Government beyond a doubt, though it must,
of course, be expected that upon other questions their majority will
not be so overwhelming.

[Footnote 54: M. Sauzet was elected in preference to M.
Odillon Barrot. Thiers resigned the Premiership on 14th
October; in the new Ministry Soult was President of the
Council, Guizot Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Duchatel
Minister of the Interior.]

[Pageheading: DISAFFECTION IN FRANCE]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th November 1840._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and with
reference to your Majesty's memorandum of the 9th inst., he entreats
your Majesty not to believe that there exists at present in France
that danger of internal revolution and of external war which the
French Government, to serve its own diplomatic purposes, endeavours to
represent.

There is no doubt a large Party among the leading politicians in
France, who have long contemplated the establishment of a virtually,
if not actually, independent State in Egypt and Syria, under the
direct protection and influence of France, and that Party feel great
disappointment and resentment at finding their schemes in this respect
baffled. But that Party will not revenge themselves on the Four Powers
by making a revolution in France, and they are enlightened enough to
see that France cannot revenge herself by making war against the Four
Powers, who are much stronger than she is.

... But your Majesty may be assured that there is in France an immense
mass of persons, possessed of property, and engaged in pursuits of
industry, who are decidedly adverse to unnecessary war, and determined
to oppose revolution. And although those persons have not hitherto
come prominently forward, yet their voice would have made itself
heard, when the question of peace or unprovoked war came practically
to be discussed.

With regard to internal revolution, there is undoubtedly in France a
large floating mass of Republicans and Anarchists, ready at any moment
to make a disturbance if there was no strong power to resist them; but
the persons who would lose by convulsion are infinitely more numerous,
and the National Guard of Paris, consisting of nearly 60,000 men,
are chiefly persons of this description, and are understood to be
decidedly for internal order, and for external peace.

It is very natural that the French Government, after having failed to
extort concessions upon the Turkish Question, by menaces of foreign
war, should now endeavour to obtain those concessions, by appealing
to fears of another kind, and should say that such concessions are
necessary in order to prevent revolution in France; but Viscount
Palmerston would submit to your Majesty his deep conviction that
this appeal is not better founded than the other, and that a firm and
resolute perseverance on the part of the Four Powers, in the measures
which they have taken in hand, will effect a settlement of the affairs
of Turkey, which will afford great additional security for the future
peace of Europe, without producing in the meantime either war _with_
France, or revolution _in_ France.

France and the rest of Europe are entirely different now from what
they were in 1792. The French nation is as much interested now to
avoid further revolution, as it was interested then in ridding itself,
by any means, of the enormous and intolerable abuses which then
existed. France then imagined she had much to gain by foreign war;
France now knows she has everything to lose by foreign war.

Europe then (at least the Continental States) had also a strong desire
to get rid of innumerable abuses which pressed heavily upon the people
of all countries. Those abuses have now in general been removed; the
people in many parts of Germany have been admitted, more or less, to
a share in the management of their own affairs. A German feeling and
a spirit of nationality has sprung up among all the German people, and
the Germans, instead of receiving the French as Liberators, as many
of them did in 1792-1793, would now rise as one man to repel a hateful
invasion. Upon all these grounds Viscount Palmerston deems it his duty
to your Majesty to express his strong conviction that the appeals made
to your Majesty's good feelings by the King of the French, upon the
score of the danger of revolution in France, unless concessions are
made to the French Government, have no foundation in truth, and are
only exertions of skilful diplomacy.

Viscount Palmerston has to apologise to your Majesty for having
inadvertently written a part of this memorandum upon a half-sheet of
paper. And he would be glad if, without inconvenience to your Majesty,
he could be enabled to read to the Cabinet to-morrow the accompanying
despatches from Lord Granville.

[Pageheading: THE STATE OF FRANCE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._[55]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th November 1840._

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Palmerston's letter
of this morning, which she has read with great attention. The Queen
will just make a few observations upon various points in it, to which
she would wish to draw Lord Palmerston's attention. The Queen does so
with strict impartiality, having had ample opportunities of hearing
both sides of this intricate and highly-important question.

First of all, it strikes the Queen that, even if M. Thiers _did_ raise
the cry, which was so loud, for war in France (but which the Queen
cannot believe he _did_ to the extent Lord Palmerston does), that such
an excitement _once_ raised in a country like France, where the people
are more excitable than almost any other nation, it cannot be so
easily controuled and stopped again, and the Queen thinks this will be
seen in time.

Secondly, the Queen cannot either quite agree in Lord Palmerston's
observation, that the French Government state the danger of internal
revolution, if not supported, merely to extract further concessions
for Mehemet Ali. The Queen does not pretend to say that this danger is
not exaggerated, but depend upon it, a _certain_ degree of danger
does exist, and that the situation of the King of the French and
the present French Government is not an easy one. The majority,
too, cannot be depended upon, as many would vote against Odillon
Barrot,[56] who would _not_ vote on other occasions with the
Soult-Guizot Ministry.

Thirdly, the danger of war is also doubtless greatly exaggerated,
as also the numbers of the French troops. But Lord Palmerston must
recollect how very warlike the French are, and that if once roused,
they will not listen to the calm reasoning of those who wish for
peace, or think of the great risk they run of _losing_ by war, but
only of the glory and of revenging insult, as they call it.

Fourthly, the Queen sees the difficulty there exists at the present
moment of making any specific offer to France, but she must at
the same time repeat how _highly_ and _exceedingly_ important she
considers it that some sort of conciliatory agreement should be come
to with France, for she cannot believe that the appeals made to her
by the King of the French are only exertions of skilful diplomacy. The
Queen's earnest and only wish is peace, and a maintenance of friendly
relations with her allies, consistent with the honour and dignity
of her country. She does not think, however, that the last would be
compromised by attempts to soften the irritation still existing in
France, or by attempts to bring France back to her former position in
the Oriental Question.

She earnestly hopes that Lord Palmerston will consider this, will
reflect upon the importance of not driving France to extremities, and
of conciliatory measures, without showing fear (for our successes on
the coast of Syria show our power), or without yielding to threats.
France has been humbled, and France is in the wrong, but, therefore,
it is easier than if we had failed, to do something to bring matters
right again. The Queen has thus frankly stated her own opinion, which
she thought it right Lord Palmerston should know, and she is sure he
will see it is only dictated by an earnest desire to see _all_ as much
united as possible on this important subject.

[Footnote 55: A copy of this letter was sent at the same time
to Lord Melbourne.]

[Footnote 56: The unsuccessful candidate for the Presidency of
the Chamber.]

_Baron Stockmar to Viscount Melbourne._

_21st November 1840._

MY DEAR LORD,--I have just received Her Majesty's order to express
to you her great desire to have from this day the Prince's name
introduced into the Church Prayer. Her own words were: "that I should
press it with Lord Melbourne as the wish she had most at heart at this
moment." Ever yours most sincerely,