The Letters of Queen Victoria, Volume 1 (of 3), 1837 to 1843)

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_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _9th October 1837._

... I have also told Stockmar to try to settle something for _regular_
safe communication; in quiet times like the present, one a week would
be sufficient. You know now that all letters are read, and that should
not be _always_ the case with ours. There is, however, one thing
about which I think it right to warn you. This way of reading people's
letters is often taken advantage of by the writers of them, who
are _not so ignorant of the thing as is imagined_ to write the very
subject which they wish to convey to the ears of persons without
compromising themselves. I will give you an example: we are still
plagued by Prussia concerning those fortresses; now, to tell the
Prussian Government many things, which we _should not like_ to tell
them _officially_, the Minister is going to write a despatch to our
man at Berlin, sending it _by post_; the Prussians _are sure_ to read
it, and to learn in this way what we wish them to hear. The diplomats
in England may resort to this same mode of proceeding to injure
people, to calumniate, and to convey to your knowledge such things
as they may hope to have the effect of injuring some people _they may
fear_, in your eyes. I tell you the _trick_, that you should be able
to guard against it; it is of importance, and I have no doubt will be
resorted to by various political people.... Ever, my dearest Victoria,
your faithfully devoted Uncle and Friend,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND FRANCE]

[Pageheading: LOUIS PHILIPPE'S POLICY]

[Pageheading: COUNT MOLE]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

TRIANON, _19th October 1837._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--... There is a great disposition here to be on
the best possible terms with England. As it has but too often happened
that the diplomatic agents of the two countries have drawn, or been
believed to draw, different ways, I recommended strongly to Count
Mole[71] to give strong and clear instructions to his people,
particularly at Madrid, Lisbon, and Athens.... He is going to read
them to Lord Granville, and also to communicate as much as possible
all the despatches of the French diplomats to the English Government.
This will be a proof of confidence, and it will besides have the
advantage of giving often useful information, enabling thereby the
English Government to hear two opinions instead of one. It cannot be
denied that the idea that the Plenipotentiaries of the two countries
were following two different lines of policy has been hurtful to
the causes of the two Queens in the Peninsula. To put a stop to this
double action is the only benefit which the Queens will at present
derive from a better understanding between England and France; but as
it is, it will be still of some importance to them, and take away from
the different political parties the possibility of using the pretended
misunderstanding against the Government of the Queens. I trust that
you will tell your Ministers to meet this friendly disposition with
frankness and kindness. The wish of the King here is, to have matters
concerted between the Plenipotentiaries of both countries. In this way
it would become difficult for the parties in Spain or Portugal to
say that the two Plenipotentiaries support different candidates for
Ministerial power, and the division in the parties connected with the
Queens might be in this manner _prevented_ or _reconciled_. Many and
many are the ill-natured hints thrown out against the King's policy
here, and because he is clever, he is suspected of having _ambitious
schemes without end_; it may not be without some importance to set
this, in your mind at least, to rights. Whatever may have been the
King's views immediately after the revolution of July[72] I will not
decide; perhaps he may a moment have wished to be able to do something
for France. Supposing this for the sake of argument to have been so,
two months of his reign were sufficient to show him that the great
question was not to conquer territories or foreign influence, but
to save Monarchy. He saw clearly that though _he_ might begin a war,
necessarily it would soon degenerate into a war of propaganda, and
that he and his family would be the first victims of it. His struggle
has constantly been to strengthen his Government, to keep together or
create anew the elements indispensable for a Monarchical Government,
and this struggle is far from being at its end, and most probably
the remainder of his life will be devoted to this important task; and
whatever may be the more lively disposition of the Duke of Orleans,
great part of his reign if he comes to the throne, and perhaps the
_whole_ of it, will, _bon gre mal gre_, take the same turn. That it
should be so _is very natural_, because of _what use_ would be some
_foreign provinces_ if they would only add to the difficulty of
governing the old? Therefore, knowing as I do all the proceedings
of the King and his Cabinet, even more fully than I do those of your
Government; seeing constantly in the most unreserved manner the whole
of the despatches; knowing as the nearest neighbour the system that
they constantly followed up towards us, I must say that no one is
more against acquiring influence in foreign States, or even getting
burthened with family aggrandisement in them, than he. He rejected
most positively the marriage of Joinville with Donna Maria because he
will not have anything to do with Portugal. He rejects a _mille_ times
the idea of a future union of the Queen of Spain with Aumale, because
he will not have a son where it _is not_ his intention to support him.

His fear of being drawn into a real intervention has been the cause
of his having been so anxious not to have a French Legion in Spain. He
may be right or wrong on this subject--I do not decide this, as I was
of a different opinion last year; but his fear of being drawn too
far, like a man whose clothes get caught by a steam-engine, is natural
enough. His dislike to the ultra-Liberals in the Peninsula is also
very natural, because they uphold principles of Government which
render Monarchy impossible, and the application of which to France
would be the ruin of the King. England, from the peculiarity of
its position, can do many things which in France would upset
everything.... I must close my letter, and shall answer yours
to-morrow. God bless you! Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted
Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 71: French Premier and Foreign Secretary.]

[Footnote 72: 1830.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

PAVILION, BRIGHTON, _25th October 1837._

... Now, dearest Uncle, I must speak to you _un peu de Politique_.
I made Lord Melbourne read the _political_ part of your letter. He
wished me to communicate to you part of the contents of a letter of
Lord Granville's which we received yesterday. Lord Granville complains
a good deal of Mole,[73] and says, that though he is apparently very
cordial and friendly towards us, and talks of his desire that we
should be on a better footing as to our foreign Ministers than we have
hitherto been, that whenever Lord Granville urges him to do anything
decisive (to use Lord G.'s own words) "he _shrinks_ from the
discussion," says he must have time to reflect before he can give any
answer, and evades giving any reply, whenever anything of _importance_
is required. This, you see, dear Uncle, is not satisfactory. I merely
tell you this, as I think you would like to know what Mole tells _our_
Ambassador; this differs from what he told _you_. What you say
about Louis Philippe I am sure is very true; his situation is a very
peculiar and a very difficult one....

[Footnote 73: See _ante_, p. 93. (Ch. VI, Footnote 71)]

[Pageheading: THE FRENCH IN AFRICA]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

TRIANON, _27th October 1837._

... Political matters I shall not touch upon to-day; there is nothing
very particular except the taking of Constantin.[74] The Duc de
Nemours has greatly distinguished himself. I am sorry to see that in
England people are sometimes _sufficiently absurd_ to be jealous of
these French conquests. Nothing indeed can be more absurd, as nothing
is of greater _importance to the peace_ of Europe than that a powerful
and military nation like the French should have this outlet for their
love of military display. If one had named a council of wise men to
fix upon a spot where this might be done with _the least mischief_ to
the rest of the world, one should have named the coast of Africa. By
their being there they will render to civilisation a country which for
about 800 years has been growing worse and worse, and which was in the
times of the Romans one of the richest provinces. It settles, besides,
upon the French a constant _petite guerre_ with the natives, which is
the very thing that will do them good.

[Footnote 74: The French losses amounted to 19 officers and 86
men killed, with 38 officers and 468 men wounded. The
French Government had failed in its efforts for an amicable
arrangement with Achmet Bey, and it appeared probable that the
Turkish fleet would also oppose them. The commander, however,
merely landed some men at Tripoli, and the French success was
complete.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _19th November 1837._

... Now, dearest Uncle, before I say anything more, I will answer the
various questions in your letter, which I have communicated to
Lord Melbourne and Lord Palmerston. (1) With respect to Ferdinand's
question to you, it is impossible for _us_ to say _beforehand_ _what_
we _shall_ do in _such_ an _emergency_; it depends so entirely on the
peculiar _circumstances_ of the _moment_ that we cannot say what we
should do. You know, dear Uncle, that the fleet has orders to protect
the King and Queen in case they should be in any personal danger. As
to Lord Howard,[75] though what you say about him is true enough, it
would not do to recall him at present; it would give Bois le Comte[76]
all the advantage he _wishes_ for, and which would be injurious to our
interests and influence.

(2) With regard to Spain, a very decided mention is made of the
_Queen_ herself in the speech which is to be delivered by me to-morrow
in the House of Lords.

We have great reason to know that, of late, the Queen has positively
declared her intention to remain at Madrid to the very last.

Villiers'[77] conduct has been, I fear, much misrepresented, for his
_own_ opinions are not at all those of the _ultra-Liberal_ kind; and
his _only_ aim has been, to be on good terms with the Spanish Ministry
for the time being.

(3) Concerning France, I need not repeat to you, dear Uncle, how
_very_ anxious we all are to be upon the _best_ and _most friendly_
terms with her, and to co-operate with her.

[Footnote 75: Lord Howard de Walden, British Minister at
Lisbon.]

[Footnote 76: French Minister at Madrid.]

[Footnote 77: British Minister at Madrid, afterwards fourth
Earl of Clarendon, and twice Foreign Secretary.]

[Pageheading: CLOSE OF THE SESSION]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th December 1837._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... You will, I am sure, be happy to hear that
this Session is happily closed, and that the whole has gone off very
satisfactorily, much more so even than any of us could hope. I went
on Saturday to the House of Lords to give my Assent to the Civil List
Bill. I shall return to town on the 16th of January, when Parliament
meets again; it meets sooner than it was at first intended it should,
on account of the affairs of Canada.

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._[78]

LAEKEN, _26th December 1837._

MY DEAREST CHILD,--You were _somewhat irritable_ when you wrote to
me!... Affairs stand now as follows: the studies at Bonn take the
whole of April, and may be concluded at the beginning of May. From May
till the end of August, if you approved of the visit, the time should
be _utilise_. A _sejour_ at Coburg would _not_ be of much use; here
we are generally absent in the summer. To confide therefore the young
gentleman to his Uncle Mensdorff[79] for three months, would give him
so much time for some _manly accomplishments_, which do no harm to a
young man. To make him _enter the Service_ would _not_ do at all. What
you say about his imbibing principles of a political nature, there
is no great fear of that. First of all, Prague is not a town where
politics are at all agitated; these topics are very rarely touched
upon; besides, Albert is clever, and it is not at the eleventh
hour that anybody in three months will make him imbibe political
principles. Perhaps you will turn in your mind what you think on the
subject, and communicate me the result of it....

[Footnote 78: This letter refers to the course of study which
Prince Albert was about to pursue.]

[Footnote 79: Count Emmanuel de Mensdorff-Pouilly, who
married, in 1804, Sophia, Princess of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld.]

[Pageheading: CANADA]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_27th December 1837._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and acquaints
your Majesty that he has this morning received a letter from
the Speaker[80] consenting to remain until Whitsuntide. This is
inconvenient enough, but the delay relieves your present embarrassment
upon this head, and puts off changes until a period of the Session
when public affairs will be more decisively settled.

Lord Melbourne is sorry to have to inform your Majesty that there was
a good deal of difference of opinion yesterday in the Cabinet upon the
affairs of Canada.[81] All are of opinion that strong measures should
be taken for the repression of the insurrection, but some, and more
particularly Lord Howick, think that these measures of vigour should
be accompanied by measures of amendment and conciliation. We are to
have a Cabinet again upon the subject on Wednesday next, when Lord
Melbourne hopes that some practical result will be come to without
serious difference.

[Footnote 80: Mr James Abercromby, afterwards Lord
Dunfermline. He remained in the Chair till 1839. He had little
hold over the House, and many regrettable scenes occurred.]

[Footnote 81: See Introductory Note, p. 56. (to Ch. VI)]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _28th December 1837._

The Queen received Lord Melbourne's communication yesterday evening,
and is glad to see that the Speaker consents to remain a little while
longer, though, as Lord Melbourne says, it is still very inconvenient.

The Queen regrets that there should have been any difference of
opinion with respect to Canada, but hopes with Lord Melbourne that
some final arrangement may be come to next Wednesday.

The Queen is very sorry to learn that Lord Melbourne will be detained
in London until Saturday. She omitted to ask Lord Melbourne when he
thinks it would be convenient for Lord Palmerston to come down to
Windsor for a few days, as it is the Queen's wish to ask him in the
course of the Recess. The Queen is very thankful to Lord Melbourne for
his kind enquiries after her health; she is sorry to say she had one
of her bad headaches yesterday, but feels very well this morning and
thinks a drive will quite cure her.

[Pageheading: ARMY ESTIMATES]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Melbourne._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _29th December 1837._

The Queen received Lord Melbourne's two letters yesterday evening, and
another this morning, enclosing one from Lord Duncannon.[82] The Queen
is very much gratified by the kind expressions in the letter she got
last night; she is grieved to see Lord Melbourne is so much oppressed
with business.

The Queen thinks Lord Melbourne has acted with the greatest judgment
with respect to Sir J. Conroy,[83] and highly approves the course he
intends pursuing.

The Queen regrets that there should be so much difficulty with respect
to the Report of the Army Estimates, but fervently trusts that no
serious difficulties will arise from it; she will be very anxious to
talk about this and many other matters when she sees Lord Melbourne,
which the Queen _hopes_ (as Lord Melbourne says nothing to the
contrary) she will do on the 3rd or 4th.

The Queen thinks that it will be quite right if Lord Melbourne writes
to Lord John about the Staffordshire Yeomanry. The Queen will be
delighted to see Lady John Russell's little girl, and would be very
happy if Lady John was to bring the _Baby_ also. The Queen begs Lord
Melbourne to invite them (Lord and Lady John) in her name on the 8th,
and to stay till the 11th.

The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge are here, and the Queen is very
sorry to say, that from what she _sees_ and _hears_, she has reason to
fear all is _not_ as it _should_ be; _her_ mother is most _markedly_
civil and affectionate towards both the Duke and Duchess, and spoke
Politics with the former. The Queen will tell Lord Melbourne more
about this when she sees him.

The weather was beautiful yesterday, and the Queen had a _long_ drive
and _walk_, which have done her great good; it is still finer to-day.

[Footnote 82: Commissioner of Woods and Forests and Lord Privy
Seal.]

[Footnote 83: Sir J. Conroy, who had been Comptroller to
the Duchess of Kent, made certain claims which it was not
considered expedient to grant. He received a pension and a
baronetcy.]

[Pageheading: CANADA]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_30th December 1837._

... Lord Melbourne will do his utmost to compose these differences
respecting Canada and the Army,[84] but your Majesty must contemplate
the possibility, not to say the probability, of his not being able
to succeed. It will not do for the sake of temporary accommodation to
sacrifice the honour of your Majesty's Crown or the interests of your
Majesty's subjects.

[Footnote 84: _See_ Introductory Notes for 1837 and 1838, pp.
56 and 102. (to Ch. VI and Ch. VII)]

[Pageheading: STATE DEPARTMENTS]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_31st December 1837._

... Lord Melbourne has not yet been able to leave London. In order to
have a chance of arranging these troublesome affairs it is necessary
continually to see those who are principally engaged in them. From
a conversation which he has had this evening with Lord Howick, Lord
Melbourne has better hopes of producing a general agreement upon
Canadian affairs, but the question of the administration of the Army,
which is of less immediate importance, is of more difficulty. Your
Majesty knows the importance attached by the King of the Belgians to
this matter. The opinion of the Duke of Wellington is also strongly
against the projected alteration. On the other hand, five Cabinet
Ministers have pledged themselves to it by signing the report, and
consider themselves as having publicly undertaken to the House of
Commons that some such measure shall be proposed. Lord Melbourne has
asked for the opinions of Lord Hill[85] and Sir Hussey Vivian[86] in
writing. When Lord Melbourne receives them he must submit them to your
Majesty with as short and as clear a statement as he can make of a
question which is of a technical and official character, and with
which Lord Melbourne does not feel himself to be very familiar. Lord
Melbourne transmits a copy of the proposed Order in Council to carry
the recommendation of the report into effect, which will acquaint your
Majesty precisely what the powers and duties are which it is intended
to transfer from the Secretary of State[87] to the Secretary-at-War.
It is the more necessary to be cautious, because it can be done
without taking the opinion or having recourse to the authority of
Parliament.

Your Majesty will not suppose that Lord Melbourne by laying before you
the whole case has an idea of throwing the weight of such a decision
entirely upon your Majesty. Lord Melbourne will deem it his duty to
offer your Majesty a decided opinion upon the subject.

Lord Melbourne is much rejoiced to hear that your Majesty enjoys
Windsor. The Duchess of Sutherland,[88] who appreciates both the grand
and the beautiful, could not be otherwise than delighted with it....

Lord Melbourne has the pleasure of wishing your Majesty a happy and
prosperous New Year.

[Footnote 85: Commander-in-Chief.]

[Footnote 86: Master-General of the Ordnance.]

[Footnote 87: The Secretaries of State (then three, now five
in number) have co-extensive authority, that is to say, any
one of them can legally execute the duties of all, although
separate spheres of action are for convenience assigned to
them; at that time the administration of Colonial and Military
affairs were combined, the Secretary-at-War not being a
Secretary of State. After the Crimean War a fourth Secretary
was appointed, and after the Indian Mutiny a fifth was added,
entrusted severally with the supervision of Military affairs
and the administration of India. See letters of Lord Melbourne
of 1st, 4th, and 5th November 1841. (Ch. X, 'Secretaries of State')]

[Footnote 88: Harriet Elizabeth Georgiana, Duchess of
Sutherland (1806-1868), was the daughter of the sixth Earl of
Carlisle, and married her cousin, Earl Gower (1786-1861), who
became Duke of Sutherland in 1833. On the accession of the
Queen, the Duchess of Sutherland became Mistress of the Robes,
a post which she held till 1841, and on three subsequent
occasions. The Duchess was a cultivated woman with many
tastes, and made Stafford House a great social centre. She was
deeply interested in philanthropic and social movements, such
as the Abolition of Slavery, and had a strong sympathy for
national movements, which she showed by entertaining Garibaldi
in 1864. She combined a considerable sense of humour with a
rare capacity for affection, and became one of the Queen's
closest friends; after the Prince Consort's death she was for
some weeks the Queen's constant companion.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER VII

The Melbourne Ministry were able to maintain themselves in office
during the year (1838), but were too weak to carry important measures.
The prevailing distress led to much criticism of the Poor Law Act of
1834, and the disturbances in Canada turned the tide of emigration
to Australia. But public interest in politics was eclipsed by the
gaieties of the Coronation, in which all ranks partook. The events
of Imperial importance elsewhere centred in Jamaica and Canada, the
apprenticeship system in the former place leading to a renewal of the
anti-slavery agitation at home, and the passing of a Colonial Bill for
absolute emancipation. The Canadian troubles brought about the passing
of an Imperial Act for the suspension for two years of the Legislative
Assembly of Lower Canada, and Lord Durham, an impulsive and
generous-hearted man, was sent out as High Commissioner. Having
dismissed the Executive Council of his predecessor, he nominated a
fresh one, but an ordinance thereafter promulgated in reference to
the rebels was severely criticised. Lord Brougham, rejoicing at the
opportunity of paying off old scores, castigated the Government,
especially Lord Glenelg, the Colonial Secretary, and carried a measure
censuring their Canadian policy. The Ministry disallowed the ordinance
of Lord Durham, who, finding himself unsupported, resigned his
Commission and returned home. On his arrival at Plymouth, he made a
speech, in which he described the rebellion as finally at an end;
the news, however, subsequently arrived that after his departure from
Canada, disturbances had broken out afresh. Sir John Colborne was
appointed to succeed Lord Durham with full powers.

The Civil War continued in Spain through the year, and intermittent
rioting took place in Portugal, a country which was now verging on
bankruptcy. The old Dutch and Belgian controversy as to the possession
of Luxemburg was revived, the King of Holland, who had obstinately
withheld his concurrence for six years from the Articles on the faith
of which King Leopold accepted the throne of Belgium, now showing
overt hostility in the disputed territory. As was natural, France was
in sympathy with Belgium, and the two countries entered into a treaty
of commerce and reciprocity.

CHAPTER VII

1838

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

_1st January 1838._

... Lord Melbourne feels most deeply the extreme kindness of your
Majesty's expressions. Whatever may happen in the course of events,
it will always be to Lord Melbourne a source of the most lively
satisfaction to have assisted your Majesty in the commencement of your
reign, which was not without trouble and difficulty, and your Majesty
may depend that whether in or out of office Lord Melbourne's conduct
will always be directed by the strongest attachment to your Majesty's
person, and by the most ardent desire to promote your Majesty's
interests, which from his knowledge of your Majesty's character and
disposition Lord Melbourne feels certain will be always identified
with the interests of your People.