Procopius

P >> Procopius >> Procopius

Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17

Now there is a certain church of the Apostle Paul,[146] fourteen stades
distant from the fortifications of Rome, and the Tiber River flows
beside it. In that place there is no fortification, but a colonnade
extends all the way from the city to the church, and many other
buildings which are round about it render the place not easy of access.
But the Goths shew a certain degree of actual respect for sanctuaries
such as this. And indeed during the whole time of the war no harm came
to either church of the two Apostles[147] at their hands, but all the
rites were performed in them by the priests in the usual manner. At this
spot, then, Belisarius commanded Valerian to take all the Huns and make
a stockade by the bank of the Tiber, in order that their horses might be
kept in greater security and that the Goths might be still further
checked from going at their pleasure to great distances from their
camps. And Valerian acted accordingly. Then, after the Huns had made
their camp in the place where the general directed, he rode back to the
city.

So Belisarius, having accomplished this, remained quiet, not offering
battle, but eager to carry on the defence from the wall, if anyone
should advance against it from outside with evil intent. And he also
furnished grain to some of the Roman populace. But Martinus and Trajan
passed by night between the camps of the enemy, and after reaching
Taracina sent Antonina with a few men into Campania; and they themselves
took possession of the fortified places in that district, and using them
as their bases of operations and making thence their sudden attacks,
they checked such of the Goths as were moving about in that region. As
for Magnus and Sinthues, in a short time they rebuilt such parts of the
fortress[148] as had fallen into ruin, and as soon as they had put
themselves in safety, they began immediately to make more trouble for
the enemy, whose fortress was not far away, not only by making frequent
raids upon them, but also by keeping such of the barbarians as were
escorting provision-trains in a constant state of terror by the
unexpectedness of their movements; but finally Sinthues was wounded in
his right hand by a spear in a certain battle, and since the sinews were
severed, he became thereafter unfit for fighting. And the Huns likewise,
after they had made their camp near by, as I have said, were on their
part causing the Goths no less trouble, so that these as well as the
Romans were now feeling the pressure of famine, since they no longer had
freedom to bring in their food-supplies as formerly. And pestilence too
fell upon them and was destroying many, and especially in the camp which
they had last made, close by the Appian Way, as I have previously
stated.[149] And the few of their number who had not perished withdrew
from that camp to the other camps. The Huns also suffered in the same
way, and so returned to Rome. Such was the course of events here. But as
for Procopius, when he reached Campania, he collected not fewer than
five hundred soldiers there, loaded a great number of ships with grain,
and held them in readiness. And he was joined not long afterwards by
Antonina, who immediately assisted him in making arrangements for the
fleet.

At that time the mountain of Vesuvius rumbled, and though it did not
break forth in eruption, still because of the rumbling it led people to
expect with great certainty that there would be an eruption. And for
this reason it came to pass that the inhabitants fell into great terror.
Now this mountain is seventy stades distant from Naples and lies to the
north[150] of it--an exceedingly steep mountain, whose lower parts
spread out wide on all sides, while its upper portion is precipitous and
exceedingly difficult of ascent. But on the summit of Vesuvius and at
about the centre of it appears a cavern of such depth that one would
judge that it extends all the way to the bottom of the mountain. And it
is possible to see fire there, if one should dare to peer over the edge,
and although the flames as a rule merely twist and turn upon one
another, occasioning no trouble to the inhabitants of that region, yet,
when the mountain gives forth a rumbling sound which resembles
bellowing, it generally sends up not long afterward a great quantity of
ashes. And if anyone travelling on the road is caught by this terrible
shower, he cannot possibly survive, and if it falls upon houses, they
too fall under the weight of the great quantity of ashes. But whenever
it so happens that a strong wind comes on, the ashes rise to a great
height, so that they are no longer visible to the eye, and are borne
wherever the wind which drives them goes, falling on lands exceedingly
far away. And once, they say, they fell in Byzantium[151] and so
terrified the people there, that from that time up to the present the
whole city has seen fit to propitiate God with prayers every year; and
at another time they fell on Tripolis in Libya. Formerly this rumbling
took place, they say, once in a hundred years or even more,[152] but in
later times it has happened much more frequently. This, however, they
declare emphatically, that whenever Vesuvius belches forth these ashes,
the country round about is bound to flourish with an abundance of all
crops. Furthermore, the air on this mountain is very light and by its
nature the most favourable to health in the world. And indeed those who
are attacked by consumption have been sent to this place by physicians
from remote times. So much, then, may be said regarding Vesuvius.

FOOTNOTES:

[144] The Porta Ostiensis.

[145] See Book V. vi. 7, note.

[146] The Basilica of St. Paul stood south of the city, outside the
Porta Ostiensis which is still called Porta S. Paolo.

[147] St. Peter and St. Paul.

[148] Tibur.

[149] Chap. iii. 7.

[150] This is an error on the part of Procopius. In point of fact it
lies to the south-east of Naples.

[151] During the eruption of 472 A.D.

[152] Since the great eruption of 79 A.D.--the first in historical
times--eruptions have succeeded one another at intervals varying from
one to more than one hundred years.

V

At this time another army also arrived by sea from Byzantium, three
thousand Isaurians who put in at the harbour of Naples, led by Paulus
and Conon, and eight hundred Thracian horsemen who landed at Dryus, led
by John, the nephew of the Vitalian who had formerly been tyrant, and
with them a thousand other soldiers of the regular cavalry, under
various commanders, among whom were Alexander and Marcentius. And it
happened that Zeno with three hundred horsemen had already reached Rome
by way of Samnium and the Latin Way. And when John with all the others
came to Campania, provided with many waggons by the inhabitants of
Calabria, his troops were joined by five hundred men who, as I have
said, had been collected in Campania. These set out by the coast road
with the waggons, having in mind, if any hostile force should confront
them, to make a circle of the waggons in the form of a stockade and thus
to ward off the enemy; and they commanded the men under Paulus and Conon
to sail with all speed and join them at Ostia, the harbour of Rome[153];
and they put sufficient grain in the waggons and loaded all the ships,
not only with grain, but also with wine and all kinds of provisions. And
they, indeed, expected to find the forces of Martinus and Trajan in the
neighbourhood of Taracina and to have their company from that point on,
but when they approached Taracina, they learned that these forces had
recently been recalled and had retired to Rome.

But Belisarius, learning that the forces of John were approaching and
fearing that the enemy might confront them in greatly superior numbers
and destroy them, took the following measures. It so happened that the
enemy had encamped very close to the Flaminian Gate; this gate
Belisarius himself had blocked up at the beginning of this war by a
structure of stone, as has been told by me in the previous
narrative,[154] his purpose of course being to make it difficult for the
enemy either to force their way in or to make any attempt upon the city
at that point. Consequently no engagement had taken place at this gate,
and the barbarians had no suspicion that there would be any attack upon
them from there. Now Belisarius tore down by night the masonry which
blocked this gate, without giving notice to anyone at all, and made
ready the greatest part of the army there. And at daybreak he sent
Trajan and Diogenes with a thousand horsemen through the Pincian Gate,
commanding them to shoot missiles into the camps, and as soon as their
opponents came against them, to flee without the least shame and to ride
up to the fortifications at full speed. And he also stationed some men
inside this gate. So the men under Trajan began to harass the
barbarians, as Belisarius had directed them to do, and the Goths,
gathering from all the camps, began to defend themselves. And both
armies began to move as fast as they could toward the fortifications of
the city, the one giving the appearance of fleeing, and the other
supposing that they were pursuing the enemy.

But as soon as Belisarius saw the enemy take up the pursuit, he opened
the Flaminian Gate and sent his army out against the barbarians, who
were thus taken unawares. Now it so happened that one of the Gothic
camps was on the road near this gate, and in front of it there was a
narrow passage between steep banks which was exceedingly difficult of
access. And one of the barbarians, a man of splendid physique and clad
in a corselet, when he saw the enemy advancing, reached this place
before them and took his stand there, at the same time calling his
comrades and urging them to help in guarding the narrow passage. But
before any move could be made Mundilas slew him and thereafter allowed
none of the barbarians to go into this passage. The Romans therefore
passed through it without encountering opposition, and some of them,
arriving at the Gothic camp near by, for a short time tried to take it,
but were unable to do so because of the strength of the stockade,
although not many barbarians had been left behind in it. For the trench
had been dug to an extraordinary depth, and since the earth taken from
it had invariably been placed along its inner side, this reached a great
height and so served as a wall[155]; and it was abundantly supplied with
stakes, which were very sharp and close together, thus making a
palisade. These defences so emboldened the barbarians that they began to
repel the enemy vigorously. But one of the guards of Belisarius,
Aquilinus by name, an exceedingly active man, seized a horse by the
bridle and, bestriding it, leaped from the trench into the middle of the
camp, where he slew some of the enemy. And when his opponents gathered
about him and hurled great numbers of missiles, the horse was wounded
and fell, but he himself unexpectedly made his escape through the midst
of the enemy. So he went on foot with his companions toward the Pincian
Gate. And overtaking the barbarians, who were still engaged in pursuing
Roman horsemen,[156] they began to shoot at them from behind and killed
some of them.

Now when Trajan and his men perceived this, since they had meanwhile
been reinforced by the horsemen who had been standing near by in
readiness, they charged at full speed against their pursuers. Then at
length the Goths, being now outgeneraled and unexpectedly caught between
the forces of their enemy, began to be killed indiscriminately. And
there was great slaughter of them, and very few escaped to their camps,
and that with difficulty; meanwhile the others, fearing for the safety
of all their strongholds, shut themselves in and remained in them
thereafter, thinking that the Romans would come against them without the
least delay. In this action one of the barbarians shot Trajan in the
face, above the right eye and not far from the nose. And the whole of
the iron point, penetrated the head and disappeared entirely, although
the barb on it was large and exceedingly long, but the remainder of the
arrow immediately fell to the ground without the application of force by
anyone, in my opinion because the iron point had never been securely
fastened to the shaft. Trajan, however, paid no heed to this at all, but
continued none the less killing and pursuing the enemy. But in the fifth
year afterward the tip of the iron of its own accord began to project
visibly from his face. And this is now the third year since it has been
slowly but steadily coming out. It is to be expected, therefore, that
the whole barb will eventually come out, though not for a long time. But
it has not been an impediment to the man in any way. So much then for
these matters.

FOOTNOTES:

[153] The regular harbour, Portus, was held by the Goths.

[154] Book V. xix. 6.

[155] Cf. Book V. xix. 11.

[156] These were the forces of Trajan and Diogenes.

VI

Now the barbarians straightway began to despair of winning the war and
were considering how they might withdraw from Rome, inasmuch as they had
suffered the ravages both of the pestilence and of the enemy, and were
now reduced from many tens of thousands to a few men; and, not least of
all, they were in a state of distress by reason of the famine, and while
in name they were carrying on a siege, they were in fact being besieged
by their opponents and were shut off from all necessities. And when they
learned that still another army had come to their enemy from Byzantium
both by land and by sea--not being informed as to its actual size, but
supposing it to be as large as the free play of rumour was able to make
it,--they became terrified at the danger and began to plan for their
departure. They accordingly sent three envoys to Rome, one of whom was a
Roman of note among the Goths, and he, coming before Belisarius, spoke
as follows:

"That the war has not turned out to the advantage of either side each of
us knows well, since we both have had actual experience of its
hardships. For why should anyone in either army deny facts of which
neither now remains in ignorance. And no one, I think, could deny, at
least no one who does not lack understanding, that it is only senseless
men who choose to go on suffering indefinitely merely to satisfy the
contentious spirit which moves them for the moment, and refuse to find a
solution of the troubles which harass them. And whenever this situation
arises, it is the duty of the commanders on both sides not to sacrifice
the lives of their subjects to their own glory, but to choose the course
which is just and expedient, not for themselves alone, but also for
their opponents, and thus to put an end to present hardships. For
moderation in one's demands affords a way out of all difficulties, but
it is the very nature of contentiousness that it cannot accomplish any
of the objects which are essential. Now we, on our part, have
deliberated concerning the conclusion of this war and have come before
you with proposals which are of advantage to both sides, wherein we
waive, as we think, some portion even of our rights. And see to it that
you likewise in your deliberations do not yield to a spirit of
contentiousness respecting us and thus destroy yourselves as well as us,
in preference to choosing the course which will be of advantage to
yourselves. And it is fitting that both sides should state their case,
not in continuous speech, but each interrupting the other on the spur of
the moment, if anything that is said shall seem inappropriate. For in
this way each side will be able to say briefly whatever it is minded to
say, and at the same time the essential things will be accomplished."
Belisarius replied: "There will be nothing to prevent the debate from
proceeding in the manner you suggest, only let the words spoken by you
be words of peace and of justice."

So the ambassadors of the Goths in their turn said: "You have done us an
injustice, O Romans, in taking up arms wrongfully against us, your
friends and allies. And what we shall say is, we think, well known to
each one of you as well as to ourselves. For the Goths did not obtain
the land of Italy by wresting it from the Romans by force, but Odoacer
in former times dethroned the emperor, changed the government of Italy
to a tyranny, and so held it.[157] And Zeno, who then held the power of
the East, though he wished to avenge his partner in the imperial office
and to free this land from the usurper, was unable to destroy the
authority of Odoacer. Accordingly he persuaded Theoderic, our ruler,
although he was on the point of besieging him and Byzantium, not only to
put an end to his hostility towards himself, in recollection of the
honour which Theoderic had already received at his hands in having been
made a patrician and consul of the Romans,[158] but also to punish
Odoacer for his unjust treatment of Augustulus, and thereafter, in
company with the Goths, to hold sway over the land as its legitimate and
rightful rulers. It was in this way, therefore, that we took over the
dominion of Italy, and we have preserved both the laws and the form of
government as strictly as any who have ever been Roman emperors, and
there is absolutely no law, either written or unwritten, introduced by
Theoderic or by any of his successors on the throne of the Goths. And we
have so scrupulously guarded for the Romans their practices pertaining
to the worship of God and faith in Him, that not one of the Italians has
changed his belief, either willingly or unwillingly, up to the present
day, and when Goths have changed,[159] we have taken no notice of the
matter. And indeed the sanctuaries of the Romans have received from us
the highest honour; for no one who has taken refuge in any of them has
ever been treated with violence by any man; nay, more, the Romans
themselves have continued to hold all the offices of the state, and not
a single Goth has had a share in them. Let someone come forward and
refute us, if he thinks that this statement of ours is not true. And one
might add that the Goths have conceded that the dignity of the
consulship should be conferred upon Romans each year by the emperor of
the East. Such has been the course followed by us; but you, on your
side, did not take the part of Italy while it was suffering at the hands
of the barbarians and Odoacer, although it was not for a short time, but
for ten years, that he treated the land outrageously; but now you do
violence to us who have acquired it legitimately, though you have no
business here. Do you therefore depart hence out of our way, keeping
both that which is your own and whatever you have gained by plunder."

And Belisarius said: "Although your promise gave us to understand that
your words would be brief and temperate, yet your discourse has been
both long and not far from fraudulent in its pretensions. For Theoderic
was sent by the Emperor Zeno in order to make war on Odoacer, not in
order to hold the dominion of Italy for himself. For why should the
emperor have been concerned to exchange one tyrant for another? But he
sent him in order that Italy might be free and obedient to the emperor.
And though Theoderic disposed of the tyrant in a satisfactory manner, in
everything else he shewed an extraordinary lack of proper feeling; for
he never thought of restoring the land to its rightful owner. But I, for
my part, think that he who robs another by violence and he who of his
own will does not restore his neighbour's goods are equal. Now, as for
me, I shall never surrender the emperor's country to any other. But if
there is anything you wish to receive in place of it, I give you leave
to speak."

And the barbarians said: "That everything which we have said is true no
one of you can be unaware. But in order that we may not seem to be
contentious, we give up to you Sicily, great as it is and of such
wealth, seeing that without it you cannot possess Libya in security."

And Belisarius replied: "And we on our side permit the Goths to have the
whole of Britain, which is much larger than Sicily and was subject to
the Romans in early times. For it is only fair to make an equal return
to those who first do a good deed or perform a kindness."

The barbarians: "Well, then, if we should make you a proposal concerning
Campania also, or about Naples itself, will you listen to it?"

Belisarius: "No, for we are not empowered to administer the emperor's
affairs in a way which is not in accord with his wish."

The barbarians: "Not even if we impose upon ourselves the payment of a
fixed sum of money every year?"

Belisarius: "No, indeed. For we are not empowered to do anything else
than guard the land for its owner."

The barbarians: "Come now, we must send envoys to the emperor and make
with him our treaty concerning the whole matter. And a definite time
must also be appointed during which the armies will be bound to observe
an armistice."

Belisarius: "Very well; let this be done. For never shall I stand in
your way when you are making plans for peace."

After saying these things they each left the conference, and the envoys
of the Goths withdrew to their own camp. And during the ensuing days
they visited each other frequently and made the arrangements for the
armistice, and they agreed that each side should put into the hands of
the other some of its notable men as hostages to ensure the keeping of
the armistice.

FOOTNOTES:

[157] 476 A.D. Cf. Book V. i. 6-8 and note.

[158] Cf. Book V. i. 10, 11.

[159] The Goths were Christians, but followed the Arian heresy.

VII

But while these negotiations were in progress at Rome, meanwhile the
fleet of the Isaurians put in at the harbour[160] of the Romans and John
with his men came to Ostia, and not one of the enemy hindered them
either while bringing their ships to land or while making their camp.
But in order that they might be able to pass the night safe from a
sudden attack by the enemy, the Isaurians dug a deep trench close to the
harbour and kept a constant guard by shifts of men, while John's
soldiers made a barricade of their waggons about the camp and remained
quiet. And when night came on Belisarius went to Ostia with a hundred
horsemen, and after telling what had taken place in the engagement and
the agreement which had been made between the Romans and the Goths and
otherwise encouraging them, he bade them bring their cargoes and come
with all zeal to Rome. "For," he said, "I shall take care that the
journey is free from danger." So he himself at early dawn rode back to
the city, and Antonina together with the commanders began at daybreak to
consider means of transporting the cargoes. But it seemed to them that
the task was a hard one and beset with the greatest difficulties. For
the oxen could hold out no longer, but all lay half-dead, and,
furthermore, it was dangerous to travel over a rather narrow road with
the waggons, and impossible to tow the barges on the river, as had
formerly been the custom. For the road which is on the left[2] of the
river was held by the enemy, as stated by me in the previous
narrative,[162] and not available for the use of the Romans at that
time, while the road on the other side of it is altogether unused, at
least that part of it which follows the river-bank. They therefore
selected the small boats belonging to the larger ships, put a fence of
high planks around them on all sides, in order that the men on board
might not be exposed to the enemy's shots, and embarked archers and
sailors on them in numbers suitable for each boat. And after they had
loaded the boats with all the freight they could carry, they waited for
a favouring wind and set sail toward Rome by the Tiber, and a portion of
the army followed them along the right[161] bank of the river to support
them. But they left a large number of Isaurians to guard the ships. Now
where the course of the river was straight, they found no trouble in
sailing, simply raising the sails of the boats; but where the stream
wound about and took a course athwart the wind, and the sails received
no impulse from it, the sailors had no slight toil in rowing and forcing
the boats against the current. As for the barbarians, they sat in their
camps and had no wish to hinder their enemy, either because they were
terrified at the danger, or because they thought that the Romans would
never by such means succeed in bringing in any provisions, and
considered it contrary to their own interest, when a matter of no
consequence was involved, to frustrate their hope of the armistice which
Belisarius had already promised. Moreover, the Goths who were in Portus,
though they could see their enemy constantly sailing by almost near
enough to touch, made no move against them, but sat there wondering in
amazement at the plan they had hit upon. And when the Romans had made
the voyage up the river many times in the same way, and had thus
conveyed all the cargoes into the city without interference, the sailors
took the ships and withdrew with all speed, for it was already about the
time of the winter solstice; and the rest of the army entered Rome,
except, indeed, that Paulus remained in Ostia with some of the
Isaurians.

Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17