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Annual Bibliography of Commonwealth Literature 2007
This paper argues that discourses of love in Ghanaian market literature for youth offer a view into complex negotiations of agency and empowerment. Drawing on Deborah Durham's notion of youth as "social `shifters'" and Francis Nyamnjoh's conception of the "interconnectedness" of agency, I take Ghanaian market literature as one specific case of how African literature for youth foregrounds questions of continuity and change as African societies enter into increasingly complex global relations. In this literature for youth, received notions of love, often constructed out of impressions from American pop and hip hop music, carry new notions of agency that compete with existing "domesticated" forms. Authors like Ike Tandoh and Evelyn Tay employ discourses of love to offer youth alternative avenues for empowerment in a context of socio-economic disenfranchizement. In a creative process of "straddling", this writing both reveals and reproduces the contradictions that obtain in youth configurations of agency.

Procopius

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The Romans, meanwhile, being by now thoroughly frightened, attended to
the guarding of the wall, and shutting the gates they refused, in their
great excitement, to receive the fugitives into the city, fearing that
the enemy would rush in with them. And such of the fugitives as had not
already got inside the fortifications, crossed the moat, and standing
with their backs braced against the wall were trembling with fear, and
stood there forgetful of all valour and utterly unable to ward off the
barbarians, although they were pressing upon them and were about to
cross the moat to attack them. And the reason was that most of them had
lost their spears, which had been broken in the engagement and during
the flight, and they were not able to use their bows because they were
huddled so closely together. Now so long as not many defenders were seen
at the battlement, the Goths kept pressing on, having hopes of
destroying all those who had been shut out and of overpowering the men
who held the circuit-wall. But when they saw a very great number both of
soldiers and of the Roman populace at the battlements defending the
wall, they immediately abandoned their purpose and rode off thence to
the rear, heaping much abuse upon their opponents. And the battle,
having begun at the camps of the barbarians, ended at the moat and the
wall of the city.

FOOTNOTES:

[139] Matasuntha.

[140] Cf. Book IV. xxvii. 38, note.




HISTORY OF THE WARS: BOOK VI

THE GOTHIC WAR (_continued_)




I


After this the Romans no longer dared risk a battle with their whole
army; but they engaged in cavalry battles, making sudden sallies in the
same manner as before, and were generally victorious over the
barbarians. Foot-soldiers also went out from both sides, not, however,
arrayed in a phalanx, but accompanying the horsemen. And once Bessas in
the first rush dashed in among the enemy carrying his spear and killed
three of their best horsemen and turned the rest to flight. And another
time, when Constantinus had led out the Huns in the Plain of Nero in the
late afternoon, and saw that they were being overpowered by the superior
numbers of their opponents, he took the following measures. There has
been in that place from of old a great stadium[141] where the gladiators
of the city used to fight in former times, and the men of old built many
other buildings round about this stadium; consequently there are, as one
would expect, narrow passages all about this place. Now on the occasion
in question, since Constantinus could neither overcome the throng of the
Goths nor flee without great danger, he caused all the Huns to dismount
from their horses, and on foot, in company with them, took his stand in
one of the narrow passages there. Then by shooting from that safe
position they slew large numbers of the enemy. And for some time the
Goths withstood their missiles. For they hoped, as soon as the supply of
missiles in the quivers of the Huns should be exhausted, to be able to
surround them without any trouble, take them prisoners, and lead them
back to their camp. But since the Massagetae, who were not only good
bowmen but also had a dense throng to shoot into, hit an enemy with
practically every shot, the Goths perceived that above half their number
had perished, and since the sun was about to set, they knew not what to
do and so rushed off in flight. Then indeed many of them fell; for the
Massagetae followed them up, and since they know how to shoot the bow
with the greatest accuracy even when running at great speed, they
continued to discharge their arrows no less than before, shooting at
their backs, and kept up the slaughter. And thus Constantinus with his
Huns came back to Rome at night.

And when Peranius, not many days later, led some of the Romans through
the Salarian Gate against the enemy, the Goths, indeed, fled as hard as
they could, but about sunset a counter-pursuit was made suddenly, and a
Roman foot-soldier, becoming greatly confused, fell into a deep hole,
many of which were made there by the men of old, for the storage of
grain, I suppose. And he did not dare to cry out, supposing that the
enemy were encamped near by, and was not able in any way whatever to get
out of the pit, for it afforded no means of climbing up; he was
therefore compelled to pass the night there. Now on the next day, when
the barbarians had again been put to flight, one of the Goths fell into
the same hole. And there the two men were reconciled to mutual
friendship and good-will, brought together as they were by their
necessity, and they exchanged solemn pledges, each that he would work
earnestly for the salvation of the other; and then both of them began
shouting with loud and frantic cries. Now the Goths, following the
sound, came and peered over the edge of the hole, and enquired who it
was who shouted. At this, the Roman, in accordance with the plan decided
upon by the two men, kept silence, and the Goth in his native tongue
said that he had just recently fallen in there during the rout which had
taken place, and asked them to let down a rope that he might come up.
And they as quickly as possible threw down the ends of ropes, and, as
they thought, were pulling up the Goth, but the Roman laid hold of the
ropes and was pulled up, saying only that if he should go up first the
Goths would never abandon their comrade, but if they should learn that
merely one of the enemy was there they would take no account of him. So
saying, he went up. And when the Goths saw him, they wondered and were
in great perplexity, but upon hearing the whole story from him they drew
up his comrade next, and he told them of the agreement they had made
and of the pledges both had given. So he went off with his companions,
and the Roman was released unharmed and permitted to return to the city.
After this horsemen in no great numbers armed themselves many times for
battle, but the struggles always ended in single combats, and the Romans
were victorious in all of them. Such, then, was the course of these
events.

A little after this an engagement took place in the Plain of Nero,
wherein various small groups of horsemen were engaged in pursuing their
opponents in various directions; in one group was Chorsamantis, a man of
note among the guards of Belisarius, by birth a Massagete, who with some
others was pursuing seventy of the enemy. And when he had got well out
in the plain the other Romans rode back, but Chorsamantis went on with
the pursuit alone. As soon as the Goths perceived this, they turned
their horses about and came against him. And he advanced into their
midst, killed one of the best of them with his spear, and then went
after the others, but they again turned and rushed off in flight. But
they were ashamed before their comrades in the camp, who, they
suspected, could already see them, and wished to attack him again. They
had, however, precisely the same experience as before and lost one of
their best men, and so turned to flight in spite of their shame, and
after Chorsamantis had pursued them as far as their stockade he returned
alone. And a little later, in another battle, this man was wounded in
the left shin, and it was his opinion that the weapon had merely grazed
the bone. However, he was rendered unfit for fighting for a certain
number of days by reason of this wound, and since he was a barbarian he
did not endure this patiently, but threatened that he would right
speedily have vengeance upon the Goths for this insult to his leg. So
when not long afterwards he had recovered and was drunk at lunch time,
as was his custom, he purposed to go alone against the enemy and avenge
the insult to his leg; and when he had come to the small Pincian Gate he
stated that he was sent by Belisarius to the enemy's camp. And the
guards at the gate, who could not doubt the word of a man who was the
best of the guards of Belisarius, opened the gates and allowed him to go
wherever he would. And when the enemy spied him, they thought at first
that some deserter was coming over to them, but when he came near and
put his hand to his bow, twenty men, not knowing who he might be, went
out against him. These he easily drove off, and then began to ride back
at a walk, and when more Goths came against him he did not flee. But
when a great throng gathered about him and he still insisted upon
fighting them, the Romans, watching the sight from the towers, suspected
that the man was crazy, but they did not yet know that it was
Chorsamantis. At length, after making a display of great and very
noteworthy deeds, he found himself surrounded by the army of the enemy,
and paid the penalty for his unreasonable daring. And when Belisarius
and the Roman army learned this, they mourned greatly, lamenting that
the hope which all placed in the man had come to naught.

FOOTNOTES:

[141] Perhaps the Stadium of Caligula.




II


Now a certain Euthalius, at about the spring equinox, came to Taracina
from Byzantium with the money which the emperor owed the soldiers. And
fearing lest the enemy should come upon him on the road and both rob him
of the money and kill him, he wrote to Belisarius requesting him to make
the journey to Rome safe for him. Belisarius accordingly selected one
hundred men of note from among his own bodyguards and sent them with two
spearmen to Taracina to assist him in bringing the money. And at the
same time he kept trying to make the barbarians believe that he was
about to fight with his whole army, his purpose being to prevent any of
the enemy from leaving the vicinity, either to bring in provisions or
for any other purpose. But when he found out that Euthalius and his men
would arrive on the morrow, he arrayed his army and set it in order for
battle, and the barbarians were in readiness. Now throughout the whole
forenoon he merely held his soldiers near the gates; for he knew that
Euthalius and those who accompanied him would arrive at night. Then, at
midday, he commanded the army to take their lunch, and the Goths did the
same thing, supposing that he was putting off the engagement to the
following day. A little later, however, Belisarius sent Martinus and
Valerian to the Plain of Nero with the troops under their command,
directing them to throw the enemy's camp into the greatest possible
confusion. And from the small Pincian Gate he sent out six hundred
horsemen against the camps of the barbarians, placing them under command
of three of his own spearmen, Artasires, a Persian, and Bochas, of the
race of the Massagetae, and Cutilas, a Thracian. And many of the enemy
came out to meet them. For a long time, however, the battle did not come
to close quarters, but each side kept retreating when the other advanced
and making pursuits in which they quickly turned back, until it looked
as if they intended to spend the rest of the day at this sort of thing.
But as they continued, they began at last to be filled with rage against
each other. The battle then settled down to a fierce struggle in which
many of the best men on both sides fell, and support came up for each of
the two armies, both from the city and from the camps. And when these
fresh troops were mingled with the fighters the struggle became still
greater. And the shouting which filled the city and the camps terrified
the combatants. But finally the Romans by their valour forced back the
enemy and routed them.

In this action Cutilas was struck in the middle of the head by a
javelin, and he kept on pursuing with the javelin still embedded in his
head. And after the rout had taken place, he rode into the city at about
sunset together with the other survivors, the javelin in his head waving
about, a most extraordinary sight. During the same encounter Arzes, one
of the guards of Belisarius, was hit by one of the Gothic archers
between the nose and the right eye. And the point of the arrow
penetrated as far as the neck behind, but it did not shew through, and
the rest of the shaft projected from his face and shook as the man rode.
And when the Romans saw him and Cutilas they marvelled greatly that both
men continued to ride, paying no heed to their hurt. Such, then, was the
course of events in that quarter.

But in the Plain of Nero the barbarians had the upper hand. For the men
of Valerian and Martinus, fighting with a great multitude of the enemy,
withstood them stoutly, to be sure, but suffered most terribly, and came
into exceedingly great danger. And then Belisarius commanded Bochas to
take his troops, which had returned from the engagement unwearied, men
as well as horses, and go to the Plain of Nero. Now it was already late
in the day. And when the men under Bochas had come to the assistance of
the Romans, suddenly the barbarians were turned to flight, and Bochas,
who had impetuously followed the pursuit to a great distance, came to be
surrounded by twelve of the enemy, who carried spears. And they all
struck him at once with their spears. But his corselet withstood the
other blows, which therefore did not hurt him much; but one of the Goths
succeeded in hitting him from behind, at a place where his body was
uncovered, above the right armpit, very close to the shoulder, and smote
the youth, though not with a mortal stroke, nor even one which brought
him into danger of death. But another Goth struck him in front and
pierced his left thigh, and cut the muscles there; it was not a straight
blow, however, but only a slanting cut. But Valerian and Martinus saw
what was happening, and coming to his rescue as quickly as possible,
they routed the enemy, and both took hold of the bridle of Bochas'
horse, and so came into the city. Then night came on and Euthalius
entered the city with the money.

And when all had returned to the city, they attended to the wounded men.
Now in the case of Arzes, though the physicians wished to draw the
weapon from his face, they were for some time reluctant to do so, not so
much on account of the eye, which they supposed could not possibly be
saved, but for fear lest, by the cutting of membranes and tissues such
as are very numerous in that region, they should cause the death of a
man who was one of the best of the household of Belisarius. But
afterwards one of the physicians, Theoctistus by name, pressed on the
back of his neck and asked whether he felt much pain. And when the man
said that he did feel pain, he said, "Then both you yourself will be
saved and your sight will not be injured." And he made this declaration
because he inferred that the barb of the weapon had penetrated to a
point not far from the skin. Accordingly he cut off that part of the
shaft which shewed outside and threw it away, and cutting open the skin
at the back of the head, at the place where the man felt the most pain,
he easily drew toward him the barb, which with its three sharp points
now stuck out behind and brought with it the remaining portion of the
weapon. Thus Arzes remained entirely free from serious harm, and not
even a trace of his wound was left on his face. But as for Cutilas, when
the javelin was drawn rather violently from his head (for it was very
deeply embedded), he fell into a swoon. And since the membranes about
the wound began to be inflamed, he fell a victim to phrenitis[142] and
died not long afterwards. Bochas, however, immediately had a very severe
hemorrhage in the thigh, and seemed like one who was presently to die.
And the reason for the hemorrhage, according to what the physicians
said, was that the blow had severed the muscle, not directly from the
front, but by a slanting cut. In any event he died three days later.
Because of these things, then, the Romans spent that whole night in deep
grief; while from the Gothic camps were heard many sounds of wailing and
loud lamentation. And the Romans indeed wondered, because they thought
that no calamity of any consequence had befallen the enemy on the
previous day, except, to be sure, that no small number of them had
perished in the encounters. This had happened to them before in no less
degree, perhaps even to a greater degree, but it had not greatly
distressed them, so great were their numbers. However, it was learned on
the following day that men of the greatest note from the camp in the
Plain of Nero were being bewailed by the Goths, men whom Bochas had
killed in his first charge.

And other encounters also, though of no great importance, took place,
which it has seemed to me unnecessary to chronicle. This, however, I
will state, that altogether sixty-seven encounters occurred during this
siege, besides two final ones which will be described in the following
narrative. And at that time the winter drew to its close, and thus ended
the second year of this war, the history of which Procopius has
written.

FOOTNOTE:

[142] Inflammation of the brain.




III


But at the beginning of the spring equinox famine and pestilence
together fell upon the inhabitants of the city. There was still, it is
true, some grain for the soldiers, though no other kind of provisions,
but the grain-supply of the rest of the Romans had been exhausted, and
actual famine as well as pestilence was pressing hard upon them. And the
Goths, perceiving this, no longer cared to risk a decisive battle with
their enemy, but they kept guard that nothing in future should be
brought in to them. Now there are two aqueducts between the Latin and
the Appian Ways, exceedingly high and carried on arches for a great
distance. These two aqueducts meet at a place fifty stades distant from
Rome[143] and cross each other, so that for a little space they reverse
their relative position. For the one which previously lay to the right
from then on continues on the left side. And again coming together, they
resume their former places, and thereafter remain apart. Consequently
the space between them, enclosed, as it is, by the aqueducts, comes to
be a fortress. And the barbarians walled up the lower arches of the
aqueducts here with stones and mud and in this way gave it the form of a
fort, and encamping there to the number of no fewer than seven thousand
men, they kept guard that no provisions should thereafter be brought
into the city by the enemy.

Then indeed every hope of better things abandoned the Romans, and every
form of evil encompassed them round about. As long as there was ripe
grain, however, the most daring of the soldiers, led on by lust of
money, went by night to the grain-fields not far from the city mounted
on horses and leading other horses after them. Then they cut off the
heads of grain, and putting them on the horses which they led, would
carry them into the city without being seen by the enemy and sell them
at a great price to such of the Romans as were wealthy. But the other
inhabitants lived on various herbs such as grow in abundance not only in
the outskirts but also inside the fortifications. For the land of the
Romans is never lacking in herbs either in winter or at any other
season, but they always flourish and grow luxuriantly at all times.
Wherefore the besieged also pastured their horses in those places. And
some too made sausages of the mules that died in Rome and secretly sold
them. But when the corn-lands had no more grain and all the Romans had
come into an exceedingly evil plight, they surrounded Belisarius and
tried to compel him to stake everything on a single battle with the
enemy, promising that not one of the Romans would be absent from the
engagement. And when he was at a loss what to do in that situation and
greatly distressed, some of the populace spoke to him as follows:

"General, we were not prepared for the fortune which has overtaken us at
the present time; on the contrary, what has happened has been altogether
the opposite of our expectations. For after achieving what we had
formerly set our hearts upon, we have now come into the present
misfortune, and we realize at length that our previous opinion that we
did well to crave the emperor's watchful care was but folly and the
beginning of the greatest evils. Indeed, this course has brought us to
such straits that at the present time we have taken courage to use force
once more and to arm ourselves against the barbarians. And while we may
claim forgiveness if we boldly come into the presence of Belisarius--for
the belly knows not shame when it lacks its necessities--our plight must
be the apology for our rashness; for it will be readily agreed that
there is no plight more intolerable for men than a life prolonged amid
the adversities of fortune. And as to the fortune which has fallen upon
us, you cannot fail to see our distress. These fields and the whole
country have fallen under the hand of the enemy; and this city has been
shut off from all good things for we know not how long a time. And as
for the Romans, some already lie in death, and it has not been their
portion to be hidden in the earth, and we who survive, to put all our
terrible misfortunes in a word, only pray to be placed beside those who
lie thus. For starvation shews to those upon whom it comes that all
other evils can be endured, and wherever it appears it is attended by
oblivion of all other sufferings, and causes all other forms of death,
except that which proceeds from itself, to seem pleasant to men. Now,
therefore, before the evil has yet mastered us, grant us leave on our
own behalf to take up the struggle, which will result either in our
overcoming the enemy or in deliverance from our troubles. For when
delay brings men hope of safety, it would be great folly for them
prematurely to enter into a danger which involves their all, but when
tarrying makes the struggle more difficult, to put off action even for a
little time is more reprehensible than immediate and precipitate haste."

So spoke the Romans. And Belisarius replied as follows: "Well, as for
me, I have been quite prepared for your conduct in every respect, and
nothing that has happened has been contrary to my expectation. For long
have I known that a populace is a most unreasoning thing, and that by
its very nature it cannot endure the present or provide for the future,
but only knows how rashly in every case to attempt the impossible and
recklessly to destroy itself. But as for me, I shall never, willingly at
least, be led by your carelessness either to destroy you or to involve
the emperor's cause in ruin with you. For war is wont to be brought to a
successful issue, not by unreasoning haste, but by the use of good
counsel and forethought in estimating the turn of the scale at decisive
moments. You, however, act as though you were playing at dice, and want
to risk all on a single cast; but it is not my custom to choose the
short course in preference to the advantageous one. In the second place,
you promise that you will help us do battle against the enemy; but when
have you ever taken training in war? Or who that has learned such things
by the use of arms does not know that battle affords no room for
experiment? Nor does the enemy, on his part, give opportunity, while the
struggle is on, to practise on him. This time, indeed, I admire your
zeal and forgive you for making this disturbance; but that you have
taken this action at an unseasonable time and that the policy of waiting
which we are following is prudent, I shall now make clear. The emperor
has gathered for us from the whole earth and despatched an army too
great to number, and a fleet such as was never brought together by the
Romans now covers the shore of Campania and the greater part of the
Ionian Gulf. And within a few days these reinforcements will come to us
and bring with them all kinds of provisions, to put an end to our
destitution and to bury the camps of the barbarians under a multitude of
missiles. I have therefore reasoned that it was better to put off the
time of conflict until they are present, and thus gain the victory in
the war with safety, than to make a show of daring in unreasoning haste
and thus throw away the salvation of our whole cause. To secure their
immediate arrival and to prevent their loitering longer shall be my
concern."

FOOTNOTE:

[143] Torre Fiscale; but it is only about thirty stades from Rome.




IV


With these words Belisarius encouraged the Roman populace and then
dismissed them; and Procopius, who wrote this history, he immediately
commanded to go to Naples. For a rumour was going about that the emperor
had sent an army there. And he commissioned him to load as many ships as
possible with grain, to gather all the soldiers who at the moment had
arrived from Byzantium, or had been left about Naples in charge of
horses or for any other purpose whatever--for he had heard that many
such were coming to the various places in Campania--and to withdraw
some of the men from the garrisons there, and then to come back with
them, convoying the grain to Ostia, where the harbour of the Romans was.
And Procopius, accompanied by Mundilas the guardsman and a few horsemen,
passed out by night through the gate which bears the name of the Apostle
Paul,[144] eluding the enemy's camp which had been established very
close to the Appian Way to keep guard over it. And when Mundilas and his
men, returning to Rome, announced that Procopius had already arrived in
Campania without meeting any of the barbarians,--for at night, they
said, the enemy never went outside their camp,--everybody became
hopeful, and Belisarius, now emboldened, devised the following plan. He
sent out many of his horsemen to the neighbouring strongholds, directing
them, in case any of the enemy should come that way in order to bring
provisions into their camps, that they should constantly make sallies
upon them from their positions and lay ambushes everywhere about this
region, and thus keep them from succeeding; on the contrary, they should
with all their might hedge them in, so that the city might be in less
distress than formerly through lack of provisions, and also that the
barbarians might seem to be besieged rather than to be themselves
besieging the Romans. So he commanded Martinus and Trajan with a
thousand men to go to Taracina. And with them he sent also his wife
Antonina, commanding that she be sent with a few men to Naples, there to
await in safety the fortune which would befall the Romans. And he sent
Magnus and Sinthues the guardsman, who took with them about five
hundred men, to the fortress of Tibur, one hundred and forty stades
distant from Rome. But to the town of Albani,[145] which was situated on
the Appian Way at the same distance from the city, he had already, as it
happened, sent Gontharis with a number of Eruli, and these the Goths had
driven out from there by force not long afterward.

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