Joseph Cottle - "Reminiscences of Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Robert Southey"

Wilhelm Hauff - "Maerchen Almanach auf das Jahr 1827"

Grace Christie - "Embroidery and Tapestry Weaving"

E. Phillips Oppenheim - "The Great Secret "

Annual Bibliography of Commonwealth Literature 2007
This paper argues that discourses of love in Ghanaian market literature for youth offer a view into complex negotiations of agency and empowerment. Drawing on Deborah Durham's notion of youth as "social `shifters'" and Francis Nyamnjoh's conception of the "interconnectedness" of agency, I take Ghanaian market literature as one specific case of how African literature for youth foregrounds questions of continuity and change as African societies enter into increasingly complex global relations. In this literature for youth, received notions of love, often constructed out of impressions from American pop and hip hop music, carry new notions of agency that compete with existing "domesticated" forms. Authors like Ike Tandoh and Evelyn Tay employ discourses of love to offer youth alternative avenues for empowerment in a context of socio-economic disenfranchizement. In a creative process of "straddling", this writing both reveals and reproduces the contradictions that obtain in youth configurations of agency.

Current History, A Monthly Magazine

N >> New York Times >> Current History, A Monthly Magazine




One day before the closing of the extra session of Parliament I
repeated the declarations of the Government, that no matter what kind
of political combinations were formed around us the Government is
resolved to maintain absolute neutrality to the end.

It was with pleasure that I heard at that time the assurances of all
the party leaders that if I were to keep this attitude they would help
me maintain the absolute neutrality of Bulgaria.

I do not know why after a few days there have been published various
statements signed by the different party leaders.

Nothing in particular had been done on our side up to that time. There
was nothing irregular, but, notwithstanding all this, complaints have
been lodged against the Bulgarian Government that its neutrality was
one-sided, that the Government was favoring one group of the powers
while hostile to the other, that through Bulgaria arms and ammunition
were sent from a belligerent country [Germany] to a non-belligerent,
[Turkey,] and this moved the leaders of the parties to turn to the
nation and denounce the sincerity of your Government.

The silence of the nation and the attitude of the powers gave us full
justification for the fairness and loyalty with which we keep our
neutrality.

Two months ago the nation had witnessed a manifesto, signed by all the
party leaders with the exception of the narrow Socialists, which means
that the opposition has not been united on this question, as it is
said in the manifesto that all the opposition was united in a fear
lest the Government abandon its neutrality. In the manifesto addressed
to the Bulgarian nation the desire was expressed for the formation of
a Ministry in which all the political parties were to be represented.

But the silence of the nation has given ample proof of its confidence
in the present Ministry. The declaration of the Government on July 13
(26) holds today, as it held then. We are keeping the strict
neutrality of Bulgaria. Those that were supposed to have grievances
against us have no proofs to show our breach of neutrality. Every side
was satisfied with our assurances.

Notwithstanding the difficulties with which the path of the Government
is strewn today, I, supported by the majority of the Parliament, will
follow the same policy. Bulgaria has remained neutral, and up to now
she is in excellent relations with all neighboring countries.

Bulgaria is in most friendly relations with Rumania, Greece, and
Servia, which is at war. Bulgaria keeps the most sincere relations
with Turkey. Bulgaria remains neutral and loyal in her position. I
make the declaration so that the entire nation may be informed that
the present Government has assured the territorial integrity of
Bulgaria.

Our policy meets with the approval of all the great powers without
exception. If we ever are led by the force of circumstances to enter
some arrangement whereby Bulgaria will obtain something more in the
way of territory, this will come from the will of the entire
Bulgarian concert, with which we desire to remain up to the end in
good relations.

This is what I can and what I must say today in the National
Parliament. [Cheers and applause.]


BULGARIAN PARLIAMENT REPLIES.

[As voted on Nov. 12, (25,) 1914.]

Your Majesty: The national representation considers it an agreeable
duty to express its satisfaction for the statements addressed to it
and to offer its collaboration to the Tsar and the Government for the
safeguard of the dear interests of the fatherland.

Your Majesty!

The breaking out of the terrible war which today oppresses and
exhausts the nations has stopped the peaceful activity in which the
Bulgarian Nation and your Government were engaged for the regeneration
of the national forces and the creation of new resources for the
prosperity of the country and the healing of the wounds of the long
and heroic war which the nation, with unflinching self-sacrifice, has
waged in the past year.

Your Majesty!

In the face of the momentous and far-reaching events now taking place
in Europe and around Bulgaria, the national representation has noted
with delight that the Government, having at heart the future of the
country when it declared the neutrality of Bulgaria, is maintaining
this attitude strictly and loyally, as the international necessities
and the most vital interests of the country demand.

Your Majesty!

The national representation has learned with joy that, thanks to this
attitude, the Government of your Majesty has preserved good and
friendly relations with all the great powers and has improved our
relations with our neighbors, which good relations are so necessary
for Bulgaria after the crisis of the last year, and during the events
of which we are the witnesses.

Your Majesty!

The great events that are shaking Europe are apt to call for our
attention, but, in spite of this, they will not stop us in the way of
the peaceful development of our culture, to which Bulgaria after the
war devoted her energies.

We will carefully examine and heartily approve of all the measures
which the Government may take for the progress of the country and will
give them our support.

Long live his Majesty the Tsar!

Long live her Majesty the Tsarina!

Long live his Royal Highness the Crown Prince!

_Following is the allocution of Tsar Ferdinand I., on Dec. 2, (15,)
1914, to the Delegation of the Sobranje, which brought to him the
Bulgarian Parliament's answer to the speech from the throne._

Gentlemen: It has always been agreeable to me to meet the
representatives of the National Parliament and exchange with them
ideas on the situation and the administration of the country. In the
present year, however, during the development of the events around us
this contact with the representatives of the people is not without
some importance for the Chief of the State.

I desire to hear from you, gentlemen, what are the concerns of the
nation and to partake of them with you. The thought that I am
nourishing, and my hope is, that, thanks to the stability and the
wisdom of the Bulgarians, the country will emerge from the new trials
untouched and without being threatened in the future.

I am really proud in duly acknowledging the virtues of the Bulgarian
people. When, in 1912, this people, moved by a single impulse, arose
and crushed a strong opponent by a force and ardor unsurpassed till
now, the whole world recognized its military virtues. But the
Bulgarian Nation has also displayed unique virtues in its reverses by
valiantly enduring the blows of misfortune.

This nation will warmly undertake its mission in order to achieve its
destiny, when it will win more respect on the part of foreigners than
it won by its victory; and the hearts of its sons, so devoted to the
fatherland, will be warmed anew.

Today, when the whole of Europe is burning and the conflagration is
approaching us, when all the nations around us are moving and making
ready for action, the Bulgarian Nation, duly appreciating the
situation, has established its attitude with an equanimity and a
reserve which constitute the undeniable proofs of its wisdom and its
political maturity.

The eyes of the Czar and of the people are turned toward you. In the
advices that you are giving, in the opinions that you express, I
observe your care for the national prosperity and your resolution to
sacrifice everything on the altar of the fatherland and for the
interests of the nation. This sets me at rest and inspires me with the
hope that in the future also complete harmony will prevail between the
nation and the Crown, and that from this harmony we shall draw the
necessary strength for the assurance of the future of Bulgaria.

May God watch over the fortunes of our fatherland and may He crown
with success our common efforts.


BULGARIA'S NEUTRALITY.

_In the last sitting of the Bulgarian Sobranje, just before the
Christmas holidays, the Premier, Mr. Radoslavoff, made the following
statements as they appear in the semi-official organ, Narodni Prava,
of Sofia:_

Since last July Bulgaria has maintained strict neutrality. Whatever
accusations have been addressed to her from abroad as to her alleged
breaches of neutrality, on the part of one or other of the belligerent
groups, are without any foundation whatever. It is recognized that
such insinuations come from our enemies, who have every interest in
our breaking neutrality.

The Government maintains and will maintain its neutral policy to the
end, and in this case we declare that we will adhere to it, and,
supported by the country, we will try to take as much advantage of it
as is possible.

Whether we are going to have or not to have a Ministry in which all
the political parties will be represented, this does not at all
interest those from abroad, where the dignified attitude of our
Government is recognized. Do not ask us to negotiate what the Triple
Entente is willing to give us, or to say to the central
powers--Austria and Germany--"You, what are you going to give us?"

Because in that case they would answer: "Why should we give you
anything? For your inactivity? Because you keep tranquil, watching us
shedding our blood? Is it for this that we must give you something?"

I, for myself, have repeated on another occasion that during these
critical moments, when new States are being founded while others are
falling to the ground, to safeguard and preserve the present frontiers
of Bulgaria is the greatest service that can be rendered her. We know
what we have asked and what was offered to us. But who guarantees that
we shall have what was orally promised to us? We ourselves cannot
guarantee it. I declare that we are on good terms with our neighbors
so long as they respect the interests of Bulgaria. If I knew that we
would receive Macedonia and Cavalla and Dobrudja, be sure that I,
first among all, would advise the formation of a coalition Ministry.

_Representative Tchandref_ (interrupting)--Go ahead and take them
alone.

_Radoslavoff_--But now we may not, neither in Chataldja nor in Cavalla
nor in Dobrudja. The Bulgarian Government is pursuing the absolute
preservation of peace and is watching developments. The friends that
we have, notwithstanding all evil machinations, have not deserted us.
Bulgaria still has friends, but friends and enemies tell us, Keep
quiet, Bulgarians! In this lies your safety!


A MILITARY ESTIMATE.

_The subjoined statement by the Bulgarian General, Savoff, appeared in
the Vienna Reichspost of Dec. 20, 1914:_

Taking into account the military operations up to this date, it is
easy to conclude that the two central monarchies are holding the
advantage of the Allies. Germany has demonstrated to the world her
enormous strength, while Austria-Hungary has shown herself to be
really a great power. Austria-Hungary must be proud of her army and of
the brilliant successes it has won against the colossal Russian
military organization.

_So far as the neutral States are concerned, Gen. Savoff said:_

Bulgaria will keep neutral as long as she can. The responsible factors
of the country will face every influence, and will act according to
the best interests of the fatherland. We must insist on the correction
of the mistakes made by the Treaty of Bucharest. We are resolved, in
case this should prove necessary, to take back by force of arms the
territories that belong to us and that have been snatched from us. The
Bulgarian Army is ready and will do its duty up to the end when the
interests of the country demand it.


OPPOSITION PARTY'S STATEMENT.

_Following is an editorial article published Oct. 15, (28,) 1914, in
the Mir, the organ of the Nationalists, and signed by A. Bouroff,
ex-Minister and ex-Vice President of the Bulgarian Parliament, or
Sobranje._

The Government knows that the Bulgarian people will never forgive it,
should the Ministry let pass the present historical opportunity
without securing important advantages for Bulgaria.

These advantages the Government is endeavoring to obtain by keeping a
pro-Austro-German neutrality. In order not to disclose this policy,
the Government avoids a discussion with Austria and Germany. In order
to render service to Austria the Government is courting Turkey,
provoking Russia through its action and its press, avoids the
constitution of a council of State demanded by the opposition, and
objects to the formation of a Ministry in which all the political
parties were to be represented. Perhaps the Government would go even
further, but it is prevented from doing so, on one hand by Rumania,
who maintained a puzzling position, and the probable surprises that
her "friendly" Turkey has in store, and on the other by the explicit
and general unwillingness of the Bulgarian people to jeopardize its
existence through adventurous actions that are so contrary to its
national character and sentiments. The result of these contradictory
inclinations and influences is shown in our present political
weakness, which I am afraid will be fruitless in the end.

What is to be expected from this policy? In case of victory of the
Triple Entente, Bulgaria can hope for nothing good. If the Dual
Alliance is victorious we shall have certain compensations that to my
deep conviction will be far from satisfying our national aspirations.
The Austro-German alliance, first of all, will think of itself; that
is to say, to realize the greatest ideals of pan-Germanism, the
debouching of Austria in the Aegean Sea through Saloniki, which
necessarily comprises the occupation by Austria of all Macedonia west
of the Vardar. In the second place, Turkey will have to be compensated
and strengthened, as in the future her army will be a more obedient
organ in the hands of German diplomacy and more amenable than Slav
Bulgaria, whose troops, in the opinion of the most prominent German
papers, cannot fight the Russians, while Turkey at any time is ready
to serve Germany. But Turkey can be compensated in Europe only at the
expense of Bulgarian Thrace. To Bulgaria will be given, at most,
Istip, Kotchana, Radovich, Serres Drama, and Cavalla to make good the
losses in Thrace.

To obtain such a meagre result, the Government of Bulgaria maintains a
policy contrary to popular sentiment and to the racial bonds of the
people, and a policy contrary to the further interests of Bulgaria,
which are incompatible with the building up of a strong Turkey in the
Balkans, a Turkey that would be the bulwark of Germany. The most
essential part of it is that this policy is based on a most
improbable hypothesis, that is to say, the final triumph of the
Austro-German arms. If the Bulgarian Government had left prejudices to
one side and looked clearly at the events, they would not have been
slow to understand that from the moment England stepped into the war
and Italy abandoned her allies, the Austro-German alliance politically
lost the game. Each passing day diminishes more and more the hopes of
success of the Dual Alliance, and permits England and Russia to expand
their inexhaustible forces. It is not difficult to foresee from now
the terms of peace that England and Russia will impose. Any policy
which expects to profit from the defeat of these two powers is doomed
to failure, and because such is the policy of the Bulgarian
Government, we think that it is against the interests of the country.

This policy, among its other disadvantages, opens forever a gap
between little Bulgaria and great Russia, which power, even if
defeated, will never cease to play an active part in the Balkans.
Against this policy, which is risking much to obtain little, we
propose the policy of coming to an agreement with the Triple Entente,
on the basis of a Bulgarian neutrality favorable to it, which surely
and without sacrifices is expected to bring to us greatest results.
The only thing that the powers of the Triple Entente are demanding
from us is to open negotiations with them. This does not abolish our
neutrality, because other States, too, such as Italy, Rumania, Greece,
and Turkey, are negotiating at the present time.


BALKAN ALLIANCE OPPOSED.

_An editorial article which appeared in the Bulgarian paper Volja of
the Stamboulovist Party, on Dec. 20, 1914, appears below._

The question has been raised whether in reality negotiations are being
conducted between the Balkan States, that is to say, Bulgaria and
Servia, Greece and Bulgaria, Bulgaria and Rumania. How much of this is
true?

Such negotiations are not being conducted, neither do we believe that
it is possible for them to exist, because we do not know what our
neighbors demand from us. The only true part of this story is that the
powers of the Triple Entente are endeavoring to drag into the war
Greece, Bulgaria, and Rumania, a thing that would be not only
profitable to them, but even necessary for these same powers of the
Triple Entente.

And as long as Bulgaria is not any longer inhabited by imbeciles, who
will undertake once more a war for the promotion of the glory and the
interests of those who by every means endeavored to ruin us, these
powers are thinking today, being moved by some sentiment of humanity,
that certain concessions must be made to Bulgaria, but on condition of
military support.

And so far as concerns Servia, who only a few days ago was on the
brink of the precipice, and who, in a little while from now, will find
herself in a worse position, it is apparent that, without the
assistance of Bulgaria, her ruin will be certain. This, however, does
not prevent Servia as well as the Triple Entente from insisting on
giving us as little as possible, and then only after the Serbs have
taken Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Rumania and Greece desire an understanding for the sake of their
tranquillity. And it was said that Rumania is giving Dobrudja, but
Greece does not want even to hear of the cession of Cavalla Drama and
Serres, but, on the contrary, demands, in case Bulgaria gets Servian
Macedonia, to obtain for her (Greece's) account Doirani, Ghevgeli, and
Monastir. Greece and Rumania agree on one point--themselves to stay
out of the war, while inducing Bulgaria to fight.

But Bulgaria insists on getting compensation, not by war but by her
neutrality. The aspirations therefore of the interested States are
totally different, and, under such circumstances, no understanding is
possible. The object of the Triple Entente is clear. But this is no
concern of ours, nor of any of the other Balkan States, with the
exception of Servia.

Therefore, to speak plainly, the understanding will be possible only
when interests are taken into account. And on this basis some means to
an understanding with our neighbors will be found, whether they want
it or not.




THE TURK IN EGYPT'S EYES.

[Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.]


Cairo, Jan. 31, (Dispatch to The London Daily News.)--In order to
understand the bearing of the latest news upon Moslem opinion,
particularly in Cairo and Alexandria, it must be borne in mind that
Turkey still enjoys considerable military prestige here. Tens of
thousands of Egyptians continue to regard her one of the great powers.
They never believed the news of her defeat in the Balkans and the
reoccupation of Adrianople confirmed them in their skepticism. At the
same time, a secret German propaganda for some years before the war
did much to spread abroad the doctrine of German invincibility. It is
not to be wondered at, therefore, that a section of the population
holds entirely erroneous views as to the present balance of power and
requires unmistakable evidence of Turkish defeat to open their eyes.




Greece's Watchful Waiting

Grecian Neutrality Defined

[From the Athenae, Athens, July 23, (Aug. 3,) 1914.]


Yesterday at 10 A.M. the Council of Ministers met at the Premier's
house and took cognizance of a number of dispatches from the Hellenic
representatives of the Governments of the great powers relating to the
European war which has just begun. At 11 A.M. the Ministers went in a
body to the palace, where, under the Presidency of the King, a council
was held which discussed the position of Greece in the European
conflict. His Majesty, having listened to the Premier, who
communicated all the latest news regarding the situation, agreed on
all points as to the attitude of Greece in the Austro-Servian
conflict, which attitude would be one of absolute neutrality as long
as Bulgaria and Turkey remained neutral.

During this council the Chief of Staff of the army, Gen. v. Dousmanis,
was sent for, and he gave the Ministers some information of a military
character regarding the position of Greece. Gen. Dousmanis assured
them that the army was in excellent condition and that all preliminary
preparations for a mobilization were already taken.


FRENCH, GREEKS, AND GERMANS.

[_Editorial comment of the Athenae of Aug. 9 (Sept. 21)_]:

... In Greece there does not exist a discrimination between those who
love France and those who do not, because as a rule the entire nation
worships France. The Hellenic world, from the most uneducated citizen
to the one who represents all the development of intellect, worships
France.

It was always with admiration that the discerning Hellenic intellect
looked upon the French Nation, which is the leader in every progress.
French letters, French art, and French industry have found in Greece
sincere admirers and enthusiastic heralds. The French heroism, the
devotion that every Frenchman feels for the ideals of the fatherland,
the superiority of the French woman, whom certain malevolent writers
have so misrepresented to the world; the virtue of the French
housewife, the French mother, and the French patriot, have always been
splendid examples to those who are apt to think on the world's
progress. The birthplace of the forerunners of the modern social and
civic spirit and the mother of the most genuine philhellenism, the
France of Rabelais, Moliere and Voltaire and Beranger and Hugo has
always been an object of respectful sympathy for those in Greece who
are admirers of the beautiful, the liberal, and the ideal.

Every one of us knows that, if France has not been able to help
materialize the Greek's rightful aspirations, this is not due to lack
of good intentions on her part, but rather to the French compliance
with the interests of the Slav; and we know that France had to
cultivate those interests by her own wealth, and contrary to her
democratic principles, only in order to have an alliance against her
neighboring enemy, against whom she meditated revenge for a defeat and
the vindication of her subjugated children.

For the German people, this people of progress and civilization, which
has never aspired to a world hegemony by the subjugation of other
peoples, outside of the needs of their frontiers, Greece feels the
same admiration and sympathy. And when such French patriots as Jules
Huret and Georges Bourdon, in voluminous works, have cited the German
progress and German social civilization as an example to their own
country, it would be almost a reversal of logic if we outsiders were
to deny these things, at the sight of two friends who have come to
blows.

If there is anything that grieves the Greek soul, which has always
been used to appreciate virtue disinterestedly, it is the fratricidal
woe of two nations who ought to be, hand in hand, forerunners and
co-workers in the great enterprises of science and civilization!


PRIME MINISTRY'S ATTITUDE.

_Premier Venizelos set forth the Government's neutral policy in his
speech to Parliament on Sept. 15, (28,) 1914. A translation appears
below._

_After speaking of the Greco-Turkish relations and the efforts being
made at the time for the settlement of the outstanding questions of
the refugees and the Aegean Islands, Mr. Venizelos said:_

Unfortunately the labors of the new session are beginning amid the
clangor of the great European war. The Government has declared that
during this war Greece is to remain neutral, but at the same time it
did not conceal the fact that it has obligations toward one of the
belligerents, Servia, and that said obligation it was resolved to
fulfill faithfully should the _casus foederis_ arise.

Greece, however, wishes nothing more than that such an occasion should
not arise, as it desires that the conflagration which is gradually
enveloping Europe should not spread over the Balkans, whose peoples,
after two wars, so much need rest.

So far as it depends upon the initiative of Greece, every one may be
assured that the European conflagration will not spread in the Balkan
Peninsula. And if its other peoples are inspired by the same thoughts,
then we can feel sure that peace will be preserved in the Levant up to
the end of the war.

But even for the neutrals there are obligations. The position of the
neutrals is not so easy as one might think, and the Government has
endeavored and is still endeavoring to fulfill as perfectly as
possible the various obligations imposed by neutrality. I must
acknowledge at this time that my task has been rendered easier by
public opinion, which notwithstanding its sympathies, has done nothing
to hurt any one of the belligerents. I regret that I cannot say the
same as regards the press, because the press, not confining itself to
the expression of so many natural sentiments, has often indulged in
violent attacks against the belligerents, and especially at the time
when, owing to the peculiar psychological condition in which the
latter find themselves, every such attack touches them most deeply.
And I again entreat you, from this official tribune, to avoid any such
attack. I hope my advice will be more willingly complied with at this
time.

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