The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria

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Sacrifices and Votive Offerings.

The researches of Robertson Smith[1469] and of others have shown that
the oldest Semitic view of sacrifice was that of a meal, shared by the
worshipper with the deity to be honored or propitiated. Dependent as we
are in the case of the Babylonian-Assyrian religion for our knowledge of
sacrifices upon incidental references in historical or religious texts,
it is not possible to say how far the Semitic dwellers of the Euphrates
Valley were influenced by the primitive conception of sacrifice.
Historical and votive inscriptions and a religious literature
belong to a comparatively advanced stage of culture, and earlier views
of sacrifice that may have existed were necessarily modified in the
process of adaptation to later conditions. The organization of an
elaborate cult with priests and numerous temple servitors changes the
sacrifices into a means of income for the temple. The deity's
representatives receive the share originally intended for the deity
himself; and, instead of sanctifying the offering to a god by contact
with the sacred element fire, the temple accepts the offering for its
own use. It is likely, however, that among the Babylonians, as among the
Hebrews, certain parts of the animal which were not fit to eat[1470]
were burned as a symbolical homage to a god. No references have as yet
been found pointing to any special sanctity that was attached to the
blood; but it is eminently likely that the blood was regarded at all
times as the special property of the gods, and was poured on the altar.
The two kinds of sacrifice--animals and vegetable products--date from
the earliest period of the Babylonian religion of which we have any
knowledge. In a long list of offerings, Gudea[1471] includes oxen,
sheep, goats, lambs, fish, birds (as eagles, cranes,[1472] etc.), and
also such products as dates, milk, and greens. From other sources we may
add gazelles, date wine, butter, cream, honey, garlic, corn, herbs, oil,
spices, and incense. Stress is laid upon the quality of the
sacrifice.[1473] The animals must be without blemish, and if well
nurtured, they would be all the more pleasing in the sight of the gods.
The omission of dogs and swine is not accidental. Under that double
aspect of sanctity which we find among the Babylonians as among so many
nations, certain animals were too sacred to be offered, and, on the
other hand, they were regarded as unclean.[1474] In treating of the omen
texts we already had occasion to speak of the peculiar ideas attached to
the dog by the Babylonians,[1475] and there is sufficient evidence to
show that the boar likewise was viewed as a sacred animal, at least in
certain parts of Babylonia.[1476] No certain traces of human sacrifices
have been found, either in Babylonian literature or in artistic
representations.[1477] If the rite was ever practised among the
Babylonians or Assyrians it must have been at a very early
period--earlier than any of which we as yet have any knowledge. On the
other hand, a trace of some primitive form of tree worship may be
recognized in the representation, so frequent on seal cylinders and
monuments, of curious figures, in part human, in part animal, standing
in front of the palm tree.[1478] The symbol belongs to Assyria as well
as to Babylonia. In some of the designs the figures--human heads and
bodies but furnished with large wings--appear to be in the act of
artificially fertilizing the palm tree by scattering the male blossom
over the female palm. This plausible interpretation first suggested by
E. B. Tylor[1479] carries with it the conclusion that the importance of
palm culture in the Euphrates Valley not only gave the palm the
character of a sacred tree, but lent to the symbol a wider significance
to a more advanced age, as illustrating fertility and blessings in
general. The scene, reproduced in almost endless variations in which
both trees and figures become conventionalized, came to be regarded as a
symbol of adoration and worship in general. As such, it survived in
religious art and continued to be pictured on seal cylinders to a late
age.

The occasions on which sacrifices were brought were frequent. If the
gods were to be consulted for the purpose of obtaining an oracle,
elaborate offerings formed a necessary preliminary. In this case, the
animals presented at the altar served a double purpose.[1480] They
constituted a means of propitiating the god in favor of the petitioner,
and at the same time the inspection of certain parts of the animal
served as an omen in determining what was the will of the god appealed
to. When the foundations were to be laid for a temple or a palace, it
was especially important to secure the favor of the gods by suitable
offerings, and, similarly, when a canal was to be built or any other
work of a public character undertaken. Again, upon the dedication of a
sacred edifice or of a palace, or upon completing the work of
restoration of a temple, sheep and oxen in abundance were offered to the
gods, as well as various kinds of birds and the produce of the orchards
and fields. The Babylonian rulers appear to have accompanied their
sacrifices on such occasions with prayers, and in a previous chapter we
had occasion to discuss some of these dedicatory invocations.[1481] In
the Assyrian inscriptions, prayers are specifically referred to only as
being offered before setting out on an expedition, before a battle, or
when the kings find themselves in distress,[1482] so that if the
Babylonian custom likewise prevailed in Assyria, it did not form a
necessary part of the sacrificial ritual. The sacrifice as a pure homage
is illustrated by the zeal which the Assyrian kings manifest towards
honoring the great temples of the south. The northern rulers were
anxious at all times to reconcile the southern population to Assyrian
control, and it was no doubt gratifying to the south to find
Tiglathpileser II.,[1483] upon entering the ancient centers like Sippar,
Nippur, Babylon, Borsippa, Cuthah, Kish, Dilbat, and Erech, proceeding
to the temples in those places in order to offer his sacrifices. The
example of Tiglathpileser is followed by his successors down through the
time of Ashurbanabal. As often as the Assyrian monarchs may have had
occasion to proceed to Babylonia--and the occasions were frequent, owing
to the constant disposition of the south to throw off the hated
yoke--they emphasized their devotion to Marduk, Nabu, En-lil, Shamash,
and the other gods who had their seats in the south. Sargon[1484] goes
so far in this homage as to pose as the reorganizer of the cults of
Sippar, Nippur, Borsippa, and Babylon, and of restoring the income to
temples in other places.[1485] But there was another side to this homage
that must not be overlooked. By sacrificing in the Babylonian temples,
the Assyrian rulers indicated their political control over the south.
Such homage as they manifested was the exclusive privilege of legitimate
rulers, and it was important for the Assyrians to legitimize their
control over the south.

A phase of sacrifice is represented by the libations of oil and wine to
which frequent references are found in the historical texts. It appears
to have been customary to anoint the foundation stones of temples and
palaces with oil and wine. Over the thresholds, too, and over the
stones--bearing commemorative or votive inscriptions--libations of oil,
honey, and wine were poured.

Nebopolassar[1486] speaks of placing sweet herbs under the walls, and
Nabonnedos[1487] pours oil over the bolts and doors, as well as on the
thresholds of the Shamash temple at Sippar, and fills the temple with
the aroma of frankincense. Much importance was attached to this rite,
and the kings take frequent occasion to adjure their successors who may
in the course of restoring edifices come across stones bearing the
record of former builders, to anoint these stones with oil and offer
sacrifices.[1488] Thus, Nabonnedos,[1489] when he finds the inscription
of Ashurbanabal in the Shamash temple at Sippar, carefully obeys the
injunction. The rite bears all the marks of great antiquity. The
instances of its occurrence in the Old Testament--notably in the case of
Jacob's act of pouring oil over the holy stone at Bethel[1490]--confirm
this view; and the interpretation for the rite suggested by Robertson
Smith[1491] that the oil was originally the fat of the sacrificed animal
smeared over an object or a person, as a means of investing them with
sanctity, accounts satisfactorily for the invariable juxtaposition in
the cuneiform texts of sacrificial offerings with the anointing of the
inscribed stones.

We have no evidence that the rulers of Babylonia and Assyria were
anointed with oil on their installation, though it is not improbable
that such was the case. The use of the oil in this case is but a
modification of the same rite, which, it is to be noted, loses some of
its ancient force by the spread of the custom in the Orient of unguents
as a part of the toilet.[1492] The use of odorous herbs, which, we have
seen, were placed under the walls, and of honey and wine, which were
poured over bolts,[1493] is also directly connected with the sacrificial
cult.

The libation in its purer form appears in the custom of the Assyrian
kings of pouring wine over the animal slain by them in the hunt. The act
is intended to secure divine favor towards a deed which involved the
destruction of something that by all ancient nations was held sacred,
namely, life. Even a despot of Assyria felt that to wantonly destroy
life could not be safely undertaken without making sure of the consent
of the gods. Significantly enough, Ashurbanabal offers his libations
after the lion or bull hunts to Ishtar as the "goddess of battle."[1494]
The animal is sanctified by being devoted to a goddess, just as the
victims in a battle constitute the conqueror's homage offered to the
gods who came to his assistance.

Sacrifices with libations are so frequently represented on the seal
cylinder that this testimony alone would suffice to vouch for the
importance attached to this rite in the cult. One of the most archaic
specimens of Babylonian art[1495] represents a worshipper, entirely
naked, pouring a libation into a large cup which stands on an altar.
Behind the altar sits a goddess who is probably A or Malkatu, the
consort of the sun-god. The naked worshipper is by no means an uncommon
figure in the early Babylonian art,[1496] and it would appear that at
one time it was customary to remove one's garments preliminary to
stepping into the god's presence, just as among the Arabs the cult of
the Caaba in Mecca was conducted by the worshippers at an early period
without their clothes.[1497] The custom so frequently referred to in the
Old Testament to remove one's shoes upon entering sacred territory,--a
custom still observed by the modern Muslim, who leaves his shoes outside
of the Mosque,--may be regarded as an indication that at an earlier
period people removed their garments as well as the sandals. It may be
that the order to take off the sandal alone, as recorded in the Old
Testament, is nothing but a euphemistic phrase (suggested by a more
refined age) to strip oneself. Certainly, when we find that in the days
of Saul, the seers went about naked, there can no longer be any doubt
that there was a time when the Hebrews, too, like the Arabs and
Babylonians, entered the holy presence naked.

The institution of daily sacrifices is vouched for in the case of the
larger religious centers like Babylonia, Borsippa, Sippar, Cuthah, as
well as Nineveh for the late periods. Nebuchadnezzar, for example, tells
us[1498] that he provided for a sacrifice of six lambs daily in the
temple E-shidlam at Cuthah, sacred to Nergal and Laz; while for Nabu's
temple at Borsippa, the daily sacrifices were arranged on a still larger
scale, and included two fattened bulls of perfect form, sixteen smaller
animals, besides offerings of fish, birds, leek, various kinds of wine,
honey, cream, and the finest oil,--all intended, as the king tells us,
for the table of Nabu and his consort. No doubt the daily official
sacrifices at Marduk's temple were even more elaborate. The custom of
regular sacrifices in the larger temples may be traced back to an early
period. The technical terms for such sacrifices are _sattuku_ and
_ginu_. Both terms convey the idea of being "fixed," perpetual,[1499]
and suggest a comparison with the Pentateuchal institution of the
_tamid_,[1500] _i.e._, the daily sacrifice. Whenever the kings in their
inscriptions mention the regular sacrifices, it is in almost all cases
with reference to their reinstitution of an old custom that had been
allowed to fall into neglect (owing to political disturbances which
always affected the temples), and not as an innovation. Innovations were
limited to increasing the amounts of these regular sacrifices. So, for
example, Nabubaliddin restores and increases the _gine_ of the great
temple E-babbara at Sippar.[1501] But regular sacrifices do not
necessarily involve daily offerings. The same terms, _ginu_ and
_sattuku_, are applied frequently to monthly offerings, and except in
the large religious centers, regular sacrifices were in all
probabilities brought on certain days of each month, and not daily. The
days thus singled out, as will be shown further on, differed for various
sanctuaries. It would be important if we could determine the share in
these regular sacrifices taken by the people at large, but the material
at hand does not suffice for settling the question. There are frequent
references to tithes in the clay tablets forming part of the archives of
temples, and monthly tributes are also mentioned. We certainly may
conclude from these references that the people were taxed in some way
for the support of the temples. Ashurbanabal in one place speaks of
reimposing upon the population of the south the provision for the
_sattuku_ and _ginu_ due to Ashur and Belit[1502] and the gods of
Assyria; but, for all that, it is not certain that the regular
sacrifices at the temples partook of a popular character. One gains the
impression that, except on the occasions when the people came to the
sanctuaries for individual purposes, the masses as such had but
comparatively little share in it. In this respect the cult of the
Hebrews, which has so many points in common with the Babylonian ritual
as to justify the hypothesis that the details of sacrificial regulations
in the priestly code are largely derived from practices in Babylonian
temples, was more democratic. Closely attached as the Babylonians were
to their sanctuaries, the regular sacrifices do not appear to have been
an active factor in maintaining this attachment. A more decidedly
popular character is apparent in the votive offerings made to the
temples. These offerings cover a wide range. Rulers and people alike
felt prompted to make gifts to the sanctuaries on special occasions,
either as a direct homage to the gods or with the avowed purpose and
hope of securing divine favor or divine intercession.

The statues of themselves which the rulers from the days of Gudea[1503]
on were fond of erecting were dedicated by them as offerings to the
gods, and this avowed aim tempers, in a measure, the vanity which no
doubt was the mainspring of their action. The statues were placed in the
temples, and from Gudea[1504] we learn of the elaborate ceremonies
connected with the dedication of one of the king's colossal blocks of
diorite. For seven days all manual labor was interrupted in Lagash.
Masters and slaves shared in the festivities. The temple of Nin-girsu is
sanctified anew by purification rites, and the statue is formally
presented to the god amidst sacrifices and offerings of rich gifts. The
account given in the Book of Daniel[1505] of the dedication of
Nebuchadnezzar's statue may be regarded as an equally authentic picture
of a custom that survived to the closing days of the Babylonian
monarchy, except that we have no proof that divine honors were paid to
these statues.[1506] The front, sides, and back of Gudea's images were
covered with inscriptions, partly of a commemorative character, but in
part, also, conveying a dedication to Nin-girsu. Similarly, the steles
of the Assyrian kings, set up by them either in the temples or on the
highways beyond the confines of Assyria, and which had images of the
rulers sculptured on them in high relief, were covered with
inscriptions, devoted primarily to celebrating the deeds of the kings;
but, since the victories of the armies were ascribed to the assistance
furnished by the gods, an homage to Ashur or some other deity was
involved in the recital. That the gods were accorded a minor share of
the glory was but in keeping with the pride of the Assyrian rulers, who
were less affected than the rulers of the south by the votive character
of the statues.

Both Babylonians and Assyrians, however, unite in making images of the
gods as a distinct homage, and in giving elaborate presents of gold,
silver, precious stones, costly woods, and garments to the sanctuaries
as votive offerings to the gods. These presents were used in the
decoration of temples and shrines, as well as of the statues of the gods
or as direct contributions to the temple treasury. Celebrations of
victories were chosen as particularly appropriate occasions for making
such votive offerings. So Agumkakrimi, upon bringing back to E-Sagila
the statues of Marduk and Sarpanitum that had been taken away by
ruthless hands, bestows rich gifts upon the temples and describes[1507]
at great length the costly garments embroidered with gold and studded
with precious stones that were hung on Marduk and his consort. Equally
vivid is the description of the high, conical-shaped caps, made of lapis
lazuli and gold, and decorated, furthermore, with various kinds of
stones, that were placed on the heads of the deities. Garments for the
statues of the gods appear to have been favorite votive offerings at all
times. Nabubaliddin, in restoring the cult of Shamash at Sippar, makes
provisions for an elaborate outfit of garments,[1508] specifying
different garments for various periods of the year. It would appear from
this that for the various festive occasions of the year, the garments of
the gods were changed, much as in other religions--including the
Catholic Church--the officiating priests are robed in different garments
on the various festive or solemn occasions.

Votive tablets or discs of lapis lazuli, agate, turquoise, gold, silver,
copper, antimony, and other metals with dedicatory inscriptions were
deposited in the temples. What particular purpose they served we do not
know. As a specimen of the more common formula on these tablets, a lapis
lazuli tablet of Nippur may be chosen. It is offered by a Cassite king,
and reads[1509] as follows:

To Bel
His lord
Kadashman-Turgu
For his life
Presented.

A knob-shaped object[1510] of fine limestone contains a dedication in
similar phrases to Marduk. It is offered by Bel-epush, who is probably
identical with a Babylonian ruler of this name in the seventh
century,--a contemporary of Sennacherib:[1511]

To Marduk, his lord
Bel-epush for the preservation of his life
Made and presented.

Kings, however, do not appear to be the only ones for whom these votive
offerings were prepared. A dedication to a personage otherwise unknown
and to all appearances a layman reads:[1512]

To Ea,[1513] his lord, Bel-zir,
Son of Ea-Ban,
For the preservation of his life
Made and presented.

The formulas are thus seen to be conventional ones, though occasionally
the inscription is somewhat longer. So, for example, Nazi-Maruttash,
another Cassite king, puts a little prayer on a votive offering:

[To Bel, his lord]
Nazi-Maruttash,
Son of Kurigalzu,
To hearken to his supplication,
To be favorable to his prayer,
To accept his entreaty,
To lengthen his days,
[He made and presented].

This inscription appears, as Dr. Hilprecht informs us,[1514] on an ax
made of imitation lapis lazuli.[1515] Other votive inscriptions are
found on rings and on knobs of ivory or magnesite.[1516] These various
designs no doubt all had some symbolical significance. The ring suggests
some ultimate connection between votive offerings and amulets. The seal
cylinders, we know, although put to practical use in impressing the
design on a clay tablet as a substitute for a personal signature, were
also regarded as amulets, and this accounts for the frequency with which
scenes of religious worship were introduced as designs on the cylinders.
The ring is distinctly an amulet in Babylonia as elsewhere, and hence it
is by no means improbable that the custom of carrying little inscribed
tablets, discs, or knobs about the person as a protection against
mischances preceded the use of such tablets as votive offerings to be
placed in a temple.

A very common votive object in Babylonia, especially in the earlier
period, was the clay cone. Such cones were found in large numbers at
Lagash, while at Nippur Peters came across what may be safely regarded
as a magazine where such cones (and other votive objects) were
manufactured in large numbers.[1517] The cones of Gudea bear
conventional inscriptions of a votive character addressed to Nin-girsu.
In other temples, other gods were similarly remembered. It has been
customary to regard these cones as phallic symbols;[1518] but it should
be noted that not only is the evidence for this lacking, but that what
we know of the popular practices of the Babylonians does not warrant us
in assuming any widespread phallic symbolism. The point of the cones
suggests rather that the objects were intended to be stuck into the
ground or into walls. At Lagash De Sarzec found, besides cones, a large
number of copper statuettes[1519] of gods and goddesses and of
animals,--chiefly bulls,--all terminating in a sharp point or attached
to a cone-shaped object. Others again are clearly human figures, either
male personages holding the cone in their hands,[1520] or females
holding baskets on their heads,--the customary attitude of making an
offering. These curious statuettes frequently bear inscriptions of a
votive character, and there can be no doubt that they were used to be
stuck into some substance. At one place, De Sarzec found a series set up
in concentric circles[1521] in the corners of an edifice and under the
floor. Heuzey is of the opinion that these statuettes thus arranged were
to serve as a warning for the demons, but it is more in keeping with the
general character of the Babylonian religion to look upon these objects
simply as votive offerings placed at various parts of a building as a
means of securing the favor of the gods. The cone, I venture to think,
is merely the conventionalized shape of a votive object originally
intended to be stuck into some part of a sacred building. The large
quantity of cones that have been found at Lagash, Nippur, and elsewhere
is an indication of their popular use. It is not improbable that at one
time, and, at all events, in certain temples, the cones and statuettes
represented the common votive offerings with which worshippers provided
themselves upon entering the sacred precinct. To facilitate the
reproduction of the statuettes, moulds were used,--another indication of
the widespread use of these objects. Clay figures of gods and goddesses
were also made in moulds or modelled by hand and served as votive
offerings. At Nippur, the images represent chiefly Bel and Belit,[1522]
either separately or in combination; but figurines of Ishtar have also
been found.[1523] In some the goddess is represented as suckling a
child. Often she is pictured as naked, clasping her breasts or her womb.
The attitude which was suggested by the character of the goddess as the
promoter of fertility appears to have been too obscene to a more refined
age, and, accordingly, we find in later times the sexual parts
suppressed or the figure properly clothed. The character of these
figurines varied naturally with each religious center, and even in the
same center modifications were introduced.

Whether these clay figurines, cones, and metallic statuettes were also
placed by individuals in their dwellings, like the "plague"
tablets,[1524] we cannot as yet definitely say, but it is more than
likely that such was the case. The _teraphim_ familiar to us from the
references in the Old Testament,[1525] and evidently used as talismans,
belong to the class of votive offerings under consideration. The
figurines and cones, and also (though to a smaller degree) the copper
statuettes, thus introduce us to the popular phases of the cult. As
symbols of homage they appear to have survived to a late period, and
their use as talismans did not materially affect their character as
offerings, made by the people upon seeking the sanctuaries. The more
costly objects, as vases,[1526] artistically worked weapons, handsome
"seas" bowls, altars, and statues of the gods and other furniture for
the temples were left to the rulers. Such offerings were made with great
pomp. They were formally dedicated by large processions of priests, with
the accompaniment of hymns and music. The kings of Assyria presented the
captured gods as votive gifts pleasing to their deity.[1527] They bring
back with them from their campaigns the beams of the edifices that they
destroyed and offer them to Ishtar.[1528] Upon coming to Babylonia, they
do not fail to bring presents of gold, silver, precious stones, copper,
iron, purple, precious garments, and scented woods to Marduk and
Sarpanitum, to Nabu and Tashmitum, and the other great gods.[1529] The
first fruits of extensive groves are offered by Ashurnasirbal to Ashur
and the temples of his land.[1530] The rulers of Assyria vie with the
kings of Babylonia in presenting gardens[1531] and lands to the gods as
votive offerings; but for all that, in ancient Babylonia and Assyria, as
among other peoples of antiquity, the more fervent religious spirit was
manifested in the small tokens of the masses, whose attachment to the
temples was of a different order from that which prompted the rulers of
the north and south to a display, in which vanity and the desire to
manifest their power play a larger part as one generation succeeds the
other.