The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria

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[866] Heuzey, _Sceaux inedits des Rois d'Agade_ (_Revue d'Assyriologie_,
iv. 3, p. 9).

[867] See above, p. 448.

[868] _Anu_ here used in the generic sense of 'lofty,' 'divine.' The
phrase is equivalent to the Biblical 'image of God.'

[869] A phrase in some way again indicative of Eabani's likeness to a
deity.

[870] That Gilgamesh undertakes this, and not the gods acting in the
interest of Uruk (as Jeremias and others assume), follows from a passage
in Haupt's edition, pp. 10, 40.

[871] Eabani.

[872] Identical with our own word "harem."

[873] Perhaps "ensnarer."

[874] So in the "Dibbarra" legend. See p. 531 and Delitzsch,
_Handwoerterbuch_, p. 41.

[875] Sixth tablet, ll. 184, 185.

[876] Book 1. Sec.Sec. 181, 182, 199.

[877] See Jeremias' _Izdubar-Nimrod_, pp. 59, 60; Nikel, _Herodot und
die Keilschriftforschung_, pp. 84-86.

[878] The protest of the Pentateuch (Deut. xxiii. 18) against the
_K'desha_, as also against the 'male devotee' (_Kadesh_), shows the
continued popularity of the rites.

[879] It is to be noted that in the Yahwistic narrative, Adam is in
close communication with the animals about him (Gen. ii. 20). It is
tempting also to connect the Hebrew form of Eve, _Khauwa_ (or _Khauwat_)
in some way with Ukhat, not etymologically of course, but as suggestive
of a dependence of one upon the other,--the Hebrew upon the Babylonian
term. Professor Stade (_Zeits. f. Alttest. Wiss._, 1897, p. 210)
commenting upon Gen. ii. 20, points out that Yahwe's motive for asking
Adam to name the animals was the hope that he would find a 'helpmate'
among them. In the light of the Babylonian story of Eabani living with
animals, Stade's suggestion receives a striking illustration.

[880] See Trumbull, _The Threshold Covenant_, p. 239.

[881] _Kharimtu_. In Arabic the word is likewise used for 'woman' in
general.

[882] The temple at Uruk is meant.

[883] Jeremias translates 'seeks a friend,' and refers the words to
Gilgamesh, but there is nothing in the narrative to justify us in
assuming that Eabani was thinking of the hero.

[884] It is used as a synonym of _tappu_ 'associate,' Delitzsch,
_Handwoerterbuch_, p. 10. Ideographically, it is composed of two
elements, 'strength' and 'acquire.' 'Companion in arms' is the
fellowship originally meant.

[885] The Hebrew verb (Gen. ii. 22) expresses sexual union and precisely
the same verb is used in the cuneiform narrative when Eabani comes to
Ukhat (Haupt's edition, p. 11, l. 21).

[886] We can still distinguish (Haupt, 12, 47) 'I will fetch him.'
Jeremias' rendering, "I will fight with him," is erroneous.

[887] Haupt, 13, 7-8.

[888] Cf. Gen. iii. 5 and 21.

[889] The text of the following lines restored by combining Haupt, p.
13, with a supplementary fragment published by Jeremias'
_Izdubar-Nimrod_, pl. 3.

[890] _I.e._, he will be told about thy dream through the wisdom given
to him.

[891] See, _e.g._, Jeremias' _Izdubar-Nimrod_, p. 21.

[892] So, _e.g._, Hommel (_Altisraelitische Ueberlieferung_, p. 35). He
is certainly not a native of Babylonia.

[893] Gilgamesh.

[894] Haupt, p. 26.

[895] A city Ganganna is mentioned in the first tablet (Haupt, pp. 51,
6).

[896] So Haupt, _Beitraege zur Assyriologie_, i. 112.

[897] _I.e._, again and again.

[898] This is the general sense of the three terms used.

[899] _I.e._, an army's march of fourteen hours. See pp. 490, 503, 521.

[900] The same word appears in incantation texts as a term for a class
of demons.

[901] See, _e.g._, Jeremias' _Izdubar-Nimrod_, p. 26.

[902] _I.e._, to the bull.

[903] Chapter XXV.

[904] Ez. viii. 14.

[905] See above, p. 475.

[906] See p. 267.

[907] See above, p. 234.

[908] Trumbull, _The Threshold Covenant_, chapter vii.

[909] See p. 536.

[910] Or as a third dream. It will be recalled that in a previous
portion of the epic (p. 481), Gilgamesh has three dreams in succession.

[911] Haupt, pp. 45, 53.

[912] Attitude of despair.

[913] _I.e._, 'offspring of life.' I adopt Delitzsch's reading of the
name. Zimmern and Jensen prefer _Sitnapishtim_, but see Haupt's remarks
on the objections to this reading in Schrader, _Keilinschriften und das
Alte Testament_ (3d edition) _a. l._ At the recent Eleventh
International Congress of Orientalists, Scheil presented a tablet
dealing with the deluge narrative. If his reading is correct, the
evidence would be final for the form Pirnapishtim, formerly proposed by
Zimmern (_Babylonische Busspsalmen_, p. 26). See p. 507, note 1.

[914] "Client of Marduk." The name Marduk appears here under the
ideographic designation _Tutu_. The identification with Marduk may be
due to later traditions.

[915] Jeremias' suggestion (_Indubar-Nimrod_, p. 18) that the fight with
the lion belongs to the first tablet, where mention is made of a wild
animal of some kind, is not acceptable.

[916] _I.e._, inner side.

[917] The name of the cave underneath the earth where the dead dwell.

[918] See above, p. 443.

[919] See, _e.g._, Jeremias' _Izdubar-Nimrod_, p. 28.

[920] See the passages in Delitzsch, _Wo Lag das Paradies_, pp. 242,
243.

[921] See above, p. 39, and Hommel's full discussion, _Altisraelitische
Ueberlieferung_, chapter iii.

[922] Hommel (_Altisraelitische Ueberlieferung_, pp. 35, 37) suggests a
migration of Cassites from Elam to Eastern Africa.

[923] Haupt, pp. 12, 67.

[924] Attitude of despair.

[925] _I.e._ 'servant of Ea.' The reading Ardi-Ea is preferable to
Arad-Ea.

[926] Lit., 'sailor.'

[927] See above, p. 443.

[928] Haupt, pp. 64, 36; 65, 1.

[929] _Altisraelitische Ueberlieferung_, p. 35.

[930] _Tum_ is the feminine ending.

[931] A large measure.

[932] Of the week? Hommel and others interpret that Gilgamesh
accomplishes the 'forty-five days' journey' in three days.

[933] This I take to be the meaning of the numbers introduced at this
point.

[934] The text is badly mutilated.

[935] There is no limit to the rule of death. Death alone is 'immortal.'

[936] As Haupt correctly interprets.

[937] This appears to be the sense of this rather obscure line.

[938] Read [sir-la]-am?

[939] See below, p. 507.

[940] The restored text in Haupt's edition of the _Nimrodepos_, pp.
134-149.

[941] Zimmern ingeniously suggests _la bir_, "not pure," instead of the
rendering 'old.'

[942] Isaiah i. 1.

[943] See Jensen's remarks, _Kosmologie_, p. 387. There is no reference
to Shurippak in IIR. 46, 1, as Haupt has shown (see his note in the 3rd
edition of Schrader's _Keilinscriften und das Alte Testament_).

[944] Gen. xix.

[945] Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam_, _sub_ "Ad" and "Salih".

[946] See above, p. 488, note 2.

[947] Lit., 'construct a house'; house is used for any kind of structure
in general.

[948] _I.e._, let your property go and save your family.

[949] See above, p. 53.

[950] L. 45.

[951] Jensen, _Kosmologie_, p. 368; Jeremias, _Izdubar-Nimrod_, p. 37.

[952] See above, p. 496, note 6.

[953] Or decks (so Haupt).

[954] Of each story or deck.

[955] Poles are used to this day to propel the crafts on the Euphrates.

[956] The largest measure.

[957] The same word (_kupru_) is used as in Gen. vi. 14.

[958] Some part of the outside of the structure is designated.

[959] Haupt translates "Sesammeth."

[960] "Puzur" signifies 'hidden,' 'protected.' "Shadu rabu," _i.e._,
'great mountain,' is a title of Bel and of other gods (see above, pp. 56
and 278). Here, probably, Shamash is meant.

[961] Lit. 'great house' or 'palace.'

[962] _I.e._, 'king,' frequently found as a title of Marduk in
astronomical texts (Jensen, _Kosmologie_, p. 145).

[963] The god of war and pestilence.

[964] "Tar-gul-le," some mischievous forces.

[965] The highest part of heaven.

[966] _I.e._, has been destroyed.

[967] Lit., 'spoken' or 'ordered.'

[968] Lit., 'my mankind.'

[969] _I.e._, Mankind.

[970] From which they were made. See pp. 448 and 511.

[971] See p. 482, note 4.

[972] Haupt and Delitzsch render _ikkal_, 'ate,' as though from _akalu_,
but this is hardly in place. I take the stem of the word to be _nakalu_.

[973] To have a share in it.

[974] Jensen and Haupt translate "inconsiderately," but this rendering
misses the point.

[975] Lit., 'my humanity.'

[976] Not destroy it altogether.

[977] Lit. 'the god Dibbarra.'

[978] _I.e._, the 'very clever' or 'very pious,' an epithet given to
Parnapishtim. The inverted form, _Khasis-adra_, was distorted into
_Xisusthros_, which appears in the writers dependent upon Berosus as the
name of the hero of the Babylonian deluge. See, _e.g._, Cory's _Ancient
Fragments_, pp. 52, 54, 60, etc. The epithet appears also in the Legend
of Etana (pp. 523, 524), where it is applied to a 'wise' young eagle.

[979] _I.e._, mortal.

[980] _I.e._, immortal. _Cf._ Gen. iii. 22.

[981] _Wo Lag das Paradies_ (_Ueber Land und Meer_, 1894-95, no. 15).

[982] The Hebrew account, it must be remembered, consists of two
narratives dovetailed into one another. According to the one
version--the Yahwistic--the rainstorm continued for forty days and forty
nights; according to the other--the priestly narrative--one hundred and
fifty days pass before the waters began to diminish and a year elapses
before Noah leaves the ark. The Yahwistic narrative lays stress upon the
ritualistic distinction of clean and unclean animals, but on the whole,
the Yahwistic version approaches closer to the Babylonian tale. Evidence
has now been furnished that among the Babylonians, too, more than one
version of the tradition existed. At the Eleventh International Congress
of Orientalists (September, 1897), Scheil presented a tablet, dating
from the days of Hammurabi, in which the story of a deluge is narrated
in a manner quite different from the Gilgamesh epic. The tablet also
furnishes the phonetic reading _pi-ir_, and Scheil is of the opinion
that these two syllables form the first element in the name of the hero.
Unfortunately, the tablet is badly mutilated at this point, so that the
question of the reading is not absolutely certain. See p. 488, note 2.
[The reading Ut-napishtim is now generally adopted.]

[983] Gen. xix.

[984] Note the phrase in Gen. xix. 31, "there is no one on earth," and
see Pietschman, _Geschichte der Phonizier_, p. 115.

[985] That the story was current as early as Hammurabi is now
established by Scheil's fragment (see note 2 on preceding page).

[986] The word used is _tu_ which means a charm or incantation in
general.

[987] Made of the charm root.

[988] Gilgamesh.

[989] _I.e._, 'old age,' the name given to some plant of magic power.

[990] _Tu._

[991] Lit., 'good.'

[992] _Utukku_--the name, it will be recalled, given to a class of
demons. See p. 260.

[993] See p. 518.

[994] Haupt, _Beitraege zur Assyriologie_, i. 318, 319, has made it
plausible that pp. 16-19 of his edition belong to the twelfth tablet of
the epic, though perhaps to a different edition of the epic, as Jeremias
suggests (_Izdubar-Nimrod_, p. 43).

[995] See above, p. 474.

[996] Haupt's edition, pp. 67, 12.

[997] Lit., 'thou hast seen it, I have seen it.'

[998] Text defective. Jeremias conjectures "kneeling."

[999] _Ekimmu_, another name for a class of demons. See p. 260.

[1000] The correct translation of these lines we owe to Haupt (_Beitraege
zur Assyriologie_, i. 69, 70).

[1001] The reference to the killing of a panther in the tenth tablet
(Haupt, p. 71, 6) is too obscure to be taken into consideration.
Gilgamesh's fight with a 'buffalo' (so Ward, "Babylonian Gods in
Babylonian Art," _Proc. Amer. Or. Soc._, May, 1890, p. xv) is pictured
on seal cylinders. No doubt, various deeds of Gilgamesh were recounted
in the missing portions of the epic, and it is also quite likely that
besides the stories in the epic, others were current of Gilgamesh to
which a literary form was never given.

[1002] The Parnapishtim episode passed on to the Arabs, where the hero
of the deluge appears under the name of Khadir--a corruption of
Adra-Khasis. See Lidzbarski, "Wer ist Chadir?" _Zeits. f. Assyr._ vii.
109-112, who also suggests that Ahasverus, 'the Wandering Jew,' is a
corruption of Adrakhasis.

[1003] It will be recalled that Nimrod is termed a 'mighty hunter'
(_saeid_). This suggests a comparison with Sadu, 'the hunter,' in the
Gilgamesh epic. See above, p. 475.

[1004] Originally suggested by H. C. Rawlinson.

[1005] The ending _on_ is an emphatic affix--frequent in proper names.

[1006] _Euripides' Herakles_, Einleitung.

[1007] On this subject see the Introduction to Berard's _De l'origine
des cultes Arcadiens_, and for a further discussion of the relationships
between Izdubar and Hercules, see Jeremias' _Izdubar-Nimrod_, pp. 70-73,
or his article in Roscher's _Ausfuehrliches Lexicon der Griechischen und
Roemischen Mythologie_, ii. 821-823.

[1008] Meissner, _Alexander und Gilgamos_ (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 13-17.

[1009] In the Greek and other versions, the mountain Musas or Masis is
mentioned,--that is, _Mashu_, as in the Gilgamesh epic. See p. 488.

[1010] See especially Budge, _The Life and Exploits of Alexander the
Great_ (London, Introduction, 1896); Noeldeke, _Beitraege zur Geschichte
des Alexander-Romans_ (Vienna, 1890) and Gaster, _An Old Hebrew Romance
of Alexander_ (_Journal Royal Asiat. Soc._, 1897, pp. 485-498).

CHAPTER XXIV.

MYTHS AND LEGENDS.

Not many years ago the impression appeared to be well founded that the
Semites were poor in the production of myths and legends as compared,
for example, to the Hindus or Greeks. The religious literature of the
Babylonians, originating undoubtedly with the Semitic inhabitants of the
Euphrates Valley, reverses the impression. The 'creation' and
'Gilgamesh' epics suffice, not merely for what they contain, but for
what they imply, to accord to Babylonian mythology a high rank; but in
addition to these epics we have a large number of tales of gods,
demigods, demons, and spirits that illustrate the capacity of the
Babylonians for the production of myths. Indeed, there is no longer any
reason for doubting that the Babylonian mythology exercised considerable
influence upon that of the Greeks. Further discoveries and researches
may show that distant India also felt at an early period the
intellectual stimulus emanating from the Euphrates Valley. At all
events, many of the features found in Babylonian myths and legends bear
so striking a resemblance to those occurring in lands lying to the east
and west of Babylonia, that a study of Aryan mythology is sadly
deficient which does not take into account the material furnished by
cuneiform literature. How extensive the Babylonian mythology was must
remain for the present a matter of conjecture, but it is easier to err
on the side of underestimation than on the side of exaggeration. If it
be remembered that by far the smaller portion only of Ashurbanabal's
library has been recovered, and that of the various literary collections
that were gathered in the religious centers of the south, scarcely
anything has as yet been found, it is certainly remarkable that we
should be in possession of an elaborate tale of a demi-god, Etana, of an
extensive legend recounting the deeds of the war and plague-god
Dibbarra, and of two genuine storm myths, while the indications in Dr.
Bezold's catalogue of the Kouyunjik collection justify us in adding to
the list several other myths and legends, among the still unpublished
tablets of the British Museum.[1011] These myths and legends have a
twofold value for us, a direct value because of the popular religious
ideas contained in them, and an indirect value by virtue of the
interpretation given to these ideas by the compilers. In the literary
form that the popular productions received, the influence of those who
guided the religious thought into its proper channels is to be clearly
seen.

The Etana Legend.

It will be recalled that we came across a hero Etana in the Gilgamesh
epic.[1012] The name of the hero is Semitic, and signifies
'strong.'[1013] An identical name appears in the Old Testament,[1014]
and it is possible that the Babylonian Etana represents, like Gilgamesh,
some ancient historical person of whom a dim tradition has survived
among other nations besides the Babylonians. The deeds recounted of him,
however, place the hero entirely in the domain of myth. His patron is
Shamash, the sun-god, and in popular tradition he becomes a member of
the pantheon of the nether world.

In the portions of the Etana legend preserved,[1015] two episodes are
detailed in the hero's career, one regarding the birth of a son, the
other a miraculous journey. The former episode justifies the assumption
of a historical starting-point for the legend of Etana.[1016] Among many
nations the birth of a hero or of a hero's son is pictured as taking
place under great difficulties. Etana's wife is in distress because she
is unable to bring to the world a child which she has conceived. Etana
appeals to Shamash. Through the mediation of the priests he has offered
sacrifices, and he now prays to Shamash to show him the "plant of
birth."

The oracles[1017] have completed my sacrifices,
They have completed my free-will offerings to the gods.
O Lord, let thy mouth command,
And give me the plant of birth,
Reveal to me the plant of birth,
Bring forth the fruit, grant me an offspring.

Of Shamash's reply only one line is preserved intact, in which he tells
Etana:

Take the road, ascend the mountain.

It is presumably upon the mountain that the plant grows whose magical
power will insure the happy delivery of the expected offspring. Harper
calls attention to a remarkable parallel to this incident which is found
in the Armenian and Mandaean legends of the birth of Rustem, the son of
Sal. The latter's wife is unable to deliver her child because of its
size. Sal, who was reared by an eagle, has in his possession a pinion of
the eagle, by means of which he can, when in distress, invoke the
presence of the bird. The father throws the pinion into the fire, and
the eagle appears. The latter gives the mother a medicinal potion, and
the child is cut out of the womb. Etana, like Rustem, is accompanied by
an eagle, and it would appear that the eagle aids Etana in obtaining the
plant.[1018] The eagle, in many mythologies, is a symbol of the sun, and
it is plausible to conclude that the bird is sent to Etana at the
instigation of Shamash. Who the son is that Etana expects we are not
told, and naturally from a single episode like this--and one so
fragmentarily preserved--no safe conclusions may be drawn. But the epic
(if we may apply this term) must have recounted some achievements of
Etana, and as the 'strong' one, his deeds must have borne some
resemblance to those of Gilgamesh. The birth of the son, it is
furthermore fair to presume, took place towards the end of Etana's
career, when his own life was drawing to a close. If a fragment[1019] of
the tale were only better preserved, we would have an episode of Etana's
earlier career. But such is the condition of this fragment that, at the
most, it can be said that Etana is engaged in some conflict against a
city, in which Ishtar, Bel, the Anunnaki, the Igigi, and some minor
gods, as En-ninna, Sibittum, are involved. The Etana series, as we learn
from the colophon to this fragment, was known by a designation in which
a city[1020] occurs, and it may be that this is the city against which
Etana, aided by the gods, proceeds. Leaving this aside, it is fortunate
that we have at least another episode in Etana's career which enables us
to establish the connecting link between the hero as an historical
personage and as a god or demi-god. As Gilgamesh offers an insult to
Ishtar, so Etana encounters the ill-will of the great goddess, though
through no direct offense. The eagle tempts Etana to mount with him into
the upper regions. Etana is represented as giving, in part, an account
of this adventure, in the first person. The gates of the upper regions
are opened, and Etana is terrified at the majestic sight which greets
him. He sees a throne, and throws himself on his countenance in terror.
The gates are significantly designated as the gate of Anu, Bel, and Ea,
and the gate of Sin, Shamash, Ramman, and Ishtar. The introduction of
the two classes of the theological triads[1021] reveals the influence of
a scholastic elaboration of some popular myth. The eagle reassures
Etana, and addresses him as follows:

My friend lift up (?) [thy countenance],
Come and let me carry thee to the heaven [of Anu].
On my breast place thy breast,
On my pinion place thy palms,
On my side place thy side.

Etana obeys, and thus, securely attached to the eagle, begins the daring
journey. They fly for the space of a double hour,[1022] when

The eagle addresses Etana:
Look, my friend, how the earth appears;
Look at the sea and at its side, the house of wisdom;[1023]
The earth appears as a mountain, the sea has become a pool (?).
A second double hour he (_i.e._, the eagle) carried him on high.
The eagle spoke to Etana:
Look, my friend, how the earth appears;
The sea is a mere belt (?) around the earth.
A third double hour he carried him on high.
The eagle spoke to Etana:
Look, my friend, how the earth appears;
The sea is a mere gardener's ditch.[1024]

In this way they reach the gate of Anu, Bel, and Ea in safety, where
they take a rest. The eagle is not yet satisfied, and urges Etana to
follow him to the domain of Ishtar.

Come, my friend [let me carry thee to Ishtar],
With Ishtar, the mistress [of the gods, thou shall dwell],
In the glory of Ishtar, the mistress of the gods, [thou shall sit?].
On my side place thy side,
On my pinion place thy palms.

The gods, it will be seen, dwell on high in accordance with the view
developed by astronomical speculations.[1025] Anu, Bel, and Ea are here
evidently identified with the fixed stars bearing their names,[1026]
while under Ishtar the planet Ishtar-Venus is meant. Etana yields to the
eagle's suggestion. They mount still higher. Earth and ocean grow still
smaller, the former appearing only as large as 'a garden bed,' the
latter like 'a courtyard.' For three double hours they fly. Etana
appears to warn the eagle to desist from his rash intention, but the
warning comes too late. Etana and the eagle are thrown down from the
lofty regions. With lightning speed the descent takes place, until the
two reach the ground. The further course of the narrative is obscure.
Was Etana punished by being sent to the nether world, where we find him
in the Gilgamesh epic?[1027] There is a reference, unfortunately quite
obscure, to the death of Etana, and perhaps to his shade,[1028] in a
portion of the tablet. One certainly expects both Etana and the eagle to
be punished for their rash act, but until we can determine with
certainty what became of both, and with what purport the tale is
introduced into the career of Etana, the question must be left open, as
also the possibility of a connection between this flight of Etana and
the similar Greek myth of Ganymede. The introduction of the eagle points
clearly to the mythological character of the tale, but flights of eagles
occur so frequently in the myths and legends of various nations that no
great stress is to be laid upon further parallels that might be
adduced.[1029] The story found in Aelian and which has already been
referred to[1030] alone calls for mention here. According to this story,
Gilgamesh, whose birth is feared by his cruel grandfather Sokkaros, king
of Babylonia, is thrown from the tower where his mother was imprisoned
and in which he was born, but in falling is caught by an eagle and taken
to a gardener who rears the child. The eagle being the associate of
Etana, the suspicion is justified that the child thus miraculously saved
is in reality Etana and not Gilgamesh. At all events, there must be some
connection between the story of Aelian and the Babylonian legend under
consideration. The fate of the eagle is recounted in another tablet of
the Etana series,[1031] which again furnishes an episode paralleled in
the mythologies of other nations.

The eagle has lost favor with Shamash. Enmity has arisen between the
eagle and the serpent, and, curiously enough, the latter stands under
the protection of the sun-god. What the cause of the enmity between
eagle and serpent was, may have been recounted in a missing portion of
the tablet. The eagle forms a plan of destroying the serpent's brood. He
is warned against this act by a young eagle, who is designated as a
'very clever young one.'

Do not eat, O my father, the net of Shamash is laid (?);
The trap, the ban of Shamash, will fall upon thee and catch thee.
Who transgresses the law of Shamash, from him Shamash will exact
revenge.

But the eagle, we are told, paid no heed to the warning.

He descended and ate of the young of the serpent.

The serpent appeals to Shamash. He tells the sun-god of the cruel deed
of the eagle:

See, O Shamash, the evil that he has done to me.
Help (?), O Shamash, thy net is the broad earth.
Thy trap is the distant heavens.
Who can escape thy net?[1032]
Zu,[1033] the worker of evil, the source of evil [did not
escape?[1034]].