The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria

M >> Morris Jastrow >> The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria

Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | 35 | 36 | 37 | 38 | 39 | 40 | 41 | 42 | 43 | 44 | 45 | 46 | 47 | 48 | 49 | 50 | 51 | 52 | 53 | 54 | 55 | 56 | 57 | 58 | 59 | 60 | 61

If it made a difference at what moment something was done, that
difference could only be determined by observing the variations that one
night presented from the other. The astrologers observed that many of
the stars were, or seemed to be, fixed in their orbits; others rose and
set like the sun and moon, and appeared in different parts of the
heavens at different seasons of the year. The regularity of these
changes made it possible to study the course of these stars, and as
knowledge progressed, to determine also in advance where a particular
body would be seen at a certain time.

The planets accordingly were the bodies to which the astrologers
especially directed their attention. It has been conjectured with some
show of probability that one of the purposes served by the lofty seven
staged towers,[595] which were attached to many of the great temples,
was for the better observation of the movements of the planets. The
official standing of the astrologers is indicated by the references in
texts to the 'court astrologer.'

However this may be, there is no doubt that at all the large temples and
at many of the smaller ones, observations of the planets were recorded.

The collection of these observations formed the manuals for the priests
in answering many of the questions put to them. Each of the great
planets was identified (by a process of thought that we will have
occasion to describe) with some deity, though this was not done until
the attempt was also made to gather the astrological knowledge of the
day into some kind of consistent system. Our own names of the planets,
as handed down to us through the Greeks and Romans, are but the
classical equivalents of the Babylonian deities.[596]

Jupiter is Marduk, the head of the Babylonian pantheon. Venus is the
Babylonian Ishtar. Mars is Nergal, the god of war and pestilence.
Mercury is Nabu, the god of wisdom and the messenger of the gods, and
Saturn is Ninib.

Among the astrological texts preserved, Ishtar-Venus figures more
prominently than the other planets. The appearance of Ishtar during each
month and for various days of the month was noted, and then interpreted,
partly on the basis of past experience, but also by other factors that
for the most part escape us. A tablet, furnishing omens derived from the
position of the planet Venus and which may belong to the series
'Illumination of Bel,' deals with the periods of the disappearance of
Venus as evening star, and her reappearance as morning star, and _vice
versa_[597].

In the month of Tammuz (4th month) Venus disappeared on the 25th
day at sunset, for seven days was hidden[598], and on the 2d day
of Ab (5th month) was seen at sunrise. Rains in the land.
Destruction of[599] ...

In the month of Adar (12th month) Venus disappeared on the 25th
day at sunrise. For a year (?) weapons are wielded[600] (?),
gold[599] ...

In the month of Marcheshwan (8th month), 10th day, Venus
disappeared at sunrise, for two months and six days was hidden,
and reappeared on the 16th day of Tebet (10th month). There will
be abundant crops.

In the month of Elul (6th month), 26th day, Venus disappeared at
sunset, for eleven days was hidden, and in the second[601] Elul,
on the 7th day, reappeared at sunset. The heart of the land is
good.[6]

In the month of Nisan (1st month), on the 9th day, Venus
disappeared at sunsets[602] (?), and for five months and sixteen
days was hidden, and reappeared in the month of Elul (6th
month), on the 25th day, at sunset. The heart of the land is
good.

In the month of Ab (5th month), 10th day, Venus disappeared at
sunset[603] (?), and for two[604] months and sixteen days was
hidden, and reappeared on the 26th day of Marcheshwan (8th
month). Rains in the land.

In the month of Nisan, 2d day, Venus appeared at sunrise. There
will be distress in the land.

If Venus is stationary to the 6th day of Kislev (9th month) at
sunrise, and then disappears on the 7th day of Kislev, and is
hidden for three months to reappear on the 8th day of Adar (12th
month) at sunset, it indicates that king against king will send
hostility.

In the month of Kislev (9th month), 10th day, Venus appeared at
sunrise. Lack of corn and hay in the land. If she remains in
position up to the 14th day of Ab (5th month) at sunrise, and
then on the 15th day disappears, and for three months is hidden,
and on the 15th day of Marcheshwan (8th month) rises at sunset,
the crops of the land will be good.

A colophon informs us that the tablet in question embodies a series of
observations of the movements of Venus recorded by Babylonian scholars.
It was evidently the purpose of the compilers to commit to writing as
many variations in the appearance and disappearance of the planet as
possible. The omens must either have been furnished at one time or they
embody actual occurrences that were observed in connection with the
observation recorded. In either case the omens served as guides for the
priests in their replies to inquiries. An omen once furnished or an
event once observed as having taken place under given conditions of a
planet served for all times.

The omen lists for the other planets were arranged on the same principle
as the Venus list. The motions of the planets were carefully observed.
It was noted whether they rose brilliantly or with a pale color. Their
position towards other stars was determined, and much more the like.
Besides the planets, various stars that were distinguished by their
brilliancy, as Sirius, Antares, Regulus, and also comets, were included
in the sphere of astronomical calculations, and furnished omens to the
priests.

These omens, so far as we may judge from the texts at present published,
all hinge around the same series of events that are referred to in the
illustrations given,--rain, crops, war, distress, the country's
prosperity, the king's welfare or misfortune.

Another piece of evidence is thus furnished for the hypothesis that
these lists are based upon reports made to royal masters, and that the
reports again are obtained from the lists prepared for public and
political needs. We must not, however, conclude from this fact that the
observation of heavenly phenomena was of no significance at all for the
private individual, but only that the position of the king and the
general welfare of the country were regarded of larger moment.

Just as the gods were held responsible chiefly for the larger affairs of
this world, the trifles being relegated to the spirits and demons,[605]
so the planets and stars, as symbols of the gods, were regarded as
auguries for the chief of the country rather than for the miscellaneous
population, and more for the general welfare than for individual
prosperity. The individual shared in the omen furnished, in so far as
his well-being was dependent upon such important contingencies as
whether there was to be war or peace, good crops or bad. A population so
largely engaged in agriculture as the Babylonians were, would be
satisfied if they could be reassured as to the outcome of their work in
the fields. Ihering has properly emphasized the strong hold that the
conception of communal interests obtained in Babylonia.[606] This
conception is reflected in the prominence given to public and political
affairs in the omen lists and 'omen' reports. Agriculture was the primal
factor in producing this conception in the south; war which united the
population, even though military service was forced upon the people, was
the second factor; and in Assyria, where military expeditions occupied a
much larger share of public attention than in Babylonia, war became the
chief factor in keeping alive the thought of national solidarity.

Omen Calendars.

There was still another reason why the king and with him public affairs,
received such prominence in the omen texts. As the nation's ruler he was
not only an important personage by virtue of his power over his
subjects, but also by virtue of his close relationship to the gods. The
theory of the 'divine right of kings' was rigidly adhered to in
Babylonia and Assyria. When the monarchs speak of themselves as
nominated by this or that god to be the ruler of the country, this was
not a mere phrase. The king was the vicar of the deity on earth, his
representative who enjoyed divine favor and who was admitted into the
confidence of the gods. In earlier days priestly functions were
indissolubly associated with kingship. The oldest kings of Assyria call
themselves 'the priests of Ashur,' and it is only as with the growth of
political power a differentiation of functions takes place that the
priest, as the mediator between the deity and his subjects, becomes
distinct from the secular ruler.

The further development of this process led to the curious but perfectly
natural anomaly that the king, from being originally identical with the
priest, becomes in large measure dependent upon the latter in his
relations to the gods. In the more advanced stages of the religious
cult, the king requires the service of a priest to act as mediator
between himself and the gods, precisely as all of his subjects need this
mediatorship. The king cannot obtain an oracle directly. He must send to
the temple and inquire of the priests. The priest must intercede for the
king when he throws himself upon the mercy of an angered god or goddess.
The royal sacrifice is not acceptable unless the priest stands by the
side of the king.

Still there are traces left of the old direct relationship existing
between the king and his gods. A god sometimes reveals himself directly
to a ruler. Ishtar appears in a dream and gives him directions. Another
and more significant trace of this older relationship is to be found in
the importance assigned to the religious conduct of the king. If an
individual offends a deity, the individual alone suffers, or at the most
his family is involved in the punishment inflicted; but if the king
sins, the whole country suffers, and correspondingly the king's
atonement and reconciliation with the gods is essential for dispelling
some national calamity. Frazer has shown by his admirable
investigations[607] that this view of kingship is common to many nations
of antiquity. While it did not lead among the Babylonians and Assyrians
to that extreme which is best illustrated by Japan, where the Mikado, by
virtue of his divine right, is hedged in with prescribed formalities
that make him almost a prisoner, so closely is he watched by his
attendants lest any mistake be made by him which is certain to entail
serious consequences for the country, still the priests had to see to it
that the rulers performed their duties towards the gods in the
prescribed manner and with all possible accuracy.

The conduct of the king was of special significance at periods when for
some reason or other, the gods were not favorably disposed. Partly on
the basis of actual observation that eclipses (which were especially
feared) had occurred on certain days of the month, partly as a
consequence of the belief that the change in the moon's phase augured
something good or evil for humanity, and in part perhaps through the
coincidence that on a certain day of the month, mishaps of some kind had
occurred several times, certain months and certain days of each month
were regarded as favorable, while others were unfavorable. Some months
and some days were suitable for dedicating a building, others were not.
On some days an oracle might be sought, on others not. Some days were
days of rejoicing, on others again mourning was appropriate. Advantage
had to be taken of the favorable days to keep the deity in good humor,
and it was equally important on the unfavorable ones to exercise great
care not to do aught which might arouse the anger of a god, ready to be
incensed. It is the king who can best accomplish the one thing and avoid
the other. To him, as standing nearer the deity than any private
individual, the country looked for safety and protection. Calendars were
prepared for each month of the year, in which the peculiar character of
each day was noted and instructions added what was to be done on each
day. These instructions all have reference to the king and to the king
alone. A complete calendar for the intercalated month of Elul has been
preserved.[608] It may serve as an example of the branch of the omen
literature to which it belongs.

The thirty days of each month are taken up in succession. The deity to
which each day is sacred is indicated, and various sacrifices or
precautions prescribed.

A curious feature of this calendar was that, since it was the hope to
make every day 'favorable,' each day was called so, even when it is
evident that it was not.

For the 1st day of Elul the second,[609] sacred to Anu and Bel,
a favorable day. When the moon makes its appearance in this
month, the king of many peoples brings his gift, a gazelle
together with fruit, ... his gift to Shamash, lord of the
countries, and to Sin, the great god, he gives. Sacrifices he
offers, and his prayer to his god[610] is acceptable.

On the 2d day sacred to goddesses, a favorable day. The king
brings his gift to Shamash, the lord[611] of countries. To Sin,
the great god, he offers sacrifices. His prayer to the god is
acceptable.

On the 3d day, a day of supplication to Marduk and Sarpanitum, a
favorable day. At night, in the presence of Marduk and
Ishtar,[612] the king brings his gift. Sacrifices he is to offer
so that his prayer may be acceptable.

On the 6th day, sacred to Ramman and Belit,[613] a favorable
day. The king, with prayer and supplication (?), at night in the
presence of Ramman, offers his gift. Sacrifices he is to bring
so that his prayer may be acceptable.

On the 7th day, supplication to Marduk and Sarpanitum, a
favorable day (_sc._ may it be). An evil day. The shepherd of
many nations is not to eat meat roasted by the fire, or any food
prepared by the fire. The clothes of his body he is not to
change, fine dress (?) he is not to put on. Sacrifices he is not
to bring, nor is the king to ride in his chariot. He is not to
hold court nor is the priest to seek an oracle for him in the
holy of holies.[614] The physician is not to be brought to the
sick room.[615] The day is not suitable for invoking
curses.[616] At night, in the presence of Marduk and Ishtar, the
king is to bring his gift. Then he is to offer sacrifices so
that his prayer may be acceptable.

This 7th day, it will be observed, is expressly called an evil day. It
is evident, therefore, that the phrase 'favorable day' in the first line
expresses a hope and not a fact, or is added to indicate the manner in
which the day can be converted into a favorable one. Just as the 7th
day, so the 14th, 21st, and 28th are called evil days, and the same
ceremonies are prescribed for the king on these days. These days were
evidently chosen as corresponding to the phases of the moon. But besides
these four days, a fifth, namely, the 19th, is singled out in the same
fashion. The comparison with the Biblical Sabbath naturally suggests
itself. The choice of the 7th day and of the corresponding ones rests,
of course, in both instances upon the lunar calendar, and there is also
this similarity between the Sabbath of the Hebrews and the 'evil day' of
the Babylonians, that the precautions prescribed in the Pentateuchal
codes--against kindling fires, against leaving one's home, against any
productive labor--point to the Hebrew Sabbath as having been at its
origin an 'inauspicious day,' on which it was dangerous to show oneself
or to call the deity's attention to one's existence. Despite the
attempts made to change this day to one of 'joy,' as Isaiah would have
it,[617] the Hebrew Sabbath continued to retain for a long time as a
trace of its origin, a rather severe and sombre aspect.

A striking difference, however, between the Babylonian and the Hebrew
rites is the absence in the latter of the theory that the atonement of a
single individual suffices for the community. The precautions prescribed
for the Sabbath are binding upon every one. Emphasis is laid in the
Pentateuch upon the fact that the whole people is holy, whereas among
the Babylonians the king alone is holy. He alone is to abstain from his
ordinary acts, to conduct himself on the evil day with becoming
humility, to put on no fineries, not to indulge in dainty food,[618] not
to appear in royal state, neither to appeal to the gods (for they will
not hear them), nor even to interfere with their workings by calling in
human aid against the demon of disease, who may have been sent as the
messenger of one of the gods. It is only at the close of the day that he
can bring a sacrifice which will be acceptable. The king, by observing
these precautions, insures the welfare of his people. The gods cared
little for individual piety, but they kept a jealous eye on their
earthly representative. His appeals were heard if properly presented and
if presented at the right time, but woe to the people whose king has
aroused the divine anger. Just as his acts of penitence have a
representative character, so the gifts and sacrifices and supplications
mentioned in the calendar are offered by the king on behalf of the whole
people.

For the remaining days of Elul, the ordinances have much the same
character as those instanced. The variation consists chiefly in the god
or gods to whom the days are sacred. Now it is Nabu and his consort
Tashmitum--on the 4th, 8th, and 17th days--to whom gifts and prayers are
brought; again Ninib and his consort Gula, on the 9th,[619]--or Gula
alone, on the 19th. To Marduk and Sarpanitum the 16th day is assigned,
besides the 3d and 7th days as above set forth; to Ramman and his
consort the 6th, to the old Bel and Belit the 5th, the 12th, the 25th,
and to Nergal and Bau the 27th. At times two male deities are in
association. So Anu and Bel for the 1st and the 30th day, Ea and Nergal
for the 28th, Sin and Shamash for the 18th, 20th, 21st, and 22d, or two
goddesses, as Tashmitum and Sarpanitum, or a god alone, as Ea for the
26th, or Sin alone for the 13th, and once--the 29th day--Sin and Shamash
are combined with the miscellaneous group of Igigi and Anunnaki. All the
great gods are thus represented in the calendar. The basis on which the
days are assigned still escapes us. It is hard to believe that any
strict uniformity existed in this respect in the cults attached to the
various Babylonian temples. Preference would be shown in each center to
the chief god worshipped there, while to others would be assigned a
position corresponding to some theological system devised by the
priests. Uniformity and consistency are two elements that must not be
looked for in the omen literature of any people. The very fact that
omens have some rational basis, namely, observation and experience, is
the very reason why the omen lists and omen calendars of one place
should differ from those of another, and precisely to the same degree
that observation and experience differ.

The intercalated months, by virtue of their extraordinary character, had
perhaps a special significance, but every day of the year had an
importance of some kind. This is shown by a Babylonian calendar,
fortunately preserved in great part,[620] in which every day of the year
is included, and either its character noted or some precautions
prescribed. The indications in this calendar are marked by their
brevity, and impress one as memoranda, intended as a guide to the
priests.

The calendar consists of twelve columns. At the head of each column
stands the name of one of the months. One or, at the most, two lines are
devoted to each day of the month, the days being ranged in succession
from one to thirty. For a series of days in the 2d month the indications
are:

21st day, hostility.
22d day, judgment favorable, invoking of curses.
23d day, heart not good.
24th day, gladness of heart.
25th day, wife not to be approached, heart not good.
26th day, secret.

Such indications it is evident are intelligible only to the initiated.
With the help of the more complete calendars, such as the one above
explained, we can in most cases determine what is meant by these
memoranda. A note like 'hostility' is an omen that the gods are
unfavorably inclined on that day. The 'judgment' referred to on the 22d
day is the oracle. The day in question is suitable for obtaining a
response to a question put to the deity, and a favorable occasion for
invoking curses upon the enemy. It will be recalled that the 7th day of
the second intercalated Elul is put down as one when it is not advisable
to secure the ill will of the god against the enemy. An expression like
'heart not good' is explained by the contrast 'heart glad.' The 23d day
of the month is a day of sorrow, the 24th one on which one may be
cheerful without arousing the jealousy of the gods or demons. The 25th
is again an unfavorable day in which, as a precaution, sexual
intercourse is prohibited. Lastly, the word rendered 'secret'[621] is
the same one that we came across in the precautions prescribed for the
7th day of the second Elul, where we are told that the priest is not to
enter the 'secret' place. This term appears to describe the 'holy of
holies' in the Babylonian temples where the oracles were obtained. The
single word 'secret' was a sufficient indication for the priest that on
the day in question he might enter the mysterious chamber of the temple
without trepidation.

Many of the days of the year are simply set down as 'favorable' or
'unfavorable,' while others were noted as days portending 'distress,'
'trouble,' 'tears,' 'injury,' 'everything favorable,' 'darkness,' 'moon
obscured,' and the like. Of special interest are the prohibitions
regarding food on certain days. On the 9th day of the 2d month "fish is
not to be eaten or sickness will ensue." Swine's meat is forbidden on
the 30th day of the 5th month, and in this case the particular kind of
sickness--disease of the joints--is specified that will ensue in case of
disobedience. On another day, the 25th of the 7th month, beef as well as
pork is forbidden, while on the 10th day of the 8th month and the 27th
day of the 6th month, dates are forbidden as a precaution against eye
disease. One is not to cross a stream[622] on the 20th day of the 5th
month; on certain days one is not to sell grain; other days are again
noted as specially favorable for military movements.

Some of the precautions prescribed in this calendar may have been meant
for the populace in general, such as the order not to cross a stream or
to strike a bargain. The belief in lucky and unlucky days has a distinct
popular flavor, but it is doubtful whether the ordinary public consulted
the priests, as a general thing, in order to find out what days were
lucky and what not. It is more plausible to assume that the priests
embodied in their official calendars some of the notions that arose
among the people, and gave to them an official sanction.

There are a considerable number of references to the king in the
complete calendar under consideration, and we are permitted to assume,
therefore, that the calendar served as a further guide for the priests
in their instructions to the king. The allusion to oracles, curses, and
weapons points in this same direction, and when, as in a number of
instances, a day is described as one on which Shamash or some other god
is 'angry,' it is in all probabilities against the ruler rather than
against private individuals that the god's displeasure has been
manifested. A similar official and public character is borne by another
calendar, where months alone are indicated and their significance
interpreted.[623] The twelve months are arranged in as many columns.
Under each column the indications 'favorable' or 'not' are entered,
while at the right end of the tablet the specifications are added for
what undertakings the month is, or is not, favorable. One of these
specifications is "the soldiery to make an attack upon a hostile city,"
and upon referring to the list of months, we learn that the 2d, 6th,
7th, 8th, and 12th months are favorable for such an undertaking, but the
others are 'not.' Again, the 1st, 3d, 4th, 6th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th
are 'favorable' for "the entrance of any army upon foreign soil," but
the remainder 'not.' The other specifications refer likewise to the
movements of the armies. Such a calendar was evidently drawn up on the
basis of omens, for a specific purpose, and, we may add, for some
specific expedition to serve as a guide to the military commander. In
the same way, calendars were drawn up devoted to indications regarding
crops and for other purposes of public interest. To a more limited
extent, private affairs are also touched upon.