Baron d\'Holbach
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4. _Chimie metallurgique... par M. C. Gellert_. Paris, Briasson,
1758, translated earlier. Approbation May 1, 1753, Privilege
Dec. 21, 1754. Originally a text written by Gellert for four
artillery officers whom the King of Sardinia sent to Freyburg to
learn mining-engineering.
5. _Traites de physique, d'histoire naturelle, de mineralogy et
de metallurgie_. Paris, Herrissant, 1759, by J. G. Lehmann, three
vols. I. L'Art des Mines, II. Traite de la formation des metaux,
III. Essai d'une histoire naturelle des couches de la terre.
In his preface to the third volume Holbach has some interesting
remarks about the deluge, the irony of which seems to have escaped
the royal censor, Millet, _Docteur en Theologie_.
"La description si precise et si detaillee que Moise fait
du Deluge dans la Genese, ayant une autorite infaillible, puis
qu'elle n'est autre que celle de Dieu meme, nous rend certains
de la realite et de l'universalite de ce chatiment terrible.
Il s'agit simplement d'examiner si les naturalistes, tels que
Woodward, Schenchzer, Buttner et M. Lehmann lui-meme ne se sont
points trompes, lorsqu'ils ont attribue a cet evenement
seul la formation des couches de la terre et lorsqu'ils
s'en sont servis pour expliquer l'etat actuel de notre globe.
Il semble que rien ne doit nous empecher d'agiter cette question;
l'Ecriture sainte se contente de nous apprendre la voie
miraculeuse dont Dieu s'est servi pour punir les crimes du
genre humain; elle ne dit rien qui puisse limiter les
sentiments des naturalistes sur les autres effets physiques que
le deluge a pu produire. C'est une matiere qu'elle paroit avoir
abandonnee aux disputes des hommes." He then proceeds to
question whether the deluge could have produced the results
attributed to it and argues against catastrophism which, it
must be remembered, was the received geological doctrine down
to the days of Lyell. "Les causes les plus simples sont capables
de produire au bout des siecles les effets les plus grands, surtout
lorsqu'elles agissent incessament; et nous voyons toutes ces causes
reunies agir perpetuellement sous nos yeux. Concluons, donc, de tout
ce qui precede, que le deluge, seul et les feux souterrains seuls ne
suffisent point pour expliquer la formation des couches de la terre.
On risquera toujours de se tromper, lorsque par l'envie de simplifier
on voudra deriver tous les phenomenes de la nature d'une seule et
unique cause."
6. _Pyritologie_ by J. F. Henkel, Paris, Herrissant, 1760, a large
volume in quarto, translated by Holbach. It contains _Flora Saturnisans_
(translated by M. Charas and reviewed by M. Roux), Henkel's
_Opuscules Mineralogiques_ and other treatises. Original editions:
_Pyritologia_, Leipzig, 1725, 1754; _Flora Saturnisans_, Leipzig, 1721;
_De Appropriatione Chymica_, Dresden, 1727, and _De Lapidum origine_,
Dresden, 1734, translated into German, with excellent notes, Dresden,
1744, by M. C. F. Zimmermann, a pupil of M. Henkel. Holbach's translations
seem to have been well received because he writes in this preface:
"Je m'estimerai heureux si mon travail peut contribuer a entretenir
et augmenter le gout universel qu'on a concu pour le saine physique."
7. _Oeuvres metallurgiques_ de M. J. C. Orschall, Paris, Hardy, 1760.
Orschall still accepted the old alchemist tradition but was sound in
practice and was the best authority on copper. Holbach does not attempt
to justify his physics which was that of the preceding century. Orschall
was held in high esteem by Henckel and Stahl.
8. _Recueil des memoires des Academies d'Upsal et de Stockholm_, Paris,
Didot, 1764. These records of experiments made in the Royal Laboratories
of Sweden, founded in 1683 by Charles XI, had already been translated
into German and English. Holbach's translation was made from the German
and Latin. He promises further treatises on Agriculture, Natural History
and Medicine.
9. _Traite du Soufre_ by G. E. Stahl, Paris, Didot, 1766. In speaking of
Stahl's theories Holbach says: "Il ne faut pas croire que ces connaissances
soient des verites steriles propres seulement a satisfaire une vaine
curiosite, elles ont leur application aux travaux de la metallurgie qui
leur doivent la perfection ou on les a portes depuis quelques temps."
Holbach understood very clearly the utility of science in his scheme of
increasing the store of human well-being, and would doubtless have
translated other useful works had not other interests prevented. There is
a MSS. note of his in the Bibliotheque Nationale to M. Malesherbes, then
Administrateur de la Librairie Royale; suggesting other German treatises
that might well be translated. (MSS. 22194).
HOLBACH TO MALESHERBES
_Monsieur_
J'ai l'honneur de vous envoyer ci-joint la liste des ouvrages dont
M. Liege fils pourrait entreprendre la traduction. Je n'en connais
actuellement point d'autres qui meritent l'attention du public.
M. Macquer m'a ecrit une lettre qui a pour objet les memes choses
dont vous m'avez fait l'honneur de me parler, et je lui fais la meme
reponse.
J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec respect, Monsieur,
Votre tres obeissant serviteur
D'HOLBACH
a Paris ce 6 d'avril 1761
The list of books was as follows:
1. Johann Kunckel's _Laboratorium Chymicum_, 8vo.
2. Georg Ernest Stahl's _Commentary on Becher's Metallurgy_, 8vo.
3. _Concordantia Chymica Becheri_, 40vo, published by Stahl.
4. _Cadmologia_, or the _Natural History of Cobalt_, by
J. G. Lehmann, Berlin, 1760, 4 deg..
After 1760 Holbach became interested in another line of intellectual
activity, namely the writing and translation of anti-religious
literature. His first book of this sort really appeared in 1761
although no copies bear this date. From 1767 on however he published
a great many works of this character. It is convenient to deal first
with his translations of English deistical writers. They are in
chronological order.
1. _Esprit du clerge, ou le Christianisme primitif venge des
entreprises et des exces de nos Pretres modernes_. Londres
(Amsterdam), 1767. This book appeared in England in 1720 under
the title of _The Independent Whig_; its author was Thomas Gordon
(known through his Commentaries on Sallust and Tacitus) who wrote
in collaboration with John Trenchard. The book was partially
rewritten by Holbach and then touched up by Naigeon, who, according
to a manuscript note by his brother, "atheised it as much as
possible." It was sold with great secrecy and at a high price--
a reward which the colporters demanded for the risk they ran in
peddling seditious literature. The book was a violent attack on
the spirit of domination which characterized the Christian
priesthood at that time.
2. _De L'imposture sacerdotale, ou Recueil de Pieces sur le
clerge_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1767. Another edition 1772 under
title _De la Monstruosite pontificale_ etc.
Contains translations of various pamphlets including
Davisson, _A true picture of Popery_; Brown, _Popery a Craft_,
London 1735; Gordon, _Apology for the danger of the church_,
1719; Gordon, _The Creed of an Independent Whig_, 1720.
3. _Examen des Propheties qui servent de fondement a la
religion Chretienne_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1768.
Translation of Anthony Collins, _A Discourse on the Grounds and
Reasons of the Christian Religion_, London, 1724.
Contains also _The Scheme of literal Prophecy considered_, 1727,
also by Collins in answer to the works of Clarke, Sherlock,
Chandler, Sykes, and especially to Whiston's _Essay towards
restoring the text of the Old Testament_, one of the thirty-
five works directed against Collins' original _"Discourse"_.
Copies of this work have become very rare.
4. _David, ou l'histoire de l'homme selon le coeur de Dieu_.
Londres (Amsterdam), 1768. This work appeared in England in 1761
and is attributed to Peter Annet, also to John Noorthook. Some
English eulogists of George II, Messrs. Chandler, Palmer and
others, had likened their late King to David, "the man after
God's own heart." The deists, struck by the absurdity of the
comparison, proceeded to relate all the scandalous facts they
could find recorded of David, and by clever distortions painted
him as the most execrable of Kings, in a work entitled _David or
the Man after God's Own Heart_, which formed the basis of Holbach's
translation.
5. _Les pretres demasques ou des iniquites du clerge chretien_.
Londres, 1768. Translation of four discourses published under
the title _The Ax laid to the root of Christian Priestcraft
by a layman_, London, T. Cooper, 1742. A rare volume.
6. _Lettres philosophiques..._ Londres (Amsterdam, 1768).
Translation of J. Toland's _Letters to Serena_, London, 1704.
The book, which had become very rare in Holbach's time, had
caused a great scandal at the time of its publication and was
much sought after by collectors. It contains five letters,
the first three of which are by Toland, the other two and the
preface by Holbach and Naigeon. The matters treated are, the
origin of prejudices, the dogma of the immortality of the soul,
idolatry, superstition, the system of Spinoza and the origin of
movement in matter.
Diderot said of these works, in writing to Mlle. Volland
Nov. 22, 1768 (_Oeuvres_, Vol. XVIII, p. 308): "Il pleut des
bombes dans la maison du Seigneur. Je tremble toujours que
quelqu'un de ces temeraires artilleurs-la ne s'en trouve mal.
Ce sont les _Lettres philosophiques_ traduites, ou supposees
traduites, de l'anglais de Toland; c'est _l'Examen des
propheties_; c'est la _Vie de David ou de l'homme selon la
coeur de Dieu_, ce sont melle diables dechaines.--Ah!
Madame de Blacy, je crains bien que le Fils de l'Homme ne
soit a la porte; que la venue d'Elie ne soit proche, et que
nous ne touchions au regne de l'Anti-christ. Tous les jours,
quand je me leve, je regarde par ma fenetre, si la grande
prostituee de Babylone ne se promene point deja dans les
rues avec sa grande coupe a la main et s'il ne se fait aucun
des signes predits dans le firmament."
7. _De la Cruaute religieuse_, Londres (Amsterdam).
_Considerations upon war, upon cruelty in general and religious
cruelty in particular_, London, printed for Thomas Hope, 1761.
8. _Dissertation critique sur les tourmens de l'enfer_ printed
in an original work, _L'Enfer detruit_, Londres (Amsterdam),
1769. A translation of Whitefoot's _The Torments of Hell,
the foundation and pillars thereof discover'd, search'd,
shaken and remov'd_. London, 1658.
9. In the _Recueil philosophique_ edited by Naigeon, Londres
(Amsterdam), 1770.
I. Dissertation sur l'immortalite de l'ame. Translated from Hume.
II. Dissertation sur le suicide (Hume).
III. Extrait d'un livre Anglais qui a pour titre le Christianisme
aussi ancien que le monde. (Tindal, Christianity as old as Creation.)
10. _Esprit de Judaisme, ou Examen raisonne de la Loi de Moyse_.
Londres (Amsterdam), 1770 (1769), translated from Anthony Collins.
With the exception of some of Holbach's own works this is one of
the fiercest denunciations of Judaism and Christianity to be found
in print. In fact, it is very much in the style of Holbach's
anti-religious works and shows beyond a doubt that Holbach derived
his inspiration from Collins and the more radical of the English
school. The volume has become exceedingly rare.
After outlining the history of Judaism the book ends thus:
Ose, donc enfin, o Europe! secouer le joug insupportable des
prejuges qui t'affligent. Laisse a des Hebreux stupides, a des
frenetiques imbeciles, a des Asiatiques laches et degrades, ces
superstitions aussi avilissantes qu'insensees: elles ne sont point
faites pour les habitans de ton climat. Occupe-toi du soin de
perfectionner tes gouvernemens, de corriger tes lois, de reformer
tes abus, de regler tes moeurs, et ferme pour toujours les yeux
a ces vraies chimeres, qui depuis tant de siecles n'ont servi qu'a
retarder tes progres vers la science veritable et a t'ecarter de
la route du bonheur.
11. _Examen critique de la vie et des ouvrages de Saint Paul_,
Londres (Amsterdam), 1770. A free translation of Peter Annet's
_History and character of St. Paul examined_, written in answer
to Lyttelton. New edition 1790 and translated back into English
"from the French of Boulanger," London, R. Carlile, 1823. A
rather unsympathetic account, but with flashes of real insight
into "le systeme religieux des Chretiens dont S. Paul fut
evidemment le veritable architecte." (Epitre dedicatoire.)
Annet said of Paul's type of man "l'enthousiaste s'enivre,
pour l'ainsi dire, de son propre vin, il se persuade que la
cause de ses passions est la cause de Dieu (p. 72), mais
quelque violent qu'ait pu etre l'enthousiasme de S. Paul, il
sentait tres bien que la doctrine qu'il prechait devait paraitre
bizarre et insensee a des etres raisonnables" (p. 141).
12. _De la nature humaine, ou Exposition des facultes, des
actions et des passions de l'ame_, Londres (Amsterdam), 1772.
(Thomas Hobbes.) Reprinted in a French Edition of Hobbes'
works by Holbach and Sorbiere, 1787. Appeared first in English
in 1640, omitted in a Latin Edition of Hobbes printed in Amsterdam.
In spite of its brevity, Holbach considered this one of Hobbes'
most important and luminous works.
13. _Discours sur les Miracles de Jesus Christ_ (Amsterdam, 1780?).
Translated from Woolston, whom Holbach admired very much for his
uncompromising attitude toward truth. He suffered fines and
imprisonments, but would not give up the privilege of writing
as he pleased. The present discourse was the cause of a quarrel
with his friend Whiston. He died Jan. 27, 1733, "avec beaucoup de
fermete... il se ferma les yeux et la bouche de ses propres mains,
et rendit l'esprit." This work exists in a manuscript book
of 187 pages, written very fine, in the Bibliotheque Nationale
(Mss. francais 15224) and was current in France long before 1780.
In fact it is mentioned by Grimm before 1770, but the dictionaries
(Barber, Querard) generally date it from 1780.
Before turning to Holbach's original works mention should be made of
a very interesting and extraordinary book that he brought to light,
retouched, and later used as a kind of shield against the attacks of
the parliaments upon his own works.
In 1766 he published a work entitled _L'Antiquite devoilee par ses
usages, ou Examen critique des principales Opinions, Ceremonies et
Institutions religieuses et politiques des differens Peuples de la
Terre_. Par feu M. Boulanger, Amsterdam, 1766. This is a work based
on an original manuscript by Boulanger, who died in 1759, preceded
by an excellent letter on him by Diderot, published also in the
_Gazette Litteraire_.
The use made by Holbach of Boulanger's name makes it necessary to
consider for a moment this almost forgotten writer. Nicholas Antoine
Boulanger was born in 1722. As a child he showed so little aptitude
for study that later his teachers could scarcely believe that he had
turned out to be a really learned man. As Diderot observes, "ces
exemples d'enfans, rendus ineptes entre les mains des Pedans qui
les abrutissent en depit de la nature la plus heureuse, ne sont
pas rares, cependant ils surprennent toujours" (p. 1). Boulanger
studied mathematics and architecture, became an engineer and was
employed by the government as inspector of bridges and highways.
He passed a busy life in exacting outdoor work but at the same time
his active intellect played over a large range of human interests.
He became especially concerned with historical origins and set himself
to learn Latin and Greek that he might get at the sources. Not
satisfied that he had come to the root of the matter he learned Arabic,
Syriac, Hebrew and Chaldean. Diderot says "Il lisait et etudiait
partout, je l'ai moi-meme rencontre sur les grandes routes avec un auteur
rabinnique a la main." He made a _mappemonde_ in which the globe is
divided in two hemispheres, one occupied by the continents, the other
by the oceans, and by a singular coincidence he found that the
meridian of the continental hemisphere passed through Paris. Some
such rearrangement of hemispheres is one of the commonplaces of
modern geography. He furnished such articles as, _Deluge, Corvee, Societe_
for the Encyclopedia and wrote several large and extremely learned books,
among them _Recherches sur l'origine du Despotisme oriental_ and
_Antiquite devoilee_. He died from overwork at the age of thirty-seven.
Boulanger's ideas on philosophy, mythology, anthropology and history
are of extraordinary interest today. Diderot relates his saying--"Que
si la philosophie avait trouve tant d'obstacles parmi nous c'etait
qu'on avait commence par ou il aurait fallu finir, par des maximes
abstraites, des raisonnemens generaux, des reflexions subtiles qui
ont revolte par leur etrangete et leur hardiesse et qu'on aurait
admises sans peine si elles avaient ete precedees de l'histoire des
faits." He carried over this inductive method into realm of history,
which he thought had been approached from the wrong side, i.e., the
metaphysical, "par consulter les lumieres de la raison" (p. 8). He
continues, "j'ai pense qu'il devait y avoir quelques circonstances
_particulieres_. Un fait et non une speculation metaphysique m'a
toujours semble devoir etre et tribut naturel et necessaire de
l'histoire." Curiously enough the central fact in history appeared
to Boulanger to be the deluge, and on the basis of it he attempted to
interpret the _Kulturgeschichte_ of humanity. It is a bit unfortunate
that he took the deluge quite as literally as he did; his idea, however,
is obviously the influence of environmental pressure on the changing
beliefs and practices of mankind. Under the spell of this new point
of view, he writes, "Ce qu'on appelle l'histoire n'en est que la partie
la plus ingrate, la plus uniforme, la plus inutile, quoi qu'elle soit
la plus connue. La veritable histoire est couverte par le voile des
temps" (p. 7). Boulanger however was not to be daunted and on the
firm foundation of the fact of some ancient and universal catastrophe,
as recorded on the surface of the earth and in human mythology, he
proceeds to inquire into the moral effects of the changes in the
physical environment back to which if possible the history of antiquity
must be traced. Man's defeat in his struggle with the elements made
him religious, _hinc prima mali labes_. "Son premier pas fut un faux
pas, sa premiere maxime fut une erreur" (p. 4 sq). But it was not his
fault nor has time repaired the evil moral effects of that early
catastrophe. "Les grandes revolutions physiques de notre globe sont
les veritables epoques de l'histoire des nations " (p. 9). Hence have
arisen the various psychological states through which mankind has passed.
Contemporary savages are still in the primitive state--Boulanger
properly emphasizes the relation of anthropology to history--"On apercoit
qu'il y a une nouvelle maniere de voir et d'ecrire l'histoire des hommes"
(p. 12) and with a vast store of anthropological and folklorist learning
he writes it so that his assailant, Fabry d'Autrey, in his _Antiquite
justifiee_ (Paris, 1766) is obliged to say with truth, "Ce n'est point
ici un tissus de mensonges grossiers, de sophismes rebattus et bouffons,
appliques d'un air meprisant aux objets les plus interessants pour
l'humanite. C'est une enterprise serieuse et reflechie" (p. 11).
In 1767 Holbach published his first original work, a few copies of
which had been printed in Nancy in 1761. This work was _Le Christianisme
devoile ou Examen des principes et des effets de la religion Chretienne_.
Par feu M. Boulanger. Londres (Amsterdam), 1767. There were several
other editions the same year, one printed at John Wilkes' private press
in Westminster. It was reprinted in later collections of Boulanger's
works, and went through several English and Spanish editions. The form
of the title and the attribution of the work to Boulanger were designed
to set persecution on the wrong track. There has been some discussion
as to its authorship. Voltaire and Laharpe attributed it to Damilaville,
at whose book shop it was said to have been sold, but M. Barbier has
published detailed information given him by Naigeon to the effect that
Holbach entrusted his manuscript to M. De Saint-Lambert, who had it
printed by Leclerc at Nancy in 1761. Most of the copies that got to
Paris at that time were bought by several officers of the King's
regiment then in garrison at Nancy, among them M. de Villevielle, a
friend of Voltaire and of Condorcet. Damilaville did not sell a
single copy and even had a great deal of trouble to get one for
Holbach who waited for it a long time. This circumstantial evidence
is of greater value than the statement of Voltaire who was in the habit
of attributing anonymous works to whomever he pleased. [39:2]
The edition of 1767 was printed in Amsterdam as were most of Holbach's
works. We have the details of their publication from Naigeon _cadet_,
a copyist, whose brother, J. A. Naigeon, was Holbach's literary factotum.
In a manuscript note in his copy of the _Systeme de la Nature_ he tells
how he copied nearly all Holbach's works, either at Paris or at Sedan,
where he was stationed, and where his friend Blon, the postmaster, aided
him, passing the manuscripts on to a Madame Loncin in Liege, who in turn
was a correspondent of Marc-Michel Rey, the printer in Amsterdam.
Sometimes they were sent directly by the diligence or through travellers.
This account agrees perfectly with information given M. Barbier orally
by Naigeon _aine_. After being printed in Holland the books were smuggled
into France _sous le manteau_, as the expression is, and sold at absurd
rates by colporters. [40:3]
Diderot writing to Falconet early in 1768 [40:4] says: "Il pleut des
livres incredules. C'est un feu roulant qui crible le sanctuaire
de toutes parts... L'intolerance du gouvernment s'accroit de jour en
jour. On dirait que c'est un projet forme d'eteindre ici les lettres,
de ruiner le commerce de librairie et de nous reduire a la besace et a
la stupidite... _Le Christianisme devoile_ s'est vendu jusqu'a quatre
louis."
When caught the colporters were severely punished. Diderot gives
the following instance in a letter to Mlle. Volland Oct. 8, 1768
(Avezac-Lavigne, _Diderot_, p. 161): "Un apprenti avait recu, en
payment ou autrement, d'un colporteur appele Lecuyer, deux exemplaires
du _Christianisme devoile_ et il avait vendu un de ces exemplaires a
son patron. Celui-ci le defere au lieutenant de police. Le colporteur,
sa femme et l'apprenti sont arretes tous les trois; ils viennent d'etre
pilories, fouettes et marques, et l'apprenti condamne a neuf ans de
galeres, le colporteur a cinq ans, et la femme a l'hopital pour toute
sa vie."
There are two very interesting pieces of contemporary criticism
of _Le Christianisme devoile_, one by Voltaire, the other by
Grimm. Voltaire writes in a letter to Madame de Saint Julien
December 15, 1766 (_Oeuvres_, XLIV, p. 534, ed. Garnier): "Vous
m'apprenez que, dans votre societe, on m'attribue _Le Christianisme
devoile_ par feu M. Boulanger, mais je vous assure que les gens au
fait ne m'attribuent point du tout cet ouvrage. J'avoue avec vous
qu'il y a de la clarte, de la chaleur, et quelque fois de l'eloquence;
mais il est plein de repetitions, de negligences, de fautes contre
la langue et je serais tres-fache de l'avoir fait, non seulement comme
academicien, mais comme philosophe, et encore plus comme citoyen.
"Il est entierement oppose a mes principes. Ce livre conduit a
l'atheisme que je deteste. J'ai toujours regarde l'atheisme comme
le plus grand egarement de la raison, parce qu'il est aussi ridicule
de dire que l'arrangement du monde ne prouve pas un artisan supreme
qu'il serait impertinent de dire qu'une horloge ne prouve pas un horloger.
"Je ne reprouve pas moins ce livre comme citoyen; l'auteur parait
trop ennemi des puissances. Des hommes qui penseraient comme lui
ne formeraient qu'une anarchie: et je vois trop, par l'example de
Geneve, combien l'anarchie est a craindre. Ma coutume est d'ecrire
sur la marge de mes livres ce que je pense d'eux, vous verrez, quand
vous daignerez venir a Ferney, les marges de _Christianisme devoile_
charges de remarques qui montrent que l'auteur s'est trompe sur les
faits les plus essentiels." These notes may be read in Voltaire's
works (Vol. XXXI, p. 129, ed. Garnier) and the original copy of
_Le Christianisme devoile_ in which he wrote them is in the British
Museum (c 28, k 3) where it is jealously guarded as one of the most
precious autographs of the Patriarch of Ferney.
Grimm's notice is from the _Correspondance Litteraire_ of August 15,
1763 (Vol. V, p. 367). "Il existe un livre intitule _le Christianisme
devoile ou Examen des principes et des effets de la religion Chretienne_,
par feu M. Boulanger, volume in 8vo. On voit d'abord qu'on lui a donne
ce titre pour en faire le pendant de _l'Antiquite devoilee_; mais il
ne faut pas beaucoup se connaitre en maniere pour sentir que ces deux
ouvrages ne sont pas sortis de la meme plume. On peut assurer avec
la meme certitude que celui dont nous parlons ne vient point de la
fabrique de Ferney, parce que j'aimerais mieux croire que le patriache
eut pris la lune avec ses dents; cela serait moins impossible que de
guetter sa maniere et son allure si completement qu'il n'en restat
aucune trace quelconque. Par la meme raison, je ne crois ce livre
d'aucun de nos philosophes connus, parce que je n'y trouve la maniere
d'aucun de ceux qui ont ecrit. D'ou vient-il donc? Ma foi, je serais
fache de le savoir, et je crois que l'auteur aura sagement fait de ne
mettre personne dans son secret. C'est le livre le plus hardi et le
plus terrible qui ait jamais parti dans aucun lieu du monde. La
preface consiste dans une lettre ou l'auteur examine si la religion
est reellement necessaire ou seulement utile au maintien ou a la police
des empires, et s'il convient de la respecter sous ce point de vue.
Comme il etablit la negative, il entreprend en consequence de prouver,
par son ouvrage, l'absurdite et l'incoherence du dogme Chretien et de
la mythologie qui en resulte, et l'influence de cette absurdite sur
les tetes et sur les ames. Dans la seconde partie, il examine la
morale chretienne, et il pretend prouver que dans ses principes
generaux elle n'a aucun avantage sur toutes les morales du monde,
parce que la justice et la bonte sont recommandees dans tous les
catechismes de l'univers, et que chez aucun peuple, quelque barbare
qu'il fut, on n'a jamais enseigne qu'il fallut etre injuste et mechant.
Quant a ce que la morale chretienne a de particulier, l'auteur pretend
demontrer qu'elle ne peut convenir qu'a des enthousiastes peu propres
aux devoirs de la societe, pour lesquels les hommes sont dans ce monde.
Il entreprend de prouver, dans la troisieme partie, que la religion
chretienne a eu les effets politiques les plus sinistres et les plus
funestes, et que le genre humain lui doit tous les malheurs dont il a
ete accable depuis quinze a dix-huit siecles, sans qu'on en puisse
encore prevoir la fin.
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