Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Volume 1.

M >> Matthew L. Davis >> Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Volume 1.

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In July, 1776, she resided in Elizabethtown, New-Jersey. Her father
was with Lord Percy on Staten Island. In her memoirs, speaking of
herself, she says:--"Thus destitute of friends, I wrote to General
Putnam, who instantly answered my letter by a very kind invitation to
his house, assuring me that he respected my father, and was only his
enemy in the field of battle; but that, in private life, he himself,
or any part of his family, might always command his services. On the
next day he sent Colonel Webb, one of his aid-de-camps, to conduct me
to New-York. When I arrived in the Broadway (a street so called),
where General Putnam resided, I was received with great tenderness,
both by Mrs. Putnam and her daughters, and on the following day I was
introduced by them to General and Mrs. Washington, who likewise made
it their study to show me every mark of regard; but I seldom was
allowed to be alone, although sometimes, indeed, I found an
opportunity to escape to the gallery on the top of the house, where my
chief delight was to view, with a telescope, our fleet and army at
Staten Island. My amusements were few; the good Mrs. Putnam employed
me and her daughters constantly to spin flax for shirts for the
American soldiers; indolence, in America, being totally discouraged;
and I likewise worked some for General Putnam, who, though not an
accomplished _muscadin_, like our dilletantis of St. James's-street,
was certainly one of the best characters in the world; His heart being
composed of those noble materials which equally command respect and
admiration. * * * * * *

"Not long after this circumstance, a flag of truce arrived from Staten
Island, with letters from Major Moncrieffe, demanding me; for he now
considered me as a prisoner. General Washington would not acquiesce in
this demand, saying that I should remain a hostage for my father's
good behaviour. I must here observe, that when General Washington
refused to deliver me up, the noble-minded Putnam, as if it were by
instinct, laid his hand on his sword, and with a violent oath swore
that my father's request should be granted. The commander-in-chief,
whose influence governed Congress, soon prevailed on them to consider
me as a person whose situation required their strict attention; and
that I might not escape they ordered me to Kingsbridge, where, in
justice I must say, that I was treated with the utmost tenderness.
General Mifflin there commanded. His lady was a most accomplished,
beautiful woman; a Quaker," &c.

Mrs. Coghlan then bursts forth in expressions of rapture for a young
American officer, with whom she had become enamoured. She does not
name him; but that officer was Major Burr. "May these pages" (she
says) "one day meet the eye of him who subdued my virgin heart. * * *
* * To him I plighted my virgin vow. * * * * * * With this conqueror
of my soul, how happy should I now have been! What storms and tempests
should I have avoided" (at least I am pleased to think so) "if I had
been allowed to follow the bent of my inclinations. Ten thousand times
happier should I have been with him in the wildest desert of our
native country, the woods affording us our only shelter, and their
fruits our only repast, than under the canopy of costly state, with
all the refinements of courts, with the royal warrior" (the Duke of
York) "who would fain have proved himself the conqueror of France. _My
conqueror_ was engaged in another cause; he was ambitious to obtain
other laurels. He fought to liberate, not to enslave nations. He was a
colonel in the American army, and high in the estimation of his
country. _His_ victories were never accompanied with one gloomy,
relenting thought. They shone as bright as the cause which achieved
them."

The letter from General Putnam of which Mrs. Coghlan speaks is found
among the papers of Colonel Burr, and is in the following words:--

New-York, July 26th, 1776.

I should have answered your letter sooner, but had it not in my power
to write you any thing satisfactory.

The omission of my title, in Major Moncrieffe's letter, is a matter I
regard not in the least; nor does it in any way influence my conduct
in this affair; as you seem to imagine. Any political difference
alters him not to me in a private capacity. As an officer, he is my
enemy, and obliged to act as such, be his private sentiments what they
will. As a man, I owe him no enmity; but, far from it, will, with
pleasure, do any kind office in my power for him or any of his
connexions.

I have, agreeably to your desire, waited on his excellency to
endeavour to obtain permission for you to go to Staten Island. He
informs me that Lieutenant-colonel Patterson, who came with the last
flag, said he was empowered to offer the exchange of ----- ----- for
Governor Skeene. As the Congress have reserved to themselves the right
of exchanging prisoners, the general has sent to know their pleasure,
and doubts not they will give their consent. I am desired to inform
you, that if this exchange is made, you will have liberty to pass out
with Governor Skeene; but that no flag will be sent solely for that
purpose.

Major William Livingston was lately here, and informed me that you had
an inclination to live in this city, and that all the ladies of your
acquaintance having left town, and Mrs. Putnam and two daughters being
here, proposed your staying with them. If agreeable to you, be
assured, miss, you shall be sincerely welcome. You will here, I think,
be in a more probable way of accomplishing the end you wish--that of
seeing your father, and may depend upon every civility from,

Miss,

Your obedient servant,

ISRAEL PUTNAM.

This letter is in the handwriting of Major Burr, and undoubtedly was
prepared by him for the signature of the general. Miss Moncrieffe was,
at this time, in her fourteenth year. She had travelled, and, for one
of her age, had mingled much in the world. She was accomplished, and
was considered handsome. Major Burr was attracted by her sprightliness
and vivacity, and she, according to her own confessions, penned nearly
twenty years afterward, had not only become violently in love with,
but had acknowledged the fact to him. Whether the foundation of her
future misfortunes was now laid, it is not necessary to inquire. Her
indiscretion was evident, while Major Burr's propensity for intrigue
was already well known.

Burr perceived immediately that she was an extraordinary young woman.
Eccentric and volatile, but endowed with talents, natural as well as
acquired, of a peculiar character. Residing in the family of General
Putnam with her, and enjoying the opportunity of a close and intimate
intercourse, at all times and on all occasions, he was enabled to
judge of her qualifications, and came to the conclusion,
notwithstanding her youth, that she was well calculated for a spy, and
thought it not improbable that she might be employed in that capacity
by the British. Major Burr suggested his suspicions to General Putnam,
and recommended that she be conveyed to her friends as soon as might
be convenient. She was, in consequence, soon after removed to
Kingsbridge, where General Mifflin commanded. This change of
situation, in the work which she has published, is ascribed to General
Washington, but it originated with Major Burr.

After a short residence at Kingsbridge, leave was granted for her
departure to Staten Island. She accordingly set off in a continental
barge, under the escort of an American officer, who was ordered to
accompany her to the British headquarters. As the boat approached the
English fleet, she was met by another, having on board a British
officer, and was notified that she could proceed no further, but that
the king's officer would take charge of the young lady, and convey her
in safety to her father, who was six or eight miles in the country
with Lord Percy. She says, in her memoirs, "I then entered the British
barge, and bidding an eternal farewell to my dear American friends,
_turned my back on liberty_."

Miss Moncrieffe, before she had reached her fourteenth year, was
probably the victim of seduction. The language of her memoirs, when
taken in connexion with her deportment soon after her marriage, leaves
but little room for doubt. Major Burr, while yet at college, had
acquired a reputation for gallantry. On this point he was excessively
vain, and regardless of all those ties which ought to control an
honourable mind. In his intercourse with females he was an
unprincipled flatterer, ever prepared to take advantage of their
weakness, their credulity, or their confidence. She that confided in
him was lost. In referring to this subject, no terms of condemnation
would be too strong to apply to Colonel Burr.

It is truly surprising how any individual could have become so eminent
as a soldier, as a statesman, and as a professional man, who devoted
so much time to the other sex as was devoted by Colonel Burr. For more
than half a century of his life they seemed to absorb his whole
thoughts. His intrigues were without number. His conduct most
licentious. The sacred bonds of friendship were unhesitatingly
violated when they operated as barriers to the indulgence of his
passions. For a long period of time he seemed to be gathering, and
carefully preserving, every line written to him by any female, whether
with or without reputation; and, when obtained, they were cast into
one common receptacle,--the profligate and corrupt, by the side of the
thoughtless and betrayed victim. All were held as trophies of
victory,--all esteemed alike valuable. How shocking to the man of
sensibility! How mortifying and heart-sickening to the intellectual,
the artless, the fallen fair!

Among these manuscripts were many the production of highly cultivated
minds. They were calculated to excite the sympathy of the brother--the
parent--the husband. They were, indeed, testimonials of the weakness
of the weaker sex, even where genius and learning would seem to be
towering above the arts of the seducer. Why they were thus carefully
preserved, is left to conjecture. Can it be true that Moore is
correct, when, in his life of Lord Byron, he says, "The allusions
which he (Byron) makes to instances of _successful passion_ in his
career, were not without their influence on the fancies of that sex,
whose weakness it is to be most easily won by those who come
recommended by the greatest number of triumphs over others? Some of
these productions had been penned more than sixty years. They were all
committed to the flames, however, immediately after the decease of
Colonel Burr. Of them, it is believed, "not a wreck remains."

The faithful biographer could not pass over in silence this strong and
revolting trait in the character of Colonel Burr. It will not again be
referred to. From details, the moralist and the good man must shrink
with disgust and abhorrence. In this particular, Burr appears to have
been unfeeling and heartless. And yet, by a fascinating power almost
peculiar to himself, he so managed as to retain the affection, in some
instances, the devotion, of his deluded victims. In every other
respect he was kind and charitable. No man would go farther to
alleviate the sufferings of another. No man was more benevolent. No
man would make greater sacrifices to promote the interest or the
happiness of a friend. How strange, how inconsistent, how conflicting
are these allusions! They are nevertheless strictly true.

Many of the letters to and from Colonel Burr contain hints and
opinions as to public men and measures. Thus far, they are links in
the chain of history, in relation to the times when they were written.
They serve, also, to illustrate the character and the principles of
the writers themselves. With these views they are occasionally
selected. Theodore Sedgwick is a name recorded in the annals of our
country with distinction. He writes to Burr:--

Sheffield, 7th August, 1776.

MY DEAR BURR,

If you remember, some months since, you and I mutually engaged to
correspond by letter. I told you then that you were not to expect any
thing either entertaining, or in any degree worth the trouble of
perusing. What can a reasonable being expect from an inhabitant of
such an obscure, remote, and dead place as Sheffield, to amuse,
instruct, or even to merit the attention of a young, gay,
enterprising, martial genius? I know you will expect nothing, and I
dare pledge my honour, therefore, that you will not, either now or in
future, in this respect, be disappointed.

You recollect, perhaps, that when I had the pleasure to see you here,
I informed you of a design to visit New-York and the southward. Soon
after my business called me to Boston, and, on my return, I was
obliged to go with the militia to Peekskill; from there I should have
visited the city and my friends, had not some foolish accidents
prevented. I now think, as soon as I can leave home, of making a tour;
but this, like other futurities, is wholly uncertain.

The insignificant figure I make, in my own opinion, in this day of
political and martial exertions, is an humbling consideration. To be
stoically indifferent to the great events that are now unfolding, is
altogether inconsistent, not only with my inclination, but even with
my natural constitution; and to pursue a line of conduct which
indicates such a disposition (I mean my continuance at home), is a
mystery for which I will endeavour to account. Remember, I do not
intend to libel the colony to which I belong.

Amid the confusion which was at once the cause and consequence of a
dissolution of government, men's minds as well as actions became
regardless of all legal restraint. All power reverted into the hands
of the people, who were determined that every one should be convinced
that _the people_ were the fountain of all honour. The first thing
they did was to withdraw all confidence from every one who had ever
any connexion with government. Lawyers were, almost universally,
represented as the pests of society. All persons who would pay court
to these extravagant and unreasonable prejudices became their idols.
Abilities were represented as dangerous, and learning as a crime, or
rather, the certain forerunner of all political extravagances. They
really demonstrated that they were possessed of creating power; _for,
by the word of their power, they created great men out of nothing_;
but I cannot say _that all was very well_.

Observing these violent symptoms, I could not pursue that which was
the only road to preferment; and I have never had an offer to go into
the army, except the one I accepted; while I have seen, in more than
one instance, men honoured with the command of a regiment for heading
mobs. Well: with this, I believe, I have troubled you long enough.
Pray, say you, what is it to me why you have not been in the army?
Why, nothing, my dear friend; but it is something to me. You know, my
dear Burr, I love you, or I should not submit such nonsense to your
perusal. If Mr. Swift still lives, give him my best compliments.
Pamela desires me to tell you she loves you. Answer this letter, and
thereby oblige

Your sincere friend,

THEODORE SEDGWICH.

FROM COLONEL M. OGDEN.

Ticonderoga, July 26th, 1776.

DEAR BURR,

I have been waiting with the greatest impatience to know what is doing
in York and Jersey. There are twenty different reports, that
contradict each other, relative to Howe and his fleet. It has once
been generally believed that a French fleet had arrived at New-York,
and blocked up the British army. Independence is well relished in this
part of the world. Generalship is now dealt out to the army by our
worthy and well-esteemed general, Gates, who is putting the most
disordered army that ever bore the name into a state of regularity and
defence. If our friends in Canada, commanded by Burgoyne, will wait a
few days, we shall give them a very proper reception.

The army are beginning to recruit fast, from the effects of a little
fresh meat, and some rum, when on fatigue. Ten days ago there were not
in our regiment eighty men fit for duty. We have now upwards of two
hundred and thirty; and, in a few days, they will be all as rugged as
New-Jersey is firm.

Colonel Winds is sent home on a fool's errand by the general, that he
may be out of the way of doing any more harm to the regiment. The
general assures me that I shall not be troubled with him again. I
suppose, by that, he has written to have him detained below. A short
history of this man will convince you that he ought to be nowhere but
on his farm. He, in the first place, is a professed enemy to
subordination, and has an utter aversion to discipline. He is
positive, and prefers his own opinion to even the general's, because
he was in the service last war. He is not possessed of one
qualification that distinguishes a gentleman, nor has he genius or
education. His whole study is to gain the applause of the private
soldiers, at the expense of every officer in the regiment. He is hated
by all his own officers except _two_, and despised by every gentleman
in the army.

We are in great want of brigadier-generals--three, at least. I mean
for the men that are now here. General Arnold will command the
water-craft on the lake in person. There are three brigades, commanded
by the colonels, Reed, Stark, and St. Clair. The last of these I
sincerely wish was appointed a brigadier by Congress. There is no
better man; the other two have full enough already.

Please to forward the enclosed, with the letter to Mr. Spencer. My
best respects to Generals Putnam, Greene, and Mifflin, and to Colonel
Trumbull. Compliments to Webb. I wait, with the greatest impatience,
some important news from New-York. Pray write particulars relative to
the conduct of the Jerseymen. Should any fall, mention their names.

I am yours sincerely,

MATT. OGDEN.

TO T. EDWARDS.

New-York, 10th of August, 1776.

Dear Uncle,

I have received your letters from Stockbridge, with my watch, for
which I thank you. Our six galleys which went up the North river
attacked the British ships. They behaved well, but were drove off with
the loss of three killed and twelve or thirteen wounded. A second
attack is proposed. Vessels and chevaux-de-frises are sunk in the
North river. The channel is said to be effectually stopped. We are
endeavouring the same in the East river. The British fleet have been
largely re-enforced at different times. They are now said to be
upwards of two hundred sail within the Narrows. They have drawn up
seven of their heaviest ships in a line, nearly two miles advanced of
the rest.

By two Virginia gentlemen who went to England to take the gown, who
returned in a packet and landed on Staten Island, where they tarried
several days, and were permitted to cross to Elizabethtown on Thursday
last, we have some intelligence of the enemy. Clinton has arrived with
his shattered fleet and about 3600 men. By this it appears that he has
either fallen in with part of Dunmore's fleet, or picked up the
remainder of his own, which had been separated, and were not in the
action near Charlestown. Of the Hessians only 1300 or 1400 have
arrived. The remainder, about 9000, are daily expected. They were left
near the banks of Newfoundland. Those already here are not much
esteemed as soldiers.

The king's land-army is at present about 15 or 16,000 strong. They
expect very soon to exceed 25,000. They have taken on board all their
heavy cannon from Staten Island, and have called in several of their
outposts. Thirty transports have sailed under convoy of three
frigates. They are to come through the Sound, and thus invest us by
the North and East rivers. They are then to land on both sides of the
island, _join their forces, and draw a line across, which will hem us
in and totally cut off all communication, after which they will have
their own fun_.

These Virginia gentlemen lodged in a house with several king's
officers. They hold us in the utmost contempt. Talk of forcing all our
lines without firing a gun. The bayonet is their pride. They have
forgot Bunker's Hill.

Your nephew,

A. Burr.

FROM COLONEL M. OGDEN.

Ticonderoga, August 11th, 1776.

Dear Burr,

I yesterday received yours of July 29th and August 2d. The others I
made mention of in the letter to Mrs. Ogden that I sent to you
unsealed. In my last you had a very particular account of the numbers,
force, names, &c., of our navy on the lake. As to our leaving
Crownpoint for this place, the field-officers knew nothing of it till
it was concluded on by the generals, Schuyler, Gates, and Arnold.

General Arnold is taking a very active part, I mean in the command of
the fleet. He will sail himself in a few days. He says he will pay a
visit to St. Johns. I wish he may be as prudent as he is brave. Well,
now have at you for news. Last evening the flag of truce returned,
bringing a letter directed to _George Washington, Esq_., and a truly
ridiculous copy of a general order, which you will see at General
Washington's by the time you receive this. But there is one part of it
in which I think they, in some measure, accuse us justly. I mean that
of assassinating, as they term it with too much truth,
Brigadier-general Gordon. He was shot by the Whitcomb I mentioned in
my last, who had been sent there as a spy. The act, though villainous,
was brave, and a peculiar kind of bravery, that, I believe, Whitcomb
alone is possessed of. He shot Gordon near by their advanced sentinel;
and, notwithstanding a most diligent search was made, he avoided them
by mere dint of skulking.

I shall have the honour to command the New-Jersey redoubt, which I am
now building with the regiment alone. It is situated on the right of
the whole, by the water's edge. It is to mount two eighteen-pounders,
two twelve, and four nine-pounders. In this I expect to do honour to
New-Jersey. I yesterday received a letter from Colonel Dayton, dated
the 28th of July, at the German Flats. He informs me that he is to
take the command at Fort Stanwix.

Should there be any thing to be had in New-York in the clothing way,
should be glad if you will lay some aside, no matter what--either
small-clothes, shirts, stockings, or any thing of the kind. My best
compliments to General Putnam. If you will let Robert or Sawyer have
the perusal of this, they would learn the news of this army. Paper is
so scarce, that one letter must serve both, unless something
particular.

Yours sincerely,

MATT. OGDEN.

At this time Major-general Greene had the command on Long Island, but
his health was so bad that it became necessary for him to resign it.
The commander-in-chief ordered General Putnam to assume the command.
Major Burr was his aid-de-camp. The landing of the British had been
previously effected on the 22d of August, 1776, without opposition,
near Utrecht and Gravesend, on the southwest end of the island. The
American troops, less than 12,000, were encamped on the north of
Brooklyn heights. The British force, including Hessians, was more than
20,000 strong. The armies were separated by a range of hills, at that
time covered with wood, called the Heights of Gowannus. Major Burr
immediately commenced an inspection of the troops, and made to the
general a most unfavourable report, both as to their means of defence
and their discipline. The major proposed, however, several enterprises
for beating up the quarters of the enemy. To all which General Putnam
replied, that his orders were not to make any attack, but to act on
the defensive only.

On the 27th the action was fought. The loss of the Americans, in
killed, wounded, and prisoners, was about 1000. That of the British,
less than 350. The Americans were driven within the works which they
had thrown up. Major Burr, previous to the action, had expressed to
General Putnam the opinion that a battle ought not to be risked; and
that much was to be gained by placing the troops in a position where
the navy of the enemy would not be so serviceable to them.

On the 28th, the British advanced in column to within 500 or 600 yards
of the American works. General Robinson, who commanded a portion of
the enemy, represents, in his parliamentary examination, that they
approached much nearer. The American troops were formed in line to
receive them; but gave such indications of alarm, that Major Burr rode
to General Putnam, and informed him that he had no hope the men would
stand more than a single fire before they retreated. No attack,
however, was made. Burr continued to urge upon General Putnam and
Mifflin (the latter of whom came over on that day from New-York) the
necessity of a retreat. During the night of the 28th, General Mifflin
went the rounds, and observed the forwardness of the enemy's
batteries, and, on the morning of the 29th, pressed upon General
Washington an immediate retreat. A council was held, and the opinion
of Mifflin unanimously adopted. The embarcation of the troops was
committed to General McDOUGALL. He was at Brooklyn Ferry by eight
o'clock. In the early part of the night, the weather was very
unfavourable; but about eleven o'clock every thing was propitious. A
thick fog ensued, and continued until the whole army, 9000 in number,
with all the field artillery, ordnance, &c., were safely landed in
New-York. Major Burr was at Brooklyn. Here General McDOUGALL had an
opportunity of noticing his efficiency. His reputation for talents and
intrepidity had previously reached the ears of the general. From this
night, the 29th of August, 1776, until Major Burr retired from the
army, he possessed the entire confidence and esteem of General
McDOUGALL. Subsequent events, as will hereafter appear, tended to
strengthen and confirm the correctness of those prepossessions, thus
formed in the hour of peril, and in the midst of the most appalling
dangers.

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