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Editorial
This paper argues that discourses of love in Ghanaian market literature for youth offer a view into complex negotiations of agency and empowerment. Drawing on Deborah Durham's notion of youth as "social `shifters'" and Francis Nyamnjoh's conception of the "interconnectedness" of agency, I take Ghanaian market literature as one specific case of how African literature for youth foregrounds questions of continuity and change as African societies enter into increasingly complex global relations. In this literature for youth, received notions of love, often constructed out of impressions from American pop and hip hop music, carry new notions of agency that compete with existing "domesticated" forms. Authors like Ike Tandoh and Evelyn Tay employ discourses of love to offer youth alternative avenues for empowerment in a context of socio-economic disenfranchizement. In a creative process of "straddling", this writing both reveals and reproduces the contradictions that obtain in youth configurations of agency.

The Two Admirals

J >> J. Fenimore Cooper >> The Two Admirals

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THE TWO ADMIRALS.

A Tale BY James Fenimore Cooper

THE AUTHOR OF

"THE PILOT," "RED ROVER," "WATER-WITCH," "HOMEWARD BOUND," ETC.




COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME
REVISED AND CORRECTED
WITH A NEW INTRODUCTION, NOTES, &c,
By the Author.

NEW YORK:
GEORGE P. PUTNAM & Co., 10 PARK PLACE.
1852.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, by
STRINGER & TOWNSEND,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for
the Southern District of New York.

STEREOTYPED BY
BILLIN & BROTHERS,
10 NORTH WILLIAM STREET, N.Y.
R. CRAIGHEAD, PRINTER




Come, all ye kindred chieftains of the deep,
In mighty phalanx round your brother bend;
Hush every murmur that invades his sleep,
And guard the laurel that o'ershades your friend.

_Lines on Trippe._




PREFACE.


It is a strong proof of the diffusive tendency of every thing in this
country, that America never yet collected a fleet. Nothing is wanting to
this display of power but the will. But a fleet requires only one
commander, and a feeling is fast spreading in the country that we ought
to be all commanders; unless the spirit of unconstitutional innovation,
and usurpation, that is now so prevalent, at Washington, be controlled,
we may expect to hear of proposals to send a committee of Congress to
sea, in command of a squadron. We sincerely hope that their first
experiment may be made on the coast of Africa.

It has been said of Napoleon that he never could be made to understand
why his fleets did not obey his orders with the same accuracy, as to
time and place, as his _corps d'armee_. He made no allowances for the
winds and currents, and least of all, did he comprehend that all
important circumstance, that the efficiency of a fleet is necessarily
confined to the rate of sailing of the dullest of its ships. More may be
expected from a squadron of ten sail, all of which shall be average
vessels, in this respect, than from the same number of vessels, of which
one half are fast and the remainder dull. One brigade can march as fast
as another, but it is not so with vessels. The efficiency of a marine,
therefore, depends rather on its working qualities, than on its number
of ships.

Perhaps the best fleet that ever sailed under the English flag, was that
with which Nelson fought the battle of the Nile. It consisted of twelve
or thirteen small seventy-fours, each of approved qualities, and
commanded by an officer of known merit. In all respects it was efficient
and reliable. With such men as Hallowell, Hood, Trowbridge, Foley, Ball,
and others, and with such ships, the great spirit of Nelson was
satisfied. He knew that whatever seamen could do, his comparatively
little force could achieve. When his enemy was discovered at anchor,
though night was approaching and his vessels were a good deal scattered,
he at once determined to put the qualities we have mentioned to the
highest proof, and to attack. This was done without any other order of
battle than that which directed each commander to get as close alongside
of an enemy as possible, the best proof of the high confidence he had in
his ships and in their commanders.

It is now known that all the early accounts of the man[oe]uvring at the
Nile, and of Nelson's reasoning on the subject of anchoring inside and
of doubling on his enemies, is pure fiction. The "Life" by Southey, in
all that relates to this feature of the day, is pure fiction, as,
indeed, are other portions of the work of scarcely less importance. This
fact came to the writer, through the late Commodore (Charles Valentine)
Morris, from Sir Alexander Ball, in the early part of the century. In
that day it would not have done to proclaim it, so tenacious is public
opinion of its errors; but since that time, naval officers of rank have
written on the subject, and stripped the Nile, Trafalgar, &c, of their
poetry, to give the world plain, nautical, and probable accounts of both
those great achievements. The truth, as relates to both battles, was
just as little like the previously published accounts, as well could be.

Nelson knew the great superiority of the English seamen, their facility
in repairing damages, and most of all the high advantage possessed by
the fleets of his country, in the exercise of the assumed right to
impress, a practice that put not only the best seamen of his own
country, but those of the whole world, more or less, at his mercy. His
great merit, at the Nile, was in the just appreciation of these
advantages, and in the extraordinary decision which led him to go into
action just at nightfall, rather than give his enemy time to prepare to
meet the shock.

It is now known that the French were taken, in a great measure, by
surprise. A large portion of their crews were on shore, and did not get
off to their ships at all, and there was scarce a vessel that did not
clear the decks, by tumbling the mess-chests, bags, &c, into the inside
batteries, rendering them, in a measure, useless, when the English
doubled on their line.

It was this doubling on the French line, by anchoring inside, and
putting two ships upon one, that gave Nelson so high a reputation as a
tactician. The merit of this man[oe]uvre belongs exclusively to one of
his captains. As the fleet went in, without any order, keeping as much
to windward as the shoals would permit, Nelson ordered the Vanguard
hove-to, to take a pilot out of a fisherman. This enabled Foley, Hood,
and one or two more to pass that fast ship. It was at this critical
moment that the thought occurred to Foley (we think this was the
officer) to pass the head of the French line, keep dead away, and anchor
inside. Others followed, completely placing their enemies between two
fires. Sir Samuel Hood anchored his ship (the Zealous) on the inner bow
of the most weatherly French ship, where he poured his fire into,
virtually; an unresisting enemy. Notwithstanding the great skill
manifested by the English in their mode of attack, this was the only
two-decked ship in the English fleet that was able to make sail on the
following morning.

Had Nelson led in upon an American fleet, as he did upon the French at
the Nile, he would have seen reason to repent the boldness of the
experiment. Something like it _was_ attempted on Lake Champlain, though
on a greatly diminished scale, and the English were virtually defeated
before they anchored.

The reader who feels an interest in such subjects, will probably detect
the secret process of the mind, by which some of the foregoing facts
have insinuated themselves into this fiction.




THE TWO ADMIRALS




CHAPTER I.

"Then, if he were my brother's.
My brother might not claim him; nor your father,
Being none of his, refuse him: This concludes--
My mother's son did get your father's heir;
Your father's heir must have your father's land."

KING JOHN.


The events we are about to relate, occurred near the middle of the last
century, previously even to that struggle, which it is the fashion of
America to call "the old French War." The opening scene of our tale,
however, must be sought in the other hemisphere, and on the coast of the
mother country. In the middle of the eighteenth century, the American
colonies were models of loyalty; the very war, to which there has just
been allusion, causing the great expenditure that induced the ministry
to have recourse to the system of taxation, which terminated in the
revolution. The family quarrel had not yet commenced. Intensely occupied
with the conflict, which terminated not more gloriously for the British
arms, than advantageously for the British American possessions, the
inhabitants of the provinces were perhaps never better disposed to the
metropolitan state, than at the very period of which we are about to
write. All their early predilections seemed to be gaining strength,
instead of becoming weaker; and, as in nature, the calm is known to
succeed the tempest, the blind attachment of the colony to the parent
country, was but a precursor of the alienation and violent disunion that
were so soon to follow.

Although the superiority of the English seamen was well established, in
the conflicts that took place between the years 1740, and that of 1763,
the naval warfare of the period by no means possessed the very decided
character with which it became stamped, a quarter of a century later. In
our own times, the British marine appears to have improved in quality,
as its enemies, deteriorated. In the year 1812, however, "Greek met
Greek," when, of a verity, came "the tug of war." The great change that
came over the other navies of Europe, was merely a consequence of the
revolutions, which drove experienced men into exile, and which, by
rendering armies all-important even to the existence of the different
states, threw nautical enterprises into the shade, and gave an
engrossing direction to courage and talent, in another quarter. While
France was struggling, first for independence, and next for the mastery
of the continent, a marine was a secondary object; for Vienna, Berlin,
and Moscow, were as easily entered without, as with its aid. To these,
and other similar causes, must be referred the explanation of the
seeming invincibility of the English arms at sea, during the late great
conflicts of Europe; an invincibility that was more apparent than real,
however, as many well-established defeats were, even then, intermingled
with her thousand victories.

From the time when her numbers could furnish succour of this nature,
down to the day of separation, America had her full share in the
exploits of the English marine. The gentry of the colonies willingly
placed their sons in the royal navy, and many a bit of square bunting
has been flying at the royal mast-heads of King's ships, in the
nineteenth century, as the distinguishing symbols of flag-officers, who
had to look for their birth-places among ourselves. In the course of a
chequered life, in which we have been brought in collision with as great
a diversity of rank, professions, and characters, as often falls to the
lot of any one individual, we have been thrown into contact with no less
than eight English admirals, of American birth; while, it has never yet
been our good fortune to meet with a countryman, who has had this rank
bestowed on him by his own government. On one occasion, an Englishman,
who had filled the highest civil office connected with the marine of his
nation, observed to us, that the only man he then knew, in the British
navy, in whom he should feel an entire confidence in entrusting an
important command, was one of these translated admirals; and the thought
unavoidably passed through our mind, that this favourite commander had
done well in adhering to the conventional, instead of clinging to his
natural allegiance, inasmuch as he might have toiled for half a century,
in the service of his native land, and been rewarded with a rank that
would merely put him on a level with a colonel in the army! How much
longer this short-sighted policy, and grievous injustice, are to
continue, no man can say; but it is safe to believe, that it is to last
until some legislator of influence learns the simple truth, that the
fancied reluctance of popular constituencies to do right, oftener exists
in the apprehensions of their representatives, than in reality.--But to
our tale.

England enjoys a wide-spread reputation for her fogs; but little do they
know how much a fog may add to natural scenery, who never witnessed its
magical effects, as it has caused a beautiful landscape to coquette with
the eye, in playful and capricious changes. Our opening scene is in one
of these much derided fogs; though, let it always be remembered, it was
a fog of June, and not of November. On a high head-land of the coast of
Devonshire, stood a little station-house, which had been erected with a
view to communicate by signals, with the shipping, that sometimes lay at
anchor in an adjacent roadstead. A little inland, was a village, or
hamlet, that it suits our purposes to call Wychecombe; and at no great
distance from the hamlet itself, surrounded by a small park, stood a
house of the age of Henry VII., which was the abode of Sir Wycherly
Wychecombe, a baronet of the creation of King James I., and the
possessor of an improveable estate of some three or four thousand a
year, which had been transmitted to him, through a line of ancestors,
that ascended as far back as the times of the Plantagenets. Neither
Wychecombe, nor the head-land, nor the anchorage, was a place of note;
for much larger and more favoured hamlets, villages, and towns, lay
scattered about that fine portion of England; much better roadsteads and
bays could generally be used by the coming or the parting vessel; and
far more important signal-stations were to be met with, all along that
coast. Nevertheless, the roadstead was entered when calms or adverse
winds rendered it expedient; the hamlet had its conveniences, and, like
most English hamlets, its beauties; and the hall and park were not
without their claims to state and rural magnificence. A century since,
whatever the table of precedency or Blackstone may say, an English
baronet, particularly one of the date of 1611, was a much greater
personage than he is to-day; and an estate of L4000 a year, more
especially if not rack-rented, was of an extent, and necessarily of a
local consequence, equal to one of near, or quite three times the same
amount, in our own day. Sir Wycherly, however, enjoyed an advantage that
was of still greater importance, and which was more common in 1745, than
at the present moment. He had no rival within fifteen miles of him, and
the nearest potentate was a nobleman of a rank and fortune that put all
competition out of the question; one who dwelt in courts, the favourite
of kings; leaving the baronet, as it might be, in undisturbed enjoyment
of all the local homage. Sir Wycherly had once been a member of
Parliament, and only once. In his youth, he had been a fox-hunter; and a
small property in Yorkshire had long been in the family, as a sort of
foothold on such enjoyments; but having broken a leg, in one of his
leaps, he had taken refuge against _ennui_, by sitting a single session
in the House of Commons, as the member of a borough that lay adjacent to
his hunting-box. This session sufficed for his whole life; the good
baronet having taken the matter so literally, as to make it a point to
be present at all the sittings; a sort of tax on his time, which, as it
came wholly unaccompanied by profit, was very likely soon to tire out
the patience of an old fox-hunter. After resigning his seat, he retired
altogether to Wychecombe, where he passed the last fifty years,
extolling England, and most especially that part of it in which his own
estates lay; in abusing the French, with occasional inuendoes against
Spain and Holland; and in eating and drinking. He had never travelled;
for, though Englishmen of his station often did visit the continent, a
century ago, they oftener did not. It was the courtly and the noble, who
then chiefly took this means of improving their minds and manners; a
class, to which a baronet by no means necessarily belonged. To conclude,
Sir Wycherly was now eighty-four; hale, hearty, and a bachelor. He had
been born the oldest of five brothers; the cadets taking refuse, as
usual, in the inns of court, the church, the army, and the navy; and
precisely in the order named. The lawyer had actually risen to be a
judge, by the style and appellation of Baron Wychecombe; had three
illegitimate children by his housekeeper, and died, leaving to the
eldest thereof, all his professional earnings, after buying commissions
for the two younger in the army. The divine broke his neck, while yet a
curate, in a fox-hunt; dying unmarried, and so far as is generally
known, childless. This was Sir Wycherly's favourite brother; who, he was
accustomed to say, "lost his life, in setting an example of field-sports
to his parishioners." The soldier was fairly killed in battle, before he
was twenty; and the name of the sailor suddenly disappeared from the
list of His Majesty's lieutenants, about half a century before the time
when our tale opens, by shipwreck. Between the sailor and the head of
the family, however, there had been no great sympathy; in consequence,
as it was rumoured, of a certain beauty's preference for the latter,
though this preference produced no _suites_, inasmuch as the lady died a
maid. Mr. Gregory Wychecombe, the lieutenant in question, was what is
termed a "wild boy;" and it was the general impression, when his parents
sent him to sea, that the ocean would now meet with its match. The hopes
of the family centred in the judge, after the death of the curate, and
it was a great cause of regret, to those who took an interest in its
perpetuity and renown, that this dignitary did not marry; since the
premature death of all the other sons had left the hall, park, and
goodly farms, without any known legal heir. In a word, this branch of
the family of Wychecombe would be extinct, when Sir Wycherly died, and
the entail become useless. Not a female inheritor, even, or a male
inheritor through females, could be traced; and it had become imperative
on Sir Wycherly to make a will, lest the property should go off, the
Lord knew where; or, what was worse, it should escheat. It is true, Tom
Wychecombe, the judge's eldest son, often gave dark hints about a
secret, and a timely marriage between his parents, a fact that would
have superseded the necessity for all devises, as the property was
strictly tied up, so far as the lineal descendants of a certain _old_
Sir Wycherly were concerned; but the present Sir Wycherly had seen his
brother, in his last illness, on which occasion, the following
conversation had taken place.

"And now, brother Thomas," said the baronet, in a friendly and consoling
manner; "having, as one may say, prepared your soul for heaven, by these
prayers and admissions of your sins, a word may be prudently said,
concerning the affairs of this world. You know I am childless--that is
to say,--"

"I understand you, Wycherly," interrupted the dying man, "you're a
_bachelor_."

"That's it, Thomas; and bachelors _ought_ not to have children. Had our
poor brother James escaped that mishap, he might have been sitting at
your bed-side at this moment, and _he_ could have told us all about it.
St. James I used to call him; and well did he deserve the name!"

"St. James the Least, then, it must have been, Wycherly."

"It's a dreadful thing to have no heir, Thomas! Did you ever know a case
in your practice, in which another estate was left so completely without
an heir, as this of ours?"

"It does not often happen, brother; heirs are usually more abundant than
estates."

"So I thought. Will the king get the title as well as the estate,
brother, if it should escheat, as you call it?"

"Being the fountain of honour, he will be rather indifferent about the
baronetcy."

"I should care less if it went to the next sovereign, who is English
born. Wychecombe has always belonged to Englishmen."

"That it has; and ever will, I trust. You have only to select an heir,
when I am gone, and by making a will, with proper devises, the property
will not escheat. Be careful to use the full terms of perpetuity."

"Every thing was so comfortable, brother, while you were in health,"
said Sir Wycherly, fidgeting; "you were my natural heir--"

"Heir of entail," interrupted the judge.

"Well, well, _heir_, at all events; and _that_ was a prodigious comfort
to a man like myself, who has a sort of religious scruples about making
a will. I have heard it whispered that you were actually married to
Martha; in which case, Tom might drop into our shoes, so readily,
without any more signing and sealing."

"A _filius nullius_," returned the other, too conscientious to lend
himself to a deception of that nature.

"Why, brother, Tom often seems to me to favour such an idea, himself."

"No wonder, Wycherly, for the idea would greatly favour him. Tom and his
brothers are all _filii nullorum_, God forgive me for that same wrong."

"I wonder neither Charles nor Gregory thought of marrying before they
lost their lives for their king and country," put in Sir Wycherly, in an
upbraiding tone, as if he thought his penniless brethren had done him an
injury in neglecting to supply him with an heir, though he had been so
forgetful himself of the same great duty. "I did think of bringing in a
bill for providing heirs for unmarried persons, without the trouble and
responsibility of making wills."

"That would have been a great improvement on the law of descents--I hope
you wouldn't have overlooked the ancestors."

"Not I--everybody would have got his rights. They tell me poor Charles
never spoke after he was shot; but I dare say, did we know the truth, he
regretted sincerely that he never married."

"There, for once, Wycherly, I think you are likely to be wrong. A _femme
sole_ without food, is rather a helpless sort of a person."

"Well, well, I wish he had married. What would it have been to me, had
he left a dozen widows?"

"It might have raised some awkward questions as to dowry; and if each
left a son, the title and estates would have been worse off than they
are at present, without widows or legitimate children."

"Any thing would be better than having no heir. I believe I'm the first
baronet of Wychecombe who has been obliged to make a will!"

"Quite likely," returned the brother, drily; "I remember to have got
nothing from the last one, in that way. Charles and Gregory fared no
better. Never mind, Wycherly, you behaved like a father to us all."

"I don't mind signing cheques, in the least; but wills have an
irreligious appearance, in my eyes. There are a good many Wychecombes,
in England; I wonder some of them are not of our family! They tell me a
hundredth cousin is just as good an heir, as a first-born son."

"Failing nearer of kin. But we have no hundredth cousins of the _whole
blood_."

"There are the Wychecombes of Surrey, brother Thomas--?"

"Descended from a bastard of the second baronet, and out of the line of
descent, altogether."

"But the Wychecombes of Hertfordshire, I have always heard were of our
family, and legitimate."

"True, as regards matrimony--rather too much of it, by the way. They
branched off in 1487, long before the creation, and have nothing to do
with the entail; the first of their line coming from old Sir Michael
Wychecombe, Kt. and Sheriff of Devonshire, by his second wife Margery;
while we are derived from the same male ancestor, through Wycherly, the
only son by Joan, the first wife. Wycherly, and Michael, the son of
Michael and Margery, were of the half-blood, as respects each other, and
could not be heirs of blood. What was true of the ancestors is true of
the descendants."

"But we came of the same ancestor, and the estate is far older than
1487."

"Quite true, brother; nevertheless, the half-blood can't take; so says
the perfection of human reason."

"I never could understand these niceties of the law," said Sir Wycherly,
sighing; "but I suppose they are all right. There are so many
Wychecombes scattered about England, that I should think some one among
them all might be my heir!"

"Every man of them bears a bar in his arms, or is of the half-blood."

"You are quite sure, brother, that Tom is a _filius nullus_?" for the
baronet had forgotten most of the little Latin he ever knew, and
translated this legal phrase into "no son."

"_Filius nullius_, Sir Wycherly, the son of nobody; your reading would
literally make Tom nobody; whereas, he is only the son of nobody."

"But, brother, he is your son, and as like you, as two hounds of the
same litter."

"I am _nullus_, in the eye of the law, as regards poor Tom; who, until
he marries, and has children of his own, is altogether without legal
kindred. Nor do I know that legitimacy would make Tom any better; for he
is presuming and confident enough for the heir apparent to the throne,
as it is."

"Well, there's this young sailor, who has been so much at the station
lately, since he was left ashore for the cure of his wounds. 'Tis a most
gallant lad; and the First Lord has sent him a commission, as a reward
for his good conduct, in cutting out the Frenchman. I look upon him as a
credit to the name; and I make no question, he is, some way or other, of
our family."

"Does he claim to be so?" asked the judge, a little quickly, for he
distrusted men in general, and thought, from all he had heard, that some
attempt might have been made to practise on his brother's simplicity. "I
thought you told me that he came from the American colonies?"

"So he does; he's a native of Virginia, as was his father before him."

"A convict, perhaps; or a servant, quite likely, who has found the name
of his former master, more to his liking than his own. Such things are
common, they tell me, beyond seas."

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