Henry of Monmouth, Volume 2

J >> J. Endell Tyler >> Henry of Monmouth, Volume 2

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[Footnote 72: The following paragraphs are almost
literally extracted from Sir Harris Nicolas's
"Battle of Agincourt."]

On March 14, 1415, the French ministers denied Henry's right to any
part of the dominion of their master; but, to avoid extremities, they
offered to cede the counties of Angouleme and Bayonne, with various
other territories. They said that Provence, not being among Charles's
lordships, was not withheld by him. With respect to the arrears of
ransom, they thought that, having offered so much to extend the
possessions of England, with a view of securing peace, the claim ought
to be withdrawn. Touching the marriage, which had been so frequently
discussed, though the Kings of France had been accustomed to give much
less with their daughters than six hundred thousand crowns, which sum
the Duke of Berry had offered with her in the preceding August, yet
that it should be enlarged to eight hundred thousand crowns, besides
her jewels and apparel, and the expense of sending the princess (p. 087)
in a suitable manner to the place where she might be delivered to
Henry. But as the English ambassadors said they were not permitted to
prolong their stay in France, and had no authority to vary their
demands, Charles engaged to send an embassy to England to conclude the
treaty.

During the progress of these protracted negociations Henry grew
dissatisfied; and either from impatience, or with a view of awing
France into submission, issued writs of 26th September 1414, for a
parliament to be held at Westminster after the Octaves of St. Martin,
18th November following. On that day parliament met; and the session
was opened at the command of the King by Henry Beaufort, Bishop of
Winchester, then Chancellor. In a long harangue he informed the
assembly, that their King (who was present in person) had resolved to
recover his inheritance, which had been so long and unjustly kept from
him and his progenitors, Kings of England; and that, for this purpose,
many things were necessary. Taking for his theme the text, "Whilst we
have time, let us do good," he pointed out, with more pedantry than
eloquence, that for every natural thing there were two seasons; and
that just as for the tree there was one time to bud, to flower, and to
bring forth fruit, and another time through which it was left to
repose, so was there given to man a time for peace, and a time for war
and labour: that the King, considering the value of peace and (p. 088)
tranquillity which this kingdom then enjoyed, and also the justice
of his present quarrel, (considerations most necessary for every
prince who had to encounter enemies abroad,) deemed that the proper
time had arrived for the accomplishment of his purpose. But, to attain
this great and honourable object, three things, he said, were wanted;
namely, wise and faithful counsel from his vassals, strong and true
support from his people, and a copious subsidy from his subjects;
which each of them would readily grant, because the more their
prince's dominions were extended, the less would their burdens become;
and, these things being performed, great honour and glory would
necessarily ensue.

This address was not without effect, for the Commons, after electing
Thomas Chaucer (son, as it is said, of the poet) for their Speaker,
"granted the King, for the honour of God, and from the great love and
affection which they bore towards their sovereign, two entire
fifteenths and two entire tenths, _for the defence of the kingdom of
England and the safeguard of the seas_."

CHAPTER XX. (p. 089)

MODERN TRIPLE CHARGE AGAINST HENRY OF FALSEHOOD, HYPOCRISY, AND
IMPIETY. -- FUTILITY OF THE CHARGE, AND UTTER FAILURE OF THE EVIDENCE
ON WHICH ALONE IT IS GROUNDED. -- HE IS URGED BY HIS PEOPLE TO
VINDICATE THE RIGHTS OF HIS CROWN, HIMSELF HAVING A CONSCIENTIOUS
CONVICTION OF THE JUSTICE OF HIS CLAIM. -- STORY OF THE TENNIS-BALLS.
-- PREPARATIONS FOR INVADING FRANCE. -- HENRY'S WILL MADE AT
SOUTHAMPTON. -- CHARGE OF HYPOCRISY AGAIN GROUNDED ON THE CLOSE OF
THAT TESTAMENT. -- ITS FUTILITY. -- HE DESPATCHES TO THE VARIOUS
POWERS OF EUROPE THE GROUNDS OF HIS CLAIM ON FRANCE.

At this point of his work, the Author finds the painful duty devolved
upon him of investigating a triple charge, now for the first time
brought against Henry by a living writer. He must not shrink from the
task, though he enter upon it with a consciousness that, if
established, the charge must brand Henry's memory with indelible
disgrace, whilst his acquittal may imply censure on his accuser.[73]
He feels, nevertheless, that only one course is open for him to (p. 090)
pursue; he must follow up the inquiry fully, fearlessly, and
impartially, whatever may be the result; and, whether he looks to
Henry or his accuser, he must adhere rigidly to the golden maxim,
"Friends are dear, but truth is dearer!"

[Footnote 73: Here, however, the Author begs to
state his most unfeigned conviction that, had the
Editor of the "Battle of Agincourt" allowed himself
more time for reflection and reconsideration of his
subject, his love of truth and justice (which
evidences itself in various parts of his works)
would have induced him to withdraw this triple
accusation. The Author sincerely gives that
valuable writer full credit for his generous
indignation at the idea of any thing savouring of
falsehood, as well as for his anxious desire to
enlist all our ancient documents, whether published
or yet in manuscript, in the cause of historical
truth; and he sincerely trusts that not one
expression may escape his pen which may give,
unnecessarily, the slightest pain to an Editor for
the assistance derived from whose labours he will
not allow this note to escape him (even at the risk
of tautology) without again expressing his
obligations.]

An Author,[74] then, to whom (as we gladly and gratefully acknowledge)
we are largely indebted for many helps supplied to the biographer and
historian, and from whom we have borrowed copiously in this part of
our work, brings a wide and violent charge against Henry's character
in those very points on which the general tenour and complexion of his
whole life would lead us to regard him as of all least assailable. He
charges him with _falsehood_, _hypocrisy_, and _impiety_. The
groundwork on which he founds these accusations is a series of letters
recorded in M. Le Laboureur's History of Charles VI. of France.

[Footnote 74: Sir Harris Nicolas.]

To ascertain more satisfactorily whether the charge is really (p. 091)
substantiated, or whether it has been built upon an unsound
foundation, we will first extract the whole passage as it stands in
his work, "The Battle of Agincourt," and then sift the evidence which
the writer alleges in support of so grave an imputation.

"On the 7th April, Henry is said to have addressed the King of France
on the subject of his claims, and in reference to the embassy which
Charles had signified his intention of sending to discuss them. No
part[75] of the correspondence on this occasion occurs in the
Foedera, and it is very slightly alluded to by our historians. "To
the first of those letters Charles replied on the 16th of April, and
to the last on the 26th of that month; it is therefore evident (p. 092)
that Henry did not wait for the answer to the first before the second
was written. These documents occur in contemporary writers; and, as
the internal evidence which they contain of being genuine is very
strong, there is no cause to doubt their authenticity. Their most
striking features are falsehood, hypocrisy, and impiety; for Henry's
solemn assurance that he was not actuated by his own ambition, but by
the wishes of his subjects, is rendered very doubtful by the fact
that, on the day after the Chancellor had solicited supplies for the
invasion of France, the Commons _merely stated_ that they granted
_them for the defence of the realm, and the safety of the seas_. The
justice claimed was, that France should be dismembered of many
important territories; and that, with the hand of Katharine, Henry
should receive a sum as unprecedented as it was exorbitant. But this
was not all, for his first demand was the crown of France itself; and
it was not until he was convinced of the impossibility of such a
concession, that he required those points to which his letters refer.
If then there was FALSEHOOD in his assertion that his demands were
dictated by the wishes of his people rather than by his own, there was
HYPOCRISY in the assurances of his moderation and love of peace, and
IMPIETY in calling the Almighty to witness the sincerity of his
protestation, and in profaning the holy writings by citing them on
such an occasion. These letters, which were probably dictated by
Cardinal Beaufort, are remarkable for the style in which they (p. 093)
are written; in some places they approach nearly to eloquence, and they
are throughout clear, nervous, and impressive."

[Footnote 75: That a correspondence took place,
there can be no doubt; but very much doubt is
thrown upon the accuracy of these documents; they
do not appear in such a shape that we can rely upon
them as evidence. The Author who gives them says,
that he considers them capable of embellishing and
adorning his history. The reader is invited to sift
this matter thoroughly, if he thinks that the
writer of these Memoirs has taken a partial view of
the merits of the question; and he is, at the same
time, cautioned against regarding the principal
work in which these letters are found as the
production of M. Laboureur. Into this error he
might easily be led by the manner in which the book
has been quoted. Laboureur translated the work of
an anonymous writer of St. Denis, of whose
character nothing is known. The manuscript, in
Latin, is said to have been found in the library of
M. Le President De Thou. The original author
brought the history down to the year 1415, and St.
Jean Le Fevre continued it to 1422.]

In this threefold indictment, the first charge is "falsehood." The
falsehood is made to consist in Henry's assertion, that he was
stimulated to prosecute his claim by the wishes of his people; and the
only evidence alleged to sustain this charge of falsehood, is the fact
that parliament, in granting the supplies, so far from specifying that
the grant was made for the purpose of recovering the King's rights in
France, merely stated that it was "_for the defence of the realm, and
the safety of the seas_."

Before a charge, fixing an indelible stain on the character of a
fellow-creature, whether the individual were a king leading his armies
to victory, or the humblest subject in his realm, were made on such
grounds as these, it had been well,--well for the cause of truth, and
well for the satisfaction of the accuser,--had the nature and force of
the evidence adduced been first more carefully examined. The slightest
acquaintance with the language of parliament at that time, and the
most cursory comparison of the words of its members with their
conduct, must satisfy every one that not a shadow of suspicion is
suggested of any unwillingness on the part of the Commons to support
the King in demanding his supposed rights, and vindicating them by
arms. On the contrary, the very records of parliament themselves, (p. 094)
which are cited to maintain against Henry the charge of falsehood,
carry with them a full and perfect refutation of the accusation,
complete in all its parts; and compel us to lament that it has been
brought so hastily, unadvisedly, and inconsiderately. Our first point
is to ascertain the force of those words in the grant alone cited to
substantiate the charge of falsehood against Henry,--what meaning was
attached to them by the Commons themselves. We shall find that the
subsidy was granted in the usual formal words, "for the defence of the
realm of England and so forth." In the first parliament of Henry for
example, the subsidy is granted in these words: "To the honour of God,
and for the great love and affection which your poor Commons of your
realm of England have to you our dread sovereign Lord, for the good of
the realm and its good governance in time to come, we have, with the
consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, granted to you _for
defence of your realm of England_," and so forth,--specifying a
subsidy from wools and other merchandise; and then, in voting an
entire fifteenth and a tenth, they add, "for _the defence of the
realm, and the safeguard of the seas_." With precisely the same
justice might it be argued in this case that the Commons would not
vote the subsidy for "the support of the King's dignity and high
estate," (though that was one of the especial grounds on which he
appealed himself to the liberality of his parliament,) as it can (p. 095)
be inferred, from the same words used in the parliament of 1415,
that the Commons of England were not forward to promote the expedition
to France. In that parallel case, however, we are quite sure the
argument would be fallacious; because in the very same session they
voted that the King's own allowance should take precedence of all
other payments of annuities and other demands, to the amount of
10,000_l._ annually.

Another instance occurs in the parliament which met October 19, 1416,
the King himself presiding: though the Chancellor, after referring
with exultation to the victories of Harfleur, "the key of France," and
of Agincourt, "where greatest part of the chivalry of France had
fallen in battle," asks for new supplies _for the express purpose_ of
carrying on the wars in France; the Commons, in voting those supplies,
as expressly state that they grant them "_for the defence of your
realm of England_."

The same conclusion is warranted by the grants of 1417 and 1419;
excepting that in these the Commons make the argument intended to
support the charge against Henry's veracity still less tenable, by
inserting a phrase which might seem to exclude the very object for
which application for the subsidy was made. The application was made
especially for the supplies necessary to carry on the war abroad; the
Commons vote the subsidy "for the defence of the realm of England _in
especial_."

But, to remove all possible doubt as to the true intent and (p. 096)
meaning of the people of England in the grant in 1414 of two entire
tenths and two entire fifteenths, we need only refer to the first act
of the next parliament, which, after rehearsing the impossibility of
the King effectually carrying on his wars abroad unless one tenth and
one fifteenth made by the former parliament, payable on the 2nd of
February, should be collected before that time, decrees that subsidy
to be due and payable on the feast of St. Lucie in the next coming
December. Nor is this all. The next act of this same parliament would
of itself prove the utter futility of the charge against Henry, as far
as that charge rests upon the evidence adduced. The parliament first
state the necessity of supplying the King with more efficient means
_for pursuing his campaign in France_, and then vote one entire tenth
and one entire fifteenth,--for what? not for the purpose which they
have expressly specified, but "_for the defence of his said realm of
England_." The preamble, however, of this act shows so clearly what
were the views and feelings of his subjects on this very point, as
well as on the justice of his claim, that a transcript of it seems
indispensable in this place.

"The Commons of the realm, in this present parliament assembled,
considering that the King our sovereign lord, for the honour of God,
and to avoid the shedding of human blood, hath caused various requests
to be made to his adversary of France to have restitution of his
_inheritance_ according to _right and justice_;[76] and for that (p. 097)
end there have been diverse treaties, as well here as beyond the
sea, to his great costs; nevertheless he hath not, by such requests
and treaties, obtained his said inheritance, nor any important part
thereof: and since the King, neither by the revenues of his realm, nor
by any previous grant of subsidy, hath had enough wherewith to pursue
_his right_; yet, always _trusting in God_ that in his JUST _quarrel_
he shall be upheld and supported, of his own good courage hath
undertaken an expedition into those parts, pawning his jewels to
procure a supply of money, and in his own person hath passed over, and
arrived at Harfleur, and laid siege to it and taken it, and holds it
at present, having placed lords and many others there for its defence;
and then of his excellent courage, with few people in regard to the
power of France, he marched by land towards Calais, where, on his
route, many dukes, earls, and other lords, with the power of the realm
of France, to an exceeding great number, opposed him, and gave him
battle; and God, of his grace, hath given victory to our King, to the
honour and exaltation of his crown, of his own fair fame, the (p. 098)
singular comfort of his faithful lieges, to the terror of all his
enemies, and probably to the lasting profit of all his realm."

[Footnote 76: This seems to have been the language
of judges, councillors, parliament, poets, and the
people at large. The voice of all England seemed to
be echoed by Lydgate.

"In honour great; for, by his puissant might,
He conquered all Normandy again
And valiantly, for all the power of France,
And won from them HIS OWN INHERITANCE."]

We may safely leave the issue to the verdict of any impartial mind.
The argument drawn from the language of parliament to convict Henry of
falsehood falls to the ground; it has no colour of reason in it; and
no other argument is even alluded to by the accuser. It is, moreover,
much to be regretted that the Editor of "The Battle of Agincourt,"
when he was translating so large a portion of the Chaplain's memoir,
which with great reason he implicitly follows, had not begun the work
of translation a few sentences only before its present commencement.
Our countrymen would then have seen that, from whatever sources that
Editor drew the evidence on which to build his triple charge of
hypocrisy, falsehood, and impiety against Henry V, those who knew him
best, and had the most ample opportunities of witnessing his character
and conduct, expressed at least a very opposite opinion on the point
at issue. The following are the genuine words of one who accompanied
Henry from his native shores to France, was with him at the battle of
Agincourt, and returned with him in safety to England. "Meanwhile,
after the interchange of many solemn embassies between England and
France, with a view to permanent peace, when the King found that very
many negociations and most exact treaties had been carried on in (p. 099)
vain, by reason that the council of France, _clinging to their own
will, which they adopted as their law_, could be induced to peace by
no just mean of equity, without immense injury to the crown of
England, and perpetual disinheritance of some of the noblest portions
of his right in that realm, though for the sake of peace he was ready
to make great concessions, seeing no other remedy or means by which he
could come to his right, had recourse to the sentence of the supreme
judicature, and without blame sought to recover by the sword what the
blameworthy and unjust violence of the French had struggled so long to
usurp and keep.... He determined to regain the duchy of Normandy,
which had for a long time been _kept, against God and all justice, by
the violence of the French_."

There is, however, one declaration contained in the very volume from
which these alleged letters of Henry are extracted, which makes the
charge brought by the commentator on those letters still more
surprising.[77] It is in that very volume positively asserted, with
regard to the first rumour through France of Henry's intended
invasion, that "his subjects _had strongly_ remonstrated with (p. 100)
him for his love of peace and rest, and his dislike of active
measures, and had _now_ INSISTED upon his undertaking the
expedition."[78]

[Footnote 77: The Author does not mean to imply, as
the result of his inquiries, that Henry was
altogether influenced in his determination to claim
the crown of France by the instigations of his
people. If, as we believe, he was urged by them to
adopt that measure, we believe also that he
listened with much readiness to their appeal.]

[Footnote 78: The words of the writer of that
history are too clear and forcible to justify us in
merely quoting their substance. The very title of
his chapter directs our attention to the point.
"Henry, King of England, constrained by his
subjects to renew his pretension to the crown of
France, makes a great movement." "The present year,
on the incidents of which I proceed to remark,
seems to me not less full of troubles and evils
than any of those which preceded it. It commenced
by a rumour, sudden but true, and which spread
itself everywhere, that the English, impatient of
repose, blaming for carelessness and want of heart
the repose and inactivity of their King Henry, had
_compelled him_ to arouse himself, and to revive by
the same means the pretensions of some of his
predecessors on the crown of France." "Les Anglais,
impatiens de repos a leur ordinance, blamans de
nonchalance et de manque de coeur le repos et
l'oisivete de leur Roi Henri, l'avaient oblige de
se reveiller."--M. Laboureur, Life of Charles VI,
translated from the Latin of a contemporary
ecclesiastic. Whatever be the degree of authority
to which this author is entitled, whilst he
supplies the letters on which the accusation alone
is founded, he as expressly contradicts, by
positive assertion, the inference now drawn from
those letters.]

The charge of hypocrisy is made to rest "on Henry assuring the French
monarch of his moderation and love of peace, whereas he must have been
conscious that he was immoderate in his demands, and was not desirous
of peace." To prove that his demands were immoderate, is not enough to
sustain this accusation; to constitute him a hypocrite, he must
_himself have been conscious_ that his demands were immoderate. (p. 101)
But how stands the probability? He was fully persuaded that the crown
of France was his own; and he first demands the full surrender of his
alleged rights. The Commons declare that what he sought was "the
restitution of his inheritance according to _right and justice_," and
testify that he "trusted in God for support in his _just quarrel_." He
then, agreeably to the advice of his council,[79] (who acknowledge
that what he sought to recover was "his righteous heritage, (p. 102)
the redintegration of the old rights of his crown,") withdrawing his
full demand, proposes other terms, unreasonable, no doubt, as we (p. 103)
may view them now, but, if regarded as a substitute for the fair
kingdom of France, far from stamping on Henry the brand of hypocrisy,
when he made a profession of moderation and a love of peace.[80]

[Footnote 79: Among the records of the council, the
minutes of one of their meetings held at
Westminster in the second year of Henry's reign
deserve especial attention. The manuscript is much
damaged, but the general meaning is clearly
intelligible. The minutes first rehearse that "the
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the true and
humble lieges and knights of the King's noble
realm, were there present, gathered by his royal
command." It then proceeds: "Ye, our noble and
righteous Lord and King, have in your chivalrous
heart and desire determined to stir and labour in
your recovery and redintegration of the old rights
of your crown, as well as for your righteous
heritage ... desiring upon this knightful intent
and purpose to have the good and high advice and
true meaning of us, your true knights and humble
lieges aforesaid. Whereupon, our sovereign Lord, as
well our Lords as we have communed by your high
commandment in these matters: and known well among
us all without [doubt ye are] so Christian a Prince
that ye would in so high a matter begin nothing but
that were to God's pleasance, and to eschew by all
ways the shedding of Christian blood; and that, if
algate [at all events] ye should do it, that
denying of right and reason were the cause [rather]
than wilfulheadedness. Wherefore, our sovereign and
gracious high Lord, it thinks, as well our Lords as
us in our own hearts, that it were speedful to send
such ambassadors to every party as [your] claim
requireth, sufficiently instructed for the right
and recovery of that is above said. And if ye, our
sovereign Lord, at the reverence of God, like of
your proper motion, without our counsel given
thereto, any mesne [middle] way to offer, that were
moderating of your whole title, or of any of your
claims beyond the sea; and hereupon your adverse
party denying you both right and reason and all
reasonable mesne [middle] ways, we trust all in
God's grace that all your works in pursuing them
should take the better speed and conclusion: and in
the mean while that all the works of readiness that
may be to your voyage thought or wrought, that it
be done by the high advice of you and your noble
council; seeing that the surety of your royal
estate, the peace of your land, the safe ward of
all your [realm] be well and sufficiently provided
for above all things. And, these observed, we shall
be ready with our bodies and goods, to do you the
service that we may to our powers, as far as we
ought of right, and as our ancestors have done to
your noble progenitors in like case."

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