Henry of Monmouth, Volume 2

J >> J. Endell Tyler >> Henry of Monmouth, Volume 2

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13. Generally against extortions. (p. 055)

14. Against excessive expenses in the persons and the families of the
clergy.

15. For a provision for more efficient divine service in parishes.

16. For the restoration of peace through Christendom.

In his reflections on these points there is so much sound sense and
genuine affection for true religion, such an ardent desire pervades
them of promoting the ends for which alone an establishment can be
justified on warrant of Scripture, or is in itself desirable,--the
salvation of souls through Christ for ever,--that, had it not been out
of place, the Author would have gladly transcribed a great part of Dr.
Ullerston's sentiments into these pages. His suggestions savour
throughout of genuine piety and true practical wisdom.

To Ullerston must be added Walter Dysse, who was commissioned by Pope
Boniface IX. to proceed to Spain, Portugal, and Aquitain, to preach a
crusade against the infidels. He was a most deadly enemy to the
followers of Wicliffe, and a devoted friend to the court of Rome; yet
he could not pass over in silence the cause of the divisions and
corruptions of the church, nor the means of their effectual
reformation.

But, perhaps, among all those whom the history of this Council records
as zealous promoters of a real reformation within the church itself,
our more immediate object in these Memoirs would require us (p. 056)
to make especial mention of Thomas Walden, because he was one of Henry
of Monmouth's own chaplains,[47] and was employed by him not only in
domestic concerns, but in foreign embassies.[48] He was called the
Netter, from the expertness and success with which he caught and
mastered his antagonists in argument. He was present at the Council of
Pisa as well as of Constance. He proved himself throughout a most
bitter persecutor of heretics; and (as Van der Hardt expresses
himself) the less imbued he was with any affection towards the
disciples of Huss, or influenced by it, so much the more sincere a
censor was he of the ecclesiastical corruptions of his time. He was
bent on reforming the abuses of the church with a strong hand, and so
far the wishes of his royal master coincided with his own; but he (p. 057)
could not prevail upon the King to go hand-in-hand with him in
persecuting the heretics. Walden was bold enough, in his mistaken
zeal, to charge Henry with a culpable remissness in what was then too
generally supposed to be the duty of a Christian sovereign.[49]

[Footnote 47: Thomas Gascoyne, a contemporary
writer, born 1403, ordained 1427, who gives us a
deplorable view of the ignorance and immorality of
the clergy of his time, mentions the appointment of
Walden as Henry's chaplain, in confirmation of his
position that he never could find that any King of
England retained any bishop after consecration as
his confessor or resident chaplain till the time of
Henry VI. "When (he says) Henry IV.'s confessor was
made a bishop, he sent him to his cure and his
bishopric; and Henry V, who was a very prudent King
indeed, and terrible to many nations, had with him
one doctor proficient in divinity, Thomas Walden,
as his confessor, who was burdened with no cure of
souls. Thus were Kings and Lords accustomed to
retain as their chaplains persons who were free
from all cure of souls."]

[Footnote 48: Pell Rolls, Mich. 7 Hen. V, he is
paid for his expenses in an embassy to the King of
Poland.]

[Footnote 49: L'Estrange, Counc. Constance, vol.
ii. p. 282; and Van der Hardt, tom. i. p. 501.]

* * * * *

A communication made personally to Henry from Constance, in the
beginning of the year 1417,[50] deserves in this place our especial
attention. The letter, written by John Forester,[51] may perhaps be
considered a fair specimen of correspondence between Englishmen of
education at that period. As a vehicle of information on the real
state of feeling in England with regard to the church of Rome, it is
very interesting. It is, moreover, impossible to read it without
inferring that, in the opinion of the writer at least, and of those in
whose behalf he wrote, Henry's earnest desire was to reform the abuses
of the church, and to render churchmen zealous servants of the Gospel.

[Footnote 50: Not 1418, as it has been supposed,
but 1417. The date is fixed by the specifying of
Wednesday the 27th January, as also by the mention
of the Genoese ships. These ships were hired, and
they fought under the French against the English,
and were beat in July 1417, after a severe
engagement.]

[Footnote 51: Cott. MSS. Cleopatra, t. vii. p.
148.]

JOHN FORESTER'S LETTER FROM CONSTANCE TO HENRY V. (p. 058)

"My sovereign liege Lord, and most redoubted Prince Christian to
me on earth. I recommend me unto your high royal and imperial
Majesty with all manner [of] honours, worships, grace, and
goodnesses. My most glorious Lord, liketh you to wit, that the
Wednesday, the third hour after noon, or near thereto, the seven
and twentieth day of January, your brother['s] gracious person
the King of Rome entered the city of Constance with your livery
of the Collar about his neck,--a glad sight for all your liege
men to see,--with a solemn procession of all estates, both of
Cardinals of all nations, and your Lords in their best array with
all your nation. He received your Lords graciously, with right
good cheer. Of all the worshipful men of your nation he touched
their hands, [and theirs] only, in all the great press. And then
went my Lord of Salisbury [Hallam] before heartily to the place
of the general Council, where that royal King should rest; and he
entered into the pulpit where the Cardinal Candacence,[52] chief
of the nation of France, and your especial enemy also, had
purposed to have made the first collation[53] before the
King,[54] in worship of the French nation. But my Lord of
Salisbury kept possession, in worship of you and your nation; and
he made there a right good collation that pleased the King right
well: and forasmuch as the King was fasting at that hour, then
would no man occupy him more that day; but on the morn (p. 059)
(my liege Lord) liketh you to wit, that at nine of the bell all
your ambassadors, with all your nation in their best array, went
to worship him in his palace, and that he gave them glad and
gracious audience. There my Lord of Chester, the president of
your nation, had his words to him in such a wise that it was
worship to him and all our nation; and soon after this they took
their leave of him. And on the morrow he sends after them again
at ten of the clock. There he received them again every man by
hand. Then he made a collation to our nation, and he thanked them
especially that they had been so loving, trusty, and true to his
nation in his absence. Also, he rehearsed there how the
brotherhood [friendship] began between him and my Lord your
father; and how it is now so continued and knit for you and your
successors, with the grace of God, for ever. And he told them so
great worship of your royal person, and such of all my Lords your
brethren; and then of the governance of holy church, divine
service, ornaments, and all state thereof, kept as though it were
in Paradise, in comparison with any place that he ever came in
before; so that from the highest unto the lowest he commended
your glorious and gracious person, your realm, and your good
governance. And then my Lord of Chester, our president, in the
name of all our nation (as belongeth to his office) rehearsed
compendiously, and in a gentle wise, all that ever the Emperor
had said; and gave him an answer to every point so good and so
reasonable, in so short avisement, that he has got him the thanks
of your nation for ever. And also, sovereign liege Lord, as I may
understand, my Lords of Salisbury and Chester are fully disposed,
by the consent of all your other ambassadors, to suive [pursue]
the reformation in the church, in the head and the members,
having no regard to no benefices[55] that they have, (p. 060)
rather than it should be left undone. And of this I doubt me
nought that these two lords will abide hard and nigh, always by
the good advice and deliberation of your brother the King of
Rome. Moreover, liketh you to wit, that on Sunday, the last day
of January, your brother, the King of Rome, wore the gown of the
Garters, with your collar, openly at the high mass; and he was
lereth [learned] that the Duke of Beyer and the borough-grave
should eat with my Lord of London the same day, and he said he
would eat with them. Other tidings be there none, but, as it is
said, the ambassadors of Spain should be here in Constance within
a few days. And, on Candlemas eve, came letters from the French
King, commanding to his nation to put out the ambassadors of the
Duke of Burgundy from their nation; also, as it is said openly,
that the foresaid French King hath sent to the city of Genoa, and
forwarded a great sum of gold to [hire[56]] wage great ships and
galleys, to destroy your ordinance and your navy of England. And
further, the day of making this letter, Master Philip Moyar
entered Constance in good health, thanked be God! The which God,
of his gracious goodness, keep your high, honourable, and
gracious person in his pleasance, and send you sovereignty and
victory of all your enemies. Written at Constance, the second day
of February,
"By your poor, true, and continual
"Orator,[57]
"JOHN FORESTER."

[Footnote 52: Cardinalis Camaracensis, or Cardinal
of Cambray.]

[Footnote 53: "Collation" meant discourse, or
speech, generally of a laudatory character.]

[Footnote 54: The Spaniards, the French, and others
were jealous of the English enjoying the privilege
of ranking and voting single-handed as one of the
nations, and insisted upon their being regarded
only as a part of a larger section of Europe, just
as Austria was only part of Germany. But the
English resisted, and preserved their privilege.]

[Footnote 55: This alludes to the intention of
putting a stop to the rich and numerous commendams
which were then heaped on bishops. Our English
prelates were determined to carry on the
reformation, though at their own personal
sacrifice.]

[Footnote 56: This negotiation was successful. The
French hired a fleet of long ships of the Genoese.]

[Footnote 57: Orator.--Petitioner, one who prayed
for the welfare of another.]

It is curious to remark that, on the very Sunday before this (p. 061)
letter was written, the English bishops caused a sort of pious comedy
to be acted in the presence of the Emperor Sigismund. It was one of
those mysteries, as they were called, which had so long mingled
religious instruction (of a very questionable character) with
amusement. The fruits of these exhibitions were probably very
equivocal in that age in England, as they are on the Continent at this
day. The Germans consider this play, which was the representation of
the Nativity,[58] the Massacre of the Innocents, and the Visit of the
Magi, as the first introduction of that sort of dramatic performance
into their country. The English had caused a rehearsal to be performed
before the authorities of the place three or four times previously, in
order to make the actors perfect for their imperial audience.

[Footnote 58: A curious entry occurs (11th July
1390) in the Pell Rolls of 10_l._ ordered by the
King (Richard II.) to be paid to the clerks of the
parish churches, and other clerks in the city of
London, on account of the play of the Passion of
our Lord and the Creation of the World, by them
performed at Skynnerswell after the feast of
Bartholomew last past.]

About half a year after the date of this letter to Henry, his uncle,
Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, reached Constance in the garb of
a pilgrim, on his journey to the Holy Land. His safe-conduct is dated
July 21, 1417. His arrival at Constance was very prejudicial to the
cause of the reform of the church. The struggle then was between the
imperial party (to which the English were closely attached) (p. 062)
and the Cardinals, whether the Pope should be first elected, or
whether the reformations in the church should take precedence of his
election. Henry Beaufort, to whom all parties seem to have paid the
utmost deference, suggested the expediency of first electing the Pope;
the Cardinals pledging themselves, that done, to proceed forthwith to
the reformation. His advice was followed, and the result must have
been a disappointment to all sincere Christians: a death-blow was
given to the hopes which had been entertained of a reform in
ecclesiastical affairs to be effected by that Council. No sooner was
Pope Martin V. elected, than both himself and the Cardinals frustrated
every attempt to secure a sound reformation; and, after sitting three
years and six months, the Council was dissolved.

The records of this Council of Constance bear incidentally most
valuable evidence to the warm interest taken by Henry in everything
over which he had any control, and in which he could beneficially
employ his power and influence. They prove, moreover, that whilst he
was a sincere promoter of a sound and wholesome reformation, and most
zealously attached to the religion in which he had been brought up,
and in which he was a conscientious believer, he was no persecutor.
Though our souls are harrowed up by the unchristian proceedings
against John Huss and Jerome of Prague, (and, could truth allow it, we
would gladly wipe away so black a stain from the annals of ages (p. 063)
and nations called Christian,) it is a source of great satisfaction to
find that the name of Henry of Monmouth is not at all mixed up with
those deeds of blood: we find him neither encouraging nor approving
them. Not one shadow of suspicion is suggested that the persecuting
spirit, which in that Council displayed itself so outrageously and
inhumanly, found any thoughts in his breast responsive to its cruel
aspirations. We know, indeed, that Thomas Walden, his priest and
chaplain, was actuated by the spirit of persecution towards the
Lollards; but we are equally assured that, so far from being
countenanced and encouraged by his master in acts of persecuting
bigotry, he did not scruple openly in public, and solemnly in a
sermon, to charge him with a want of zeal in extirpating the enemies
of the church. From such a witness the testimony so borne to the
charity and moderation of Henry of Monmouth is very valuable and
satisfactory; abundantly outweighing all the declamation of modern
enthusiastic censors. Henry was a reformer,--he could not be persuaded
to become a persecutor.[59]

[Footnote 59: For satisfaction on this point, the
reader is especially referred to the chapter
entitled, "Was Henry of Monmouth a religious
persecutor?"]

Henry's reputation for having at heart the correction of all abuses in
the church, encouraged the University of Oxford to present to him a
petition, setting forth a multitude of corrupt practices which (p. 064)
were a disgrace to the Christian religion in England; and praying
him, since God had raised him up to such an exalted place in the
church, to put forth his power in effecting a reformation.[60] This
document, preserved in Corpus Christi College in Oxford, abounds in
topics of deep and lively interest; it marks the fearful extent to
which the corrupt practices in the church had been fostered by Rome,
the ardent desire entertained in England for a reformation so early as
the commencement of the fifteenth century, and Henry's anxiety to
bring about such a reform in the discipline of the church as might
safely be adopted without giving countenance and encouragement to the
Lollards, against whom the University seems at this time to have been
decidedly hostile.

[Footnote 60: In this petition of the University,
Henry is told, that what Constantinus, Marcianus,
and Theodosius had been in the East, that was he in
the West; by his eminent Christian piety resisting
the accomplices of Satan, and preventing the
western church from sinking utterly. By his wise
and peaceable government of the church he was (they
say) best providing for the peace and security of
the state, whilst he cut off and cast away the
rank, luxuriant offshoots of offences as they grew.
In marking out the most notable defects and abuses,
they obeyed (they say) his sacred commands; and
they prayed him to exert his authority in
correcting them.]

The points to which Oxford then solicited Henry to direct his especial
care, were partly such as are no longer of general interest among us,
(excepting so far as they remind us of the mass of evils from which
the Reformation rescued us,) and partly such as must be (p. 065)
interesting to Christians of every age.

Among the former grievances were reckoned the Pope's unlimited
creation of cardinals, all to be supported out of the revenues of the
church; the excessive grants of indulgences, by which persons were
encouraged in licentiousness; the privileges and exemptions and
scandalous immorality of the monks. The petitioners complained
bitterly that though the church of England would not admit persons
into sacred orders who were unfit and unworthy, yet the court of Rome
would repeatedly recognise such as lawful ministers.

Among the latter evils were the non-residence of incumbents, the
inadequacy of the stipends of curates, and the commendams of bishops.
The petitioners prayed, that whereas a great number both of regulars
and seculars who were presumptuous and ignorant were ordained, a
decree might be passed that all before ordination should be strictly
examined; and that a remedy should be provided against simony.[61]
They petitioned, also, that foreigners who could not speak English
should have no cures in England; and they complained of the practice
of patrons exacting from the priests whom they nominated to a benefice
a pledge that they would not sue for an augmentation of their (p. 066)
stipend, were it never so small. They closed their petition by
praying that all bishops who were remiss in punishing heresy, and
extirpating Lollardy, might be deposed; and that all magistrates and
officers should be bound by their oath to aid in its extirpation.[62]

[Footnote 61: There was also a prayer to prohibit
the practice of confiscating the goods of Jews and
heathens at their baptism, a practice tending to
debar them from offering themselves at the font.]

[Footnote 62: Cotton. Tiber. B. vi. F. 64.]

Henry, deeply lamenting the gross abuses referred to in this petition,
implored the Pope to suffer them to be redressed. His Holiness agreed
to certain constitutions, by which, if fully acted upon, most of the
evils complained of would have been rectified. The Pope, however,
begged Henry in return to abrogate all the laws which had been enacted
in England to the prejudice of Rome; but the King declared his
inability to meet the wishes of his Holiness.

The extent to which the abuse of the Pope's[63] authority had been
connived at in this country,--a state of things which naturally
indisposed him towards any change for the better,--may be inferred
from two facts: that he (in defiance of the statutes of Edward III.
and Richard II.) had by his own authority created thirteen (p. 067)
bishops in the province of Canterbury in two years; and had appointed
his nephew, Prospero Colonna, a boy of only fourteen years of age,
Archdeacon of Canterbury, with fourteen benefices in England.

[Footnote 63: The fact is, that Henry, during his
wars in France, suffered Pope Martin to exercise
his pretended prerogative in the disposal of
benefices to an extent, if not unprecedented,
certainly most unjustifiable. The Chapter of York
gave the first blow to this growing usurpation by
refusing to admit, in obedience to the Pope's
mandate, Richard Fleming, Bishop of Lincoln, into
the archiepiscopal see.]

* * * * *

Before we leave this subject, we cannot but record an instance
(mentioned by Walsingham) of Henry's personal exertions in reforming
abuses. He had received complaints against the Benedictine monks of
certain grievous corruptions; and, attended only by four persons, he
went into the midst of a full assembly of that order. The meeting
consisted of sixty abbots and priors of convents, and more than three
hundred monks, who were all assembled in the Chapter-house of
Westminster. After a speech from the Bishop of Exeter, (one of those
who accompanied him,) Henry himself addressed them at great length. He
reminded them of the ancient piety of the monks, and the devotion of
his predecessors and others in founding and endowing monasteries; he
expatiated on the negligence and remissness in the discharge of their
sacred duties, which, he said, had become notorious in their times;
and he then exhibited certain articles according to which he required
them to reform themselves; earnestly entreating them to recover the
ancient spirit of religion which they had lost, and habitually to pray
for the King, the country, and the church; assuring them that, if they
followed his directions, they needed fear none of their enemies. (p. 068)

* * * * *

That Henry V, though earnestly desirous of a sound reform in the
discipline of the church, and the lives and ministrations of the
clergy, did never lay the axe to the root of the evil, cannot be
denied. Perhaps he was disheartened by the total failure of the united
efforts of himself and Sigismund, with their honest and zealous
adherents, at Constance. Perhaps he resolved to wait till, at the
close of his continental campaigns, in the enjoyment of peace at home
and abroad, he might be able to devote his concentrated exertions to
an object of such paramount importance. Perhaps the ambition of his
uncle Henry Beaufort, who evidently was looking for personal
aggrandizement in wealth and dignity, and who had given so decided and
unhappy a turn in the council of Constance in favour of the Pope's
party, might have devised some means for seducing his nephew's ardent
thoughts into another channel. To whatever cause we may be disposed to
attribute it, the reality is, that Henry V, when he died, had not
effected reform on any comprehensive scale in his own realm; nor had
he given any decided blow to the dominion and the corruptions of the
church of Rome. His short life was a career of wars and victories.

It pleased the Almighty, in his inscrutable wisdom, to bring (p. 069)
about the reformation of the church in his own way, by his own means,
and at his own appointed time. We recognise his hand in the blessing
which we have inherited, and are thankful.

CHAPTER XIX. (p. 070)

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