Henry of Monmouth, Volume 2

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The unsuccessful issue of this famous conference was undoubtedly owing
in some measure to the Duke of Burgundy, who was for a long time
balancing in his mind the policy of joining Henry or the Dauphin.
Henry openly charged the Duke with dishonourable conduct; and then the
Duke, in a conference at Melun,[189] on Tuesday, July 11th, 1419, made
a solemn league, offensive and defensive, with the Dauphin. They (p. 255)
engaged to join in the administration of the government without
jealousy and envy; and after mutual acts of courtesy, and ratifying
the covenant of peace by solemn oaths, they parted, professedly sworn
friends, but having war against each other in their hearts.

[Footnote 189: This treaty is recorded in Rymer,
vol. ix. p. 776. The circumstances of outward
courtesy, and concealed suspicion, and want of
faith, with which the contracting parties met,
deliberated, and separated on this occasion, are
detailed by Goodwin, p. 237.]

Henry, after the respite of these abortive negociations, again entered
upon his career of war and conquest. The next fortified town was
Ponthoise, possession of which would open his way to Paris. His
soldiers were in the highest spirits; and he seems himself, so far
from being dismayed by the union of the Duke of Burgundy with the
French court, to have been roused by a sense of his difficulties and
dangers to a still higher spirit of valour and enterprise. Ponthoise
was taken by surprise, and Henry regarded it as the most important
place he had taken during the war. How resolved soever he was to be
master of it, he would not make the attempt till after the expiration
of the truce with the Duke of Burgundy, "so punctual was he to the
observance of his faith and honour, which in brave princes are
inviolable." And, to use the words of Goodwin, "his soul was so little
altered from its natural moderation by this success, that he sent to
the King of France to tell him, that though he had taken so
considerable a town, which, being only a few leagues from Paris,
opened a way to the conquest of that capital, yet he now offered him
peace upon the same terms which he had propounded in the treaty (p. 256)
of Melun; with this only addition, that Ponthoise also should now be
confirmed to him."

The Dauphin's troops diminished the joy of this victory by taking one
or two places by surprise. Still all Paris was in great consternation,
and the panic ran through the Isle of France; whilst Clarence marched
his troops to the very walls of the metropolis. Shortly after the fall
of Ponthoise Henry despatched letters to the citizens of London; which
were intercepted by the enemy, who took the bearer of them prisoner.
He consequently sent another despatch to the same purport, from Trie
Le Chastel, near Gisors, on the 12th of the next month. The importance
he attached to this communication, his repetition of the intercepted
letters clearly intimates: it is chiefly interesting now because it
assures us that Henry believed himself to be almost within reach of
the objects of his enterprise; whilst it acquaints us also with the
fact, that he had applied for aid to all his friends through
Christendom. The letter, it is believed, has never yet been published.

"BY THE KING.

"Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well; and we thank you
with all our heart of the good-will and service that we have
always found in you hither-to-ward; and specially of your kind
and notable proffer of an aid, the which ye have granted to us of
your own good motion, as our brother of Bedford and our
Chancellor of England have written unto us, giving therein (p. 257)
good example in diverse wise to all the remanent of our subjects
in our land. And so we pray you, as our trust is ye will, for to
continue. And as to the said aid, the which ye have concluded to
do unto us now at this time, we pray you specially that we may
have [it] at such time and in such days as our brother of Bedford
shall more plainly declare unto you on our behalf; letting you
fully wit [giving you fully to understand] that we have written to
all our friends and allies through Christendom, for to have
succours and help of them against the same time that our said
brother shall declare you: the which, when they hear of the arming
and the array that ye and other of our subjects make at home in
help of us, shall give them great courage to haste their coming
unto us much the rather, and not fail, as we trust fully.
Wherefore we pray you heartily that ye would do, touching the
foresaid aid, as our said brother shall declare unto you on our
behalf: considering that [neither] so necessary ne [nor] so
acceptable a service as ye may do, and will do (as we trust into
you at this time), ye might never have done into us since our wars
in France began. For we trust fully to God's might and his mercy,
with good help of your aid and of our land, to have a good end of
our said war in short time, and for to come home unto you to great
comfort and singular joy of our heart, as God knoweth: the which
He grant us to his pleasance, and have you ever in his keeping!
Given under our signet in our town of Pontoise, the 17th day of
August.

"And weteth [know], that, the foresaid 17th day of August,
departed from us at Pontoise our letters to you direct in the
same tenour; and because it is said the bearer of them is by our
enemies taken into Crotey, we renouelle [renew] them here at Trye
the Castle, the 12th day of September."

"To the Mayor and Citizens of London."

Henry's arms were victorious through this autumn, town after (p. 258)
town, and fortress after fortress, yielding to him; when an event took
place which had a most decided and immediate influence on his affairs
and those of France.[190] The Dauphin solicited another interview with
the Duke of Burgundy, who was cautioned by some of his friends against
trusting his person again to that prince's power; whilst others
deprecated the appearance in the Duke of any suspicion of the
Dauphin's faith and honour. The Duke proceeded to Montereau; where, on
the bridge which led to the town, a room of wood-work was prepared for
the conference; and at the end, towards the town, were successive
barriers. These excited suspicion; still the Duke quitted the town,
and entered into the place appointed. There he met the Dauphin, who
was surrounded by assassins ready to despatch his enemy at a
word.[191] Never was a more base and foul murder committed than that
by which the Duke of Burgundy was butchered on the bridge of (p. 259)
Montereau. His own guilt is no justification of his murderers; and it
is an unsafe interpretation of the inscrutable acts of Providence to
regard his death "as the requital of divine justice."[192] He had
caused the Duke of Orleans to be assassinated in the streets of Paris,
and he now falls himself by the murderous hands of assassins. He was a
bold, presumptuous, ambitious, and licentious man; and his own vices
betrayed him to his ruin. But those by whom he fell were equally
guilty of treachery and murder, as though he had through his life been
guiltless of blood, and an example of virtue.

[Footnote 190: The Author is fully aware that the
brief notice he is able to take of many of the
transactions of this period, whether diplomatic or
military, (especially with reference to the
proceedings of the different parties in France,)
must leave his readers unfurnished with information
on many points, and in some instances may cause the
accounts which he thought indispensable in this
work to appear obscure and confused. He could not,
however, have avoided such a result of his plan in
these Memoirs, without changing their character
altogether. Goodwin, whose labours seem scarcely to
have been ever duly appreciated, has filled up the
outline here given, generally in a satisfactory
manner, though many original documents which have
been brought to light since his time have been
employed.]

[Footnote 191: See Monstrelet, c. 211.]

[Footnote 192: Goodwin thus comments on his
death:--"Thus fell the Duke of Burgundy, who, as he
had caused the Duke of Orleans to be assassinated
in the streets of Paris, so, _by the requital of
divine justice_, his own life was abandoned to vile
treachery." How very unwise and unsafe are such
comments upon the dispensations of Providence is
most clearly evinced here. Never was a more foul
murder, or more desperate defiance of all law,
human and divine, than the Dauphin was guilty of on
the bridge of Montereau: and yet, instead of "his
life being abandoned to vile treachery by the
requital of divine justice," he lived forty-two
years after his deed of blood, succeeded to the
throne of his father, rescued his kingdom from the
hands of the English, and died through abstinence
from food, self-imposed from fear of poison. Far
more wise and more pious is it to leave such
speculations, and to refer all to that day of final
retribution, when the _righteousness of_ the
supreme Ruler of man's destinies shall be made _as
clear as the light, and his just dealing as the
noon day_.]

This tragedy filled the people of France with affliction for the
murdered Duke, and with horror at the Dauphin's perfidy and (p. 260)
cruelty; but no one seemed to be rendered more decidedly hostile to
him for this act than his own mother and father. And whilst the son of
the murdered Duke swore he would never lay down his arms till he had
avenged his father's death upon his murderers, the King himself, by a
proclamation dated Troyes, January 27, 1420, declared that Charles,
Count of Ponthieu, condemned and cursed by God, by nature, and his own
parents, could have no title to the throne; and that it was just and
expedient, for the peace of the nation, that Henry, King of England,
should be established Regent of France.

Henry at this time seems to have been exceedingly apprehensive lest,
by the escape of the princes and nobles of France, his prisoners in
England, the prospect of securing his conquests by a treaty of peace
might be interrupted. An original letter, addressed by him to his
Chancellor, dated Gisors, October 1, 1419, acquaints us with his
anxiety on this subject; whilst it affords another interesting
specimen of the English language at that time, and Henry's own style.

"Worshipful Father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we
greet you well.

"And we wol and pray you, and also charge you, that as we trust
unto you, and as ye look to have our good lordship, ye see and
ordain that good heed be taken unto the sure keeping of our
French prisoners within our realm, and in especial the Duke of
Orleans, and after to the Duke of Bourbon. For their escaping,
and principally the said Duke of Orleans, might never have (p. 261)
been so harmful nor prejudicial to us as it might be now if
any of them escaped, and namely [especially] the said Duke of
Orleans, which God forbid! And therefore, as we trust, you seeth
that Robert Waterton, for no trust, fair speech, nor promises
that might be made unto him, nor for none other manner of cause,
be so blinded by the said Duke that he be the more reckless of
his keeping; but that, in eschewing of all perils that may befal,
he take as good heed unto the sure keeping of his person as
possible.

"And inquire if Robert of Waterton use any reckless governance
about the keeping of the said Duke, and writeth to him thereof
that it may be amended. And God have you in his keeping!--Given
under our signet, at Gizors, the first day of October.
"To the worshipful Father in God,[193] and right
trusty and well-beloved, the Bishop of
Durham, our Chancellor of England."

[Footnote 193: This was Thomas Langley, who was
elected Bishop of Durham in 1406. He succeeded
Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, as
Chancellor, on the 23rd of July, 1417, and
continued in that office till July 1424, when Henry
Beaufort succeeded him. Thomas Langley was in
possession of the see of Durham from May 17th,
1406, till his death in November 1437. Dugdale,
(Orig. Judic.) by mistake, refers Bishop Langley's
appointment as Chancellor to 1418. It was July
23rd, 5 Henry V. in 1417.]

CHAPTER XXVII. (p. 262)

HENRY'S EXTRAORDINARY ATTENTION TO THE CIVIL AND PRIVATE DUTIES OF HIS
STATION, IN THE MIDST OF HIS CAREER OF CONQUEST, INSTANCED IN VARIOUS
CASES. -- PROVOST AND FELLOWS OF ORIEL COLLEGE. -- THE QUEEN DOWAGER
IS ACCUSED OF TREASON. -- TREATY BETWEEN HENRY, THE FRENCH KING, AND
THE YOUNG DUKE OF BURGUNDY. -- HENRY AFFIANCED TO KATHARINE. -- THE
DAUPHIN IS REINFORCED FROM SCOTLAND. -- HENRY ACCOMPANIED BY HIS QUEEN
RETURNS THROUGH NORMANDY TO ENGLAND.

1419-1420.

One of the most strikingly characteristic features of the
extraordinary hero, whose life and character we are endeavouring to
elucidate, forces itself especially upon our notice during his
campaigns in Normandy. Neither the flush of victory, nor the
disappointments and anxiety of a protracted siege, neither the
multiplied and distracting cares of intricate negociations, nor the
incessant trials of personal fatigue,[194] could withdraw his mind
from what might perhaps be not unfitly called the private duties (p. 263)
of his high station.[195] If an act of injustice was made known to
him, he could not rest till he had punished the guilty party, and
compelled them to make restitution. If abuses in church or state came
under his eye, (and his eye was never closed against them,) he would
himself personally provide for the necessary reform. If disputes
threatened the peace and welfare of a community over which he had any
control, he delighted to act as mediator and to restore peace. And all
this he did in the midst of the noise, and confusion, and (p. 264)
ceaseless disturbances of a camp in the heart of an enemy's country,
with the same anxious zeal, and attention to details, as he could have
shown in the times of profoundest peace; though now and then dropping
an expression to make his correspondent understand how much more time
and thought he would have devoted to the subject before them, were not
his mind and body so occupied by war.

[Footnote 194: October 28, 1419. The Pell Rolls
record payment of 10_l._ to Master Peter Henewer,
physician, appointed by the King and his council to
go to the King in Normandy. Probably he felt his
constitution even then giving way. But as early as
13th October 1415, after the battle of Agincourt,
payment is made for "diverse medicine, as well for
the health of the King's person as for others of
his army," sent to Calais.]

[Footnote 195: A curious and interesting instance
of Henry's personal attention to business in its
most minute details, when many of his subjects
would have been quite satisfied with the report of
another, is preserved among some of the driest and
most formal acts of the Privy Council. Certain
auditors are instructed to examine, with greater
accuracy than before, the accounts of the late
Master of the Wardrobe; and to make an especial
report to the council, most particularly
(potissime) of such items as they shall find marked
in the King's own hand "ad inquirendum." Reference
is also made to those sums against which a black
mark has been placed by the King's hand. The date
of this minute (4th July 1421), and the place
(Calais) in which it states that these accounts
were examined by the King, add considerably to the
strength of this example. Henry had then just left
England suddenly on hearing the sad news of a
disastrous defeat of part of his army, and the
death of his brother, the Duke of Clarence, in
battle; and he was at Calais on his road to put
himself again at the head of his forces.]

Among many illustrations of this striking trait in Henry's character,
the following instances will, it is presumed, be deemed generally
interesting, and deserving a fuller notice than a brief statement of
the facts might require.

The first is a letter from Henry to his brother the Duke of Bedford,
then Guardian of England, in which he urges him to attend without
delay to some complaints from the subjects of the Duke of Brittany,
and to take prompt and efficient measures to prevent a repetition of
the injuries complained of.

"BY THE KING.

"Right trusty and well-beloved brother, we greet you as well. And
as we suppose it is not out of your remembrance in what wise and
how oft we have charged you by our letters that good and hasty
reparation and restitution were ordained and made at all times of
such attemptats as happened to be made by our subjects against
the truce taken betwixt us and our brother, the Duke of Brittany;
and, notwithstanding our said letters, diverse complaints be made
and sent unto us for default of reparation and restitution of
such attemptats as be made by certain of our subjects and (p. 265)
lieges, as ye may understand by a supplication sent to us by
the said Duke; which supplication we send you closed within these
letters, for to have the more plain knowledge of the truth.
Wherefore we will and charge you that ye call to you our
chancellor, to have knowledge of the same supplication; and, that
done, we will that ye do send us in all haste all those persons
that been our subjects contained in the supplication aforesaid.
And that also in all other semblable matters ye do ordain so
hasty and just remedy, restitution, and reparation upon such
attemptats done by our subjects, in conservation of our truce,
that no man have cause hereafter to complain in such wise as they
[have] done for default of right doing; nor we cause to write to
you alway as we done for such causes, _considered the great
occupation we have otherwise_. And God have you in his
keeping!--Given under our signet, in our host afore Rouen, the
29th day of November."[196] [1418].

[Footnote 196: Cotton. Julius, B. vi. f. 35.]

The next instance occurs[197] on the apprehension entertained of
intended violence and general disturbance of the public peace near (p. 266)
Bourdeaux by two noblemen who disputed about the property of a
deceased lord. Henry's letter is addressed to the Council of
Bourdeaux, giving them peremptory orders to put an instant end to the
feud in his name. It is written in French.

[Footnote 197: The Author cannot undertake to
pronounce how far beyond general instructions the
King himself interfered in each of these
transactions. The letters on the subject of
Brittany and of Oriel College bear internal
evidence that they were dictated by Henry himself.
But the correspondence, still preserved, is too
voluminous for us to believe that he dictated more
of the letters than such as were most important or
most interesting to himself. Still it must be borne
in mind, that we have indisputable evidence of
Henry having minutely examined accounts, at a time
when he "_had great occupation otherwise_,"
directing in his own hand-writing inquiries to be
made as to various items.]

"Very dear and faithful.--Whereas we are given to understand that
great discord and division prevails between our dear and
well-beloved, the Lords de Montferrant and de Lescun, on account
of the lands of the late Lord de Castalhan; we wish this to be
appeased with all possible speed, in the best manner possible,
just as we ourselves would be able to end it. So we wish, and we
charge you, that, immediately on the sight of this, you take the
whole charge into _our_ [_? your_, _voz_, for _noz_] hands;
giving straitly in charge to the said Lords Montferrant and de
Lescun that neither of them make, or procure or suffer to be
made, any riots or assemblies of people, the one against the
other, in the meantime, under great pains upon them by you to be
imposed, and applied to our aid. And this omit in no way, as we
trust in you.--Given under our signet, in our castle of Gisors,
the 26th day of September."

The following letter from Henry to the Bishop of Durham, his
Chancellor, dated 10th February 1418, and written whilst he was
engaged in the siege of Falaise, gives us a pleasing view of the care
with which he attended to the claims of individuals, and his desire to
do justice to a faithful servant.

"Worshipful Father in God, right trusty and well-beloved.
Forasmuch as our well-beloved squire, John Hull, hath (p. 267)
long time been in our ambassiat and service in the parts of
Spain, for the which he hath complained to us he is endangered
greatly, and certain goods of his laid to wedde [pledge];
wherefore we wol that ye see that there be taken due accompts of
the said John, how many days he hath stand in our said ambassiat
and service, and thereupon that he be contented and agreed [have
satisfaction] in the best wise as longeth unto him in this
case.--Given under our signet, in our host beside our town of
Falaise, the 10th day of February."[198]

[Footnote 198: Cotton. Vespasian, C. xii. f. 127 b.]

But whilst Henry could thus direct his thoughts to the redress of
individual grievances, in the midst of the din of war and the
excitement of the camp, he equally shows calmness, and presence of
mind, and comprehensive views of sound policy in his negociations with
foreign powers, and his instructions to his representatives at home.
In the spring of 1419, letters were received by Henry from several
cities of Flanders, which, together with his answers to them and his
instructions to his brother, will not be read without interest. The
towns of Ghent, Ypres, Bruges, and Franc apply to Henry for his
protection and friendship, or rather for a renewal or continuance of
that especial favour which they had enjoyed in former days; they refer
more particularly to the kindness of his "grandfather, John Duke of
Lancaster, of noble memory, who, because he was born among them, ever
showed them most singular love and regard." This letter, (p. 268)
written in French, and dated 24th March 1418, is given under the seals
of the three first towns, and the seal of the Abbot of St. Andrew for
the people of Franc, because they had no common seal. Henry's answer,
in Latin, assures them, "If the people of Flanders will behave towards
England as they are said to have done in times past, we shall rejoice
to give no less valuable indications of our favour than did our father
or grandfather; and we have instructed our brother, the Duke of
Bedford, and our council, to send ambassadors with full powers to
Calais, to negociate a peace between England and you." Probably Henry
did not pen this letter himself; but, whoever indited it, the letter
contains fewer barbarisms, and has more indications of classical
scholarship in the writer, than are often found in modern Latin.[199]
Henry forwarded both the Flemish prayer and his own answer to his
brother, with instructions in English; and, shortly after, he sent a
long letter to his Chancellor, the Bishop of Durham, as well on that
negociation, as on an affair in dispute between the English merchants
and the Genoese. This document shows how minutely Henry investigated
the matters on which he wrote; and how sensible a view he took of the
interests of our commerce, and how dispassionate was his judgment. The
Genoese had seized goods belonging to English merchants, who laid
claim for a compensation. Henry's letter states the exact sum (p. 269)
at which the English estimated their merchandise, and the lower price
fixed by the Genoese;[200] and then, in consideration of the injury
done to English commerce by the Genoese letters of marque, Henry
recommends the English merchants to accept the offer made by the
Genoese, provided they stipulate that the English merchant vessels
shall have as free course of trade to Genoa as the Genoese desired to
have to the ports of England. This correspondence is found among the
"Proceedings of the Privy Council." The whole is well deserving the
perusal of any one interested in the history of British commerce, but
is on too extensive a scale for insertion at length in this work.[201]

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