Henry of Monmouth, Volume 2

J >> J. Endell Tyler >> Henry of Monmouth, Volume 2

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[Footnote 119: Cotton MS. Cleopatra, C. iv. f. 24.]

[Footnote 120: Monstrelet informs us that the
treasure found by Henry at Harfleur was immense. A
letter to Henry from two of his officers,
"_counters of your receipt_," specifies that they
were then in possession for the King of treasure to
this amount: of coined gold, 30,000_l._; in silver
coined, 1,000,000_l._; and in wedges of silver,
drawing by estimation to half a ton weight; at the
same time desiring to receive instructions as to
the mode of conveying it to Rouen. This letter,
dated 19th of May, must belong to the year 1419, in
the January of which Rouen was taken.--Ellis's
Letters, xxvi.]

On the following day Henry entered the town, dismounting at the gate,
and walking barefoot to St. Martin's church, in which he gave solemn
thanks to God for his success. He then commanded all the women and
children, and the disabled, to be separated from those who had sworn
allegiance to him, as well as from those who, having refused that
oath, were regarded as prisoners. The persons thus separated were next
day sent out of the town, to the number of nearly two thousand, loudly
lamenting their fate. They were escorted by the English; and all (p. 151)
persons belonging to the church, and the women and children, had a
present of five sous for their journey, and were permitted to dress
themselves in their best apparel, and carry each a moderate bundle
with them. It was forbidden to search the priests, and also the heads
or the bosoms of the women. At St. Aubon, about four miles from
Harfleur, they were entreated to refresh themselves with bread and
cheese and wine; at Lislebone the Marshal Boucicault received them,
and they were forwarded by water to Rouen. At Henry's invitation, many
tradesmen and others came over from England, and became inhabitants of
Harfleur; the King, with the desire of strengthening the place, having
guaranteed, by a proclamation through England, a house of inheritance
to all who would settle there.

About this time Henry sent a message to the Dauphin, challenging him
to single combat, and so to decide the dreadful struggle in which the
two kingdoms were engaged, without the further effusion of blood.
Occasion has been taken to reflect on this act of Henry's, as a stain
both on his personal valour and on his principles of justice: the
first, because he was twenty-seven years old, and the Dauphin not
twenty; the latter, because it were unjust "to expect that so
important a stake should be hazarded on the result of such a meeting."
To enhance Henry's guilt of cowardice, we are told that he challenged
"a mere youth, of whose prowess or bodily strength there is not (p. 152)
the slightest evidence, and who died _in the December following_."
This is not the first time we have had occasion to remark on this same
writer's injustice towards Henry's memory. Why mention the Dauphin's
death in the following December, except to insinuate that Henry _knew_
he was then in a weak state of bodily health? Of this, however, there
is not the shadow of reason for suspecting Henry. On the contrary, the
evidence tends to the directly opposite conclusion. The Dauphin died
on the 25th December following; but so sudden was his decease, that a
suspicion was excited of his having been poisoned. He had for a long
time been actively engaged in heading one of the contending parties in
France, and he is reported to have been a bold and presumptuous
prince.[121] And, even a month after the battle of Agincourt, we find
him, apparently in full strength both of body and mind, exercising the
authority of the King, his father, in Paris; vigorously and
effectually resisting the entrance of the Duke of Burgundy, who
marched with his army direct to the gates of that city, determined to
force for himself an entrance into it. And, on his father's relapsing
into his malady, he vigorously seized the government, setting the Duke
of Orleans at defiance, and carrying off the King, his father, ill as
he was, to the siege of Arras.[122] Whether the difference of (p. 153)
age between these two young warriors is so great as to justify such
strong reflections on Henry's courage, must be left to the judgment of
impartial minds. But, when the Dauphin is called a mere youth, it must
be borne in mind that he was considerably older than Henry was when he
headed his father's troops in Wales, or fought so gallantly in the
field of Shrewsbury.

[Footnote 121: Abrege Historique.]

[Footnote 122: Ibid. p. 114.]

But we must not let this charge, affecting Henry's valour and justice,
be dismissed without observing that not only did Henry believe, but it
was the universal belief of the age, that "trial by battle" was a
proper way of ending a dispute, and one acceptable to God: one in
which the justice of the quarrel decided, more than the strength or
skill of the combatants. We have proved that there could have been no
grounds for Henry's supposing that he was sending a challenge to a
youth enervated by sickness; and the difference of age alleged now, at
length, in disparagement of Henry's valour, would have been scouted by
all the good knights of Christendom, had it been pleaded as an apology
for the Dauphin declining the challenge. Surely it indicates a
conviction that the points in which the character of a man, famed for
bravery and justice, is assailable, are few and unimportant, when such
frivolous attacks as this are made on his fair fame.

HENRY'S CHALLENGE TO THE DAUPHIN may be thus translated:-- (p. 154)

Henry, by the grace of God, King of France and England, Lord of
Ireland, to the high and mighty Prince, the Dauphin of Vienne,
our cousin, eldest son of the most mighty Prince, our cousin and
adversary of France. Whereas, from reverence to God, and to avoid
the shedding of human blood, we have many times and in many ways
followed and sought for peace, and have not been able to possess
it, yet our desire to secure it increases more and more; and well
considering that our wars are followed by the death of men, the
destruction of countries, the wailings of women and children, and
so many evils generally as every good Christian must lament and
pity, especially ourselves, whom this affair most affects, as it
does, to take all pains and diligence to find every means within
our knowledge to avoid the above-mentioned evils and distresses,
and to acquire the grace of God and the praise of the world. And,
since we have thought and advised, it has seemed to us,
considering it has pleased God to visit our cousin with
infirmity, that the remedy rests upon us and you. And to the end
that every one might know that we withdraw not ourselves from it,
nor from our part in it, we offer you to put our whole quarrel,
with God's grace, between our person and yours. And if it should
seem to you that you cannot agree to this, because of the
interest which you conceive our cousin, your father, has in it,
we declare to you in this our intention, that if you will
entertain it, and engage in it, we are well pleased that our said
cousin, for our reverence to God, and because he is a sacred
person, shall have and enjoy all he has at present for the term
of his life, whatever shall happen by the will of God between us
and you, as it shall be agreed between his council, ours, (p. 155)
and yours.

So that if God shall give us the victory, the crown of France
with its appurtenances, as our right, shall be immediately
rendered to us without difficulty after his decease. And to this
all the lords and estates of France shall be bound, as it shall
be agreed between us.

For it is better for us, cousin, thus to decide this war for ever
between our two persons, than to suffer the misbelievers, by
occasion of our wars, to destroy Christianity, our holy mother
the church to remain in divisions, and the people of God to
destroy one another. We pray much that you may have as strong a
desire to avoid that, and to come to peace, and seek all means of
finding it. And let us trust in God that no better way than this
can be found. And, therefore, in discharge of our soul, and in
charge of yours, if such great evils follow, we make to you the
above offer.

Protesting ever that we make this offer for the honour and fear
of God, and for the above causes, of our own motion, without our
royal relations, councillors, and subjects daring in so high a
matter to advise us. Nor can it at any time to come be urged to
our prejudice, nor in prejudice of our good right and title which
we have at present to the said crown with its appurtenances, nor
to the good right and title which we now have to other our lands
and heritages on this side the sea, nor to our heirs and
successors, if this our offer does not take full effect between
us and you in the manner aforesaid. Given under our privy seal,
at our town of Harfleur, the 16th[123] day of September."

[Footnote 123: There is a doubt whether it is the
xvi. or the xxvi.--the first x in the manuscript
having, perhaps, been obliterated by the fire which
damaged it.--Foed. vol. ix. 313.]

CHAPTER XXIII. (p. 156)

HENRY, WITH TROOPS MUCH WEAKENED, LEAVES HARFLEUR, FULLY PURPOSED TO
MAKE FOR CALAIS, NOTWITHSTANDING THE THREATENED RESISTANCE OF THE
FRENCH. -- PASSES THE FIELD OF CRESSY. -- FRENCH RESOLVED TO ENGAGE.
-- NIGHT BEFORE THE CONFLICT. -- *FIELD* OF *AGINCOURT*. -- SLAUGHTER OF
PRISONERS. -- HENRY, HIS ENEMIES THEMSELVES BEING JUDGES, FULLY
EXCULPATED FROM EVERY SUSPICION OF CRUELTY OR UNCHIVALROUS BEARING. --
HE PROCEEDS TO CALAIS. -- THENCE TO LONDON. -- RECEPTION BY HIS
SUBJECTS. -- HIS MODEST AND PIOUS DEMEANOUR. -- SUPERSTITIOUS
PROCEEDINGS OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITIES. -- REFLECTIONS. --
SONGS OF AGINCOURT.

1415.

Immediately after the surrender of Harfleur, Henry held a council to
deliberate on his future measures. All agreed that, as winter was fast
approaching, the King and his army should return to England; but there
arose a difference of opinion as to the manner of their return. Henry
entertained an insuperable objection against returning by sea; and,
notwithstanding all the dangers to which he must inevitably be
exposed, he resolved to march through Normandy to his town of Calais.
He wished to see with his own eyes, he said, the territories which (p. 157)
were by right his own; adding, that he put full trust in God, in whose
name he had engaged in this, as he certainly deemed it, his righteous
cause. His army had been frightfully diminished by the dysentery; he
was compelled to leave a portion of the remainder to garrison
Harfleur; and, after the most impartial consideration, the number of
fighting men with whom he could enter upon his perilous journey cannot
be supposed to have exceeded 9000, whilst the strong probability is
that the army consisted of little more than 6000. What portion of
admiration for bravery, and what of blame for rashness, an
unprejudiced mind would mingle together, when endeavouring to assign
the just reward to Henry for his decision to make his way through the
very heart of his enemy's country, himself so weak in resources, his
enemy both so strong already, and gathering in overwhelming numbers
from every side, is a problem of no easy solution. Probably we are
very scantily provided with a knowledge of all his motives; and our
praise or our censure might now be very different from what it would
be, were we acquainted with all the circumstances of the case. How far
he expected that the dissensions among the French would prevent them
from uniting to offer him any formidable opposition, though not easy
to answer, is a question not to be neglected. Especially might he have
been influenced by the expectation that the French would not withdraw
their forces from the interior, from fear of the Duke of Burgundy, (p. 158)
who was ever on the watch to seize a favourable moment of attack. The
fact is beyond doubt, that, having garrisoned Harfleur, he quitted
that town about the 8th of October; leaving there all the heavy
articles and carriages, with whatever would be an impediment to his
progress, and conveying all the baggage of the army on horseback.
Henry issued a proclamation, forbidding his soldiers, on pain of
death, to be guilty of any kind of injustice or cruelty towards the
inhabitants as they passed along.

The King of France had collected an army from all sides: he had more
than 14,000 men-at-arms under valiant generals, with the greater part
of whom he remained at Rouen, watching the motions of the English. On
the 20th of October it was resolved in his council, by a large
majority, that the English should be resisted in a regular and pitched
battle. The King had received the celebrated standard, the Oriflamme,
with much solemnity: and war had been declared by unfurling that
consecrated ensign. There seemed at length to have spread through King
and princes, and nobles and people alike, an enthusiastic spirit,
determined to crush the invaders. The Dauphin himself could scarcely
be prevailed upon to obey his father's injunctions, and to abstain
from joining the army; his life being considered too precious to be
exposed to such danger.

Henry meanwhile, after leaving Harfleur,[124] proceeded without (p. 159)
any important interruption through Montevilliers, Fecamp, Arques, a
town about four miles inland from Dieppe; and on Saturday, October 12,
he passed about half a mile to the right of the town of Eu, where part
of the French troops were quartered. These sallied out on the English
in great numbers, and very fiercely, but were soon repulsed; and a
treaty was agreed upon between Henry and the inhabitants, who supplied
refreshments to his army. He was now informed that the French would
offer him battle in a day or two, whilst he was passing the river
Somme. Undaunted by these tidings, he resolved to advance; and to
cross that river at Blanchetache, the very spot at which Edward III.
had passed it before the battle of Cressy. The field of Cressy was
only ten English miles in advance; and it may be safely inferred that
the remembrance of the struggle and victory of that day filled both
Henry himself and his men with additional zeal and resolution. By the
false assurance of a prisoner,[125] that the passage there was
defended by many noblemen with a strong force, Henry was induced to
change his route, and to proceed up the Somme on its left bank. He
reached Abbeville on Sunday the 13th of October; but, to his sad (p. 160)
disappointment, he found all the bridges broken down, and the enemy
stationed on the opposite bank to resist his passage. At this time
Henry's situation was most perilous and dispiriting. His provisions
were nearly exhausted,--the enemy had laid waste their own country to
deprive his army of all sustenance; and no prospect was before them
but famine at once, and annihilation from the overwhelming forces of
the French. His army proceeded next day, and passed within a league of
Amiens, and were much refreshed with plenty of provisions; wine was
found in such abundance that the King was obliged to issue a
proclamation prohibiting excess. On the Thursday they reached a plain
near Corbie, from which town the French made a sally against them, but
were repulsed after a brief but spirited engagement. Here John Bromley
gallantly recovered the standard of Guienne, and for his valour was
allowed to bear its figure for his crest. Here too Henry showed that,
amidst all his perils and hardships, he was resolved to maintain the
discipline of his army by inflicting the punishment denounced by his
proclamation against violence or sacrilege. One of the soldiers was
detected with a copper-gilt pix in his sleeve,[126] which he had
stolen from a neighbouring church. Henry sentenced him forthwith to be
hung, as a warning to all others not to offend with the hope of (p. 161)
impunity.

[Footnote 124: On the 4th of October fishermen in
different parts were ordered to go with all speed,
taking their tackle with them, to Harfleur, to fish
for the support of the King and his army.]

[Footnote 125: This is a very curious fact, not
generally known. The battle of Agincourt, humanly
speaking, would not have been fought, had it not
been for the falsehood of a Frenchman.]

[Footnote 126: Shakspeare makes use of this
anecdote, and fixes the robbery on Bardolph.]

Quitting Corbie, they passed close to Nesle on the 18th October; when
Henry, on the point of laying waste that district, heard that a
passage over the Somme was at length discovered. The French,
meanwhile, had contented themselves with proceeding before him, and
guarding the passages of the river. Whether the policy of allowing the
English to exhaust their strength of body and mind be sufficient, or
not, to account for their conduct, we have not evidence enough to
pronounce decidedly; but, on many occasions, their abstinence from
striking a blow seems otherwise almost inexplicable. Henry made now
one of his most vigorous efforts to effect a passage; nothing, we are
told, could exceed his own personal exertions.[127] The French had
broken up the lanes leading to the fords, and thrown every obstacle in
the way. However, nothing seemed able to resist his resolution; and in
a few hours the whole of his army had crossed. Great was the joy of
the English on having surmounted this formidable obstacle; and they
now hoped to reach Calais without a battle. But on the following day
two heralds came to announce to Henry the resolution of the French (p. 162)
to give him battle, and to take vengeance on him for invading their
country. Henry, without any change of countenance, with much
gentleness replied, "All would be done according to the will of God."
On the heralds then asking him by what route he proposed to proceed,
"Straight to Calais" was the reply. He then advised them not to
attempt to interrupt his march, but to avoid the shedding of Christian
blood. The heralds fell down upon their knees as they first approached
him; and on dismissing them, he gave them a hundred golden crowns.
From the hour of these heralds departing, Henry and his men always
wore their warrior-dress, in readiness for battle; and he spoke to his
army with much tenderness and spirit, and evidently with a powerful
effect. To his surprise, next morning none appeared to oppose him, and
he proceeded on his journey. Many circumstances happened from day to
day, and hour to hour, calculated to dispirit the English, by exciting
an assurance that the French army was near, and waiting their own time
to seize upon their prey; delaying only in order to make their utter
demolition more certain. Henry's route probably was taken through
Peronne, Albert, Bonnieres,[128] Frevent; and he reached the river
Ternoise (called the River of Swords) without any remarkable (p. 163)
occurrence. No sooner, however, had he passed the Ternoise, and
mounted the hill not far from Maisoncelle, than a man came, breathless,
and told the Duke of York that the enemy was approaching in countless
numbers. Henry forthwith commanded the main body to halt, and setting
spurs to his horse hastened to view the enemy, who seemed to him like
an immense forest covering the whole country. Nothing dismayed, he
ordered his troops to dismount and prepare for battle; animating them
by his calm, intrepid bearing, and by his language of kindness and
encouragement. The French, who were first seen as they were emerging
from a valley a mile off in three columns, halted at the distance of
about half a mile.

[Footnote 127: Sir William Bardolf, Lieutenant of
Calais, hearing of the King's danger, sent part of
his garrison to his assistance; but that little
body, consisting of about three hundred
men-at-arms, were either destroyed or taken
prisoners by the men of Picardy.]

[Footnote 128: After quitting Bonnieres, Henry
passed unawares beyond the place intended by his
officers for his quarters; but, instead of
returning, he replied that, being in his war-coat,
he could not return without displeasing God. He
therefore ordered his advanced guard to take a more
distant position, and himself occupied the spot
which had been intended for them. This anecdote is
recorded as an instance of the care with which
Henry avoided whatever might appear of ill omen.
Probably he only followed the usual maxims of an
army in march; that maxim originating, it may be,
in superstition.]

The English felt assured that they would be immediately attacked; and,
as soon as they were drawn up in order of battle, they prepared for
death. The greatest want then felt in the camp was the lack of
priests,[129] every one being anxiously desirous of making confession
and obtaining absolution. Henry's presence of mind, and noble (p. 164)
soul, and pious trust, and intrepid spirit, showed themselves on this
occasion in words which ought never to be forgotten. Sir Walter
Hungerford having expressed his sorrow that they had not ten thousand
of those gallant archers who would be most desirous of aiding their
King in his hour of need, the King rebuked him, saying, "He spoke
idly, for, as his hope was in God, in whom he trusted for victory, he
would not, if he could, increase his forces even by a single person;
for, if it was the pleasure of the Almighty, few as were his
followers, they were sufficient to chastise the confidence of the
enemy, who relied on their numbers."

[Footnote 129: And yet there were so many priests
present (with the baggage) during the battle, that
the chaplain calls them the clerical army, whose
weapons were prayers and intercessions, "Nos qui
ascripti sumus clericali militiae."]

About sun-set the French took up their quarters in the orchards and
villages of Agincourt and Ruissauville. Henry, anxiously seeking
lodgings for his exhausted soldiers, at length found in the village of
Maisoncelle a better supply for their wants than they had met with
since they left Harfleur; and a small hut afforded the King himself
protection from the weather.[130] Before the English quitted (p. 165)
their position to go to Maisoncelle, Henry permitted all his prisoners
to depart, upon condition that if he gained the approaching battle,
they should return and surrender themselves; but, if he were defeated,
they should be released from their engagements. This night, through
nearly the whole of which rain fell heavily, was passed by the two
hostile armies, about one mile distant from each other, very
differently, but not inconsistently with their relative circumstances.
Both suffered severely from the weather as well as from fatigue; but
whilst the French, anticipating an easy and sure victory, played at
dice for their prisoners as their stake; the English, having prepared
their weapons for the conflict, betook themselves to prayer, and the
observance of the other ordinances of their religion.

[Footnote 130: In the "History of Agincourt," the
translator of the Chaplain's Memoir (Sloane 1776)
has given a far more faint representation than the
original will warrant of the sufferings to which
the English troops were exposed through this night
of present fatigue and discomfort, and of anxious
preparation for so tremendous a struggle as awaited
them on the morrow. The ecclesiastic, who was
himself among the sufferers, and who has furnished
a very graphic description of the whole affair,
says, "The King turned aside to a small village,
where we had houses, but very few indeed, and
gardens and orchards to rest in." "Ubi habuimus
domos sed paucissimas, hortosque et pomaria pro
requiescione nostra." This the translator renders,
"Where we had houses to rest in, but very scanty
gardens and orchards." The scanty supply was not of
gardens and orchards, but of houses to rest in.
Consequently, except such as those very few houses
could accommodate, the English soldiers were all
compelled to bivouac, exposed to the drenching
rains which fell through the night. Of orchards and
gardens there was doubtless an abundant supply, but
they afforded little shelter from the weather, and
no means to the troops of taking refreshing rest.]

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