Henry of Monmouth, Volume 1

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On the whole (allowing for inaccuracies as well of addition as of
omission, which, though incapable of any specific correction, must
perhaps exist in so detailed a narrative,) we shall not be far (p. 305)
from the truth if we accept in its general outline the relation of
this event as we find it in Stowe.

"Henry, the Prince, offended with certain of his father's family, who
were said to sow discord between the father and the son, wrote unto
all the parts of the realm, endeavouring himself to refute all the
practices and imaginations of such detractors and slanderous people;
and, to make the matter more manifest to the world, he came to the
King, his father, about the Feast of Peter and Paul, with such a
number of his friends and wellwishers, as a greater had not been seen
in those days. He was straightway admitted to his father's presence,
of whom this one thing he besought of him, that if such as had accused
him might be convicted of unjust accusation, they might be punished,
not according to their deserts, but yet, after their lies were proved,
they might somewhat taste of that which they had meant, although not
to the uttermost. The which request the King seemed to grant; but he
told him that he must tarry a parliament, that such might be tried and
punished by judgment of their peers."[291] Stowe refers to the work
ascribed to Otterbourne, the sentiments of which he faithfully
represents, and then proceeds with the further narrative. "The King
had entertained suspicions in consequence of the Prince's excesses,
and the great recourse of people unto him, of which his court (p. 306)
was at all times more abundant than his father's, that he would
presume to usurp the crown; so that, in consequence of this suspicious
jealousy, he withdrew in part his affection and singular love from the
Prince.[292] He was accompanied by a large body of lords and
gentlemen; but those he would not suffer to advance beyond the fire in
the hall, in order to remove all suspicion from his father of any
intention to overawe or intimidate him. As soon as the Prince had
declared to his father that his life was not so desirable to him that
he would wish to live one day to his father's displeasure, and that he
coveted not so much his own life as his father's pleasure and welfare,
the King embraced the Prince, and with tears addressed him: 'My right
dear and heartily beloved son, it is of truth that I had you partly
suspect, and, as I now perceive, undeserved on your part. I will have
you no longer in distrust for any reports that shall be made unto me.
And thereof I assure you upon my honour.' Thus, by his great wisdom,
was the wrongful imagination of his father's hate utterly avoided, and
himself restored to the King's former grace and favour."

[Footnote 291: Stowe's Annals.]

[Footnote 292: How far we ought to believe the
strange story about the Prince visiting his father
in a mountebank's disguise, and praying the King to
stab him with a dagger which he presented to him,
is very problematical. There is much about it, and
its circumstances, which gives it the air of great
incredibility. Stowe here assumes, without good
ground, that the suspicions of the King were
excited by Henry's excesses.]

Stowe then reports that after Christmas the King called a (p. 307)
parliament (on the morrow of the Purification, February 3,) to the end
of which he did not survive. During his illness, which became much
worse from about Christmas, he gave most excellent advice to Henry;
the particulars of which, as recorded by Stowe, are probably more the
fruits of the writer's imagination than the faithful transcript of any
recorded sentiments. Still the possibility of their having existed in
documents since lost, may perhaps be deemed a sufficient reason for
assigning to them a place in this work.

"'My dear and well-beloved son, I beseech thee, and upon my blessing
charge thee, that, like as thou hast said, so thou minister justice
equally, and in no wise suffer them that be oppressed long to call
upon thee for justice; but redress oppressions, and indifferently and
without delay: for no persuasion of flatterers, nor of them that be
partial, or such as have their hands replenished with gifts, defer not
justice till to-morrow if that thou mayest do justice this day, lest
peradventure God do justice on thee in the mean time, and take from
thee thine authority. Remember that the wealth of thy body and thy
soul and of thy realm resteth in the execution of justice: and do not
thy justice so that thou be called a tyrant; but use thyself in the
middle way between justice and mercy in those things that belong to
thee. And between parties do justice truly, to the consolation of thy
poor subjects that suffer injuries, and to the punishment of (p. 308)
them that be extortioners and doers of oppression, that others thereby
may take example; and in thus doing thou shalt obtain the favour of
God, and the love and fear of thy subjects; and therefore also thou
shalt have thy realm more in tranquillity and rest, which shall be
occasion of great prosperity within thy realm, which Englishmen
naturally do desire; for, so long as they have wealth and riches, so
long shalt thou have obeisance; and, when they be poor, then they be
always ready at every motion to make insurrections, and it causeth
them to rebel against their sovereign lord; for the nature of them is
such rather to fear losing of their goods and worldly substance, than
the jeopardy of their lives. And if thou thus keep them in subjection,
mixed with love and fear, thou shalt have the most peaceable and
fertile country, and the most loving, faithful, and manly people of
the world; which shall be cause of no small fear to thine adversaries.
My son, when it shall please God to call me to the way decreed for
every worldly creature, to thee, as my son and heir, I must leave my
crown and my realm; which I advise thee not to take vainly, and as a
man elate in pride, and rejoiced in worldly honour; but think that
thou art more oppressed with charge to purvey for every person within
the realm, than exalted by vain honour of the world. Thou shalt be
exalted unto the crown for the wealth and conservation of the realm,
and not for thy singular commodity and avail. My son, thou (p. 309)
shalt be a minister unto thy realm, to keep it in tranquillity and to
defend it. Like as the heart in the midst of the body is principal and
chief thing, and serveth to covet and desire that thing that is most
necessary to every of thy members; so, my son, thou shalt be amongst
thy people as chief and principal of them, to minister, imagine, and
acquire those things that may be most beneficial unto them. And then
thy people shall be obedient unto thee, to aid and succour thee, and
in all things to accomplish thy commandments, like as thy ministers
labour every one in his office to acquire and get that thing that thy
heart desireth: and as thy heart is of no force, and impotent, without
the aid of thy members, so without thy people thy reign is nothing. My
son, thou shalt fear and dread God above all things; and thou shalt
love, honour, and worship him with all thy heart: thou shalt attribute
and ascribe to him all things wherein thou seest thyself to be well
fortunate, be it victory of thine enemies, love of thy friends,
obedience of thy subjects, strength and activeness of body, honour,
riches, or fruitful generations, or any other thing, whatever it be,
that chanceth to thy pleasure. Thou shalt not imagine that any such
thing should fortune to thee by thine act, nor by thy desert; but thou
shalt think that all cometh only of the goodness of the Lord. Thus
shalt thou with all thine heart praise, honour, and thank God for all
his benefits that he giveth unto thee. And in thyself eschew (p. 310)
all vainglory and elation of heart, following the wholesome counsel of
the Psalmist, which saith, 'Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us! but unto
thy name give the praise!' These, and many other admonitions and
doctrines, this victorious King gave unto this noble Prince his son,
who with effect followed the same after the death of his father,
whereby he obtained grace of our Lord to attain to great victories,
and many glorious and incredible conquests, through the help and
succour of our Lord, whereof he was never destitute."

* * * * *

For the exquisitely beautiful picture of Shakspeare, called by some
'The Chamber Scene,' by others 'The Crown Scene,' the materials
probably were gathered from Monstrelet, whose narrative is the only
evidence we now have of the incident. That narrative, indeed, is not
contradicted by any other account; still its authenticity is very
questionable. It is, perhaps, impossible not to entertain a suspicion
that a French writer would, without much enquiry, admit an anecdote by
which Henry IV. is made to disclaim all title to the English throne,
and, by immediate consequence, all title to the English possessions in
the fair realm of France. It is also improbable either that Henry IV.
would have uttered this sentiment in the presence of a witness, or
that his son would have made it known to others. Monstrelet's
anecdote, nevertheless, being the source of so inimitable a (p. 311)
scene as Shakspeare has drawn from it, deserves a place here: "The
King's attendant, not perceiving him to breathe, concluded he was
dead, and covered his face with a cloth. The crown was then upon a
cushion near the bed. The Prince, believing his father to be dead,
took away the crown. Shortly after, the King uttered a groan, and
revived; and, missing his crown, sent for his son, and asked why he
had removed it. The Prince mentioned his supposition that his father
had died. The King gave a deep sigh, and said, 'My fair son, what
right have you to it? you knew I had none.'--'My lord,' replied Henry,
'as you have held it by right of your sword, it is my intent to hold
and defend it the same during my life.' The King answered, 'Well, all
as you see best; I leave all things to God, and pray that he will have
mercy on me.' Shortly after, without uttering another word, he
expired."[293]

[Footnote 293: Monstrelet, viii.]

Henry IV. expired on Monday, March 20, 1413; and his remains were
taken to Canterbury, and there interred near the grave of his first
wife. Clement Maidstone[294] testifies to his having heard a man swear
to his father, that he threw the body into the Thames between Barking
and Gravesend; but, on a late investigation, under the superintendence
of members of the cathedral, the body was found still to be in the
coffin, proving the falsehood of this foolish story.[295] (p. 312)
The funeral was celebrated with great solemnity; and Henry V. attended
in person to assist in paying this last homage of respect to the
earthly remains of his sovereign and father.

[Footnote 294: Anglia Sacra, vol. ii. p. 371.]

[Footnote 295: Archaeologia.]

CHAPTER XIV. (p. 313)

HENRY OF MONMOUTH'S CHARACTER. -- UNFAIRNESS OF MODERN WRITERS. --
WALSINGHAM EXAMINED. -- TESTIMONY OF HIS FATHER -- OF HOTSPUR -- OF
THE PARLIAMENT -- OF THE ENGLISH AND WELSH COUNTIES -- OF CONTEMPORARY
CHRONICLERS. -- NO ONE SINGLE ACT OF IMMORALITY ALLEGED AGAINST HIM.
-- NO INTIMATION OF HIS EXTRAVAGANCE, OR INJUSTICE, OR RIOT, OR
LICENTIOUSNESS, IN WALES, LONDON, OR CALAIS. -- DIRECT TESTIMONY TO
THE OPPOSITE VIRTUES. -- LYDGATE. -- OCCLEVE.

The hour of his father's death having been fixed upon as the date of
Henry's reputed conversion from a career of thoughtless dissipation
and reckless profligacy to a life of religion and virtue, this may
appear to be the most suitable place for a calm review of his previous
character and conduct.

In the very threshold of our inquiry, perhaps the most remarkable
circumstance to be observed is this, that whilst the charges now so
unsparingly and unfeelingly brought against his character, rest solely
on the vague, general, and indefinite assertions of writers, (many of
whom appear to aim at exalting his repentance into somewhat
approaching a miraculous conversion,) no one single act of
violence,[296] intemperance, injustice, immorality, or even (p. 314)
levity of any kind, religious or moral, is placed upon record. Either
sweeping and railing accusations are alleged, unsubstantiated by proof
or argument; or else his subsequent repentance is cited to bear
testimony to his former misdoings. Thus one writer asserts;[297] "This
monarch, in the former part of his life, was remarkable for
dissipation and extravagance of conduct; in the latter, he became the
slave of the popedom. Voluptuousness, ambition, superstition, each in
their turn had the ascendant in this extraordinary character." Thus
does another sum up the whole question in one short note:[298] "The
assertions of his reformation are so express, that the fact cannot be
justly questioned without doubting all history; and, if there were
reformation, there must have been previous errors."[299]

[Footnote 296: The story of the Chief Justice, &c.
will be examined separately and at length. The
charge from Calais of peculation (we have already
seen) brought with it its own refutation: whilst
the evidence on which alone the charge against him
of undutiful conduct towards his father rests is
proved to be altogether devoid of credit.]

[Footnote 297: Milner, Church History, Cent. XV.]

[Footnote 298: Turner, History of England, book ii.
ch. x.]

[Footnote 299: Rapin, who follows Hall, and gives
no better authority, tells us that Prince Henry's
court was the receptacle of libertines, debauchees,
buffoons, parasites, and the like. The question
naturally suggests itself, "Ought not such a writer
as Rapin to have sought for some evidence to
support this assertion?" Had he sought diligently,
and reported honestly, such a sentence as this
could never have fallen from his pen. Carte gives a
very different view of Henry of Monmouth's court;
and a view, as many believe, far nearer the truth.
"It was crowded," he says, "by the nobles and great
men of the land, when his father's court was
comparatively deserted."]

The expressions of Walsingham, (being the same in his History, (p. 315)
and in the work called "Ypodigma Neustriae," or "A Sketch of Normandy,"
which he dedicated to Henry V. himself,) are considered by some
persons to have laid an insurmountable barrier in the way of those who
would remove from Henry's "brow," as Prince, "the stain" of "wildness,
riot, and dishonour." And, doubtless, no one who would discharge the
office of an upright judge or an honest witness, would either suppress
or gloss over the passage which is supposed to present these
formidable difficulties, or withdraw from the balance a particle of
the full weight which might appear after examination to belong to that
passage as its own. In our inquiry, however, we must be upon our guard
against the fallacy in which too many writers, when handling this
question, have indulged by arguing in a circle. We must not first say,
Walsingham bears testimony to Henry's early depravity, therefore we
must believe him to have been guilty; and then conclude, because
tradition fixes delinquency on Henry's early days, therefore
Walsingham's passage can admit only of that interpretation which fixes
the guilt upon him. Let Walsingham's text be fairly sifted upon its
own merits; and then, whatever shall appear to have been his (p. 316)
meaning of an adverse nature, let that be added to the evidence
against Henry; and let the whole be put into the scale, and weighed
against whatever may be alleged in refutation of the charges with
which his memory has been assailed. It would be the result then of a
morbid deference to the opinions of others, rather than the judgment
of his own reasoning, were the Author to withhold his persuasion that
more importance has been assigned to Walsingham's words than a full
and unbiassed scrutiny into their real bearing would sanction. To the
judgment of each individually must this branch of evidence, no less
than the entire question of Henry's moral character, be left. A
transcript of Walsingham's words, as they appear in the printed
editions of his History and in the "Ypodigma Neustriae,"[300] will be
found at the foot of the page.[301] The following is probably (p. 317)
as close a rendering of the original, as the strangely metaphorical,
and in some cases the obscure expressions of Walsingham will bear. "On
which day [of Henry's coronation] there was a very severe storm of
snow, all persons marvelling at the roughness of the weather. Some
considered the disturbance of the atmosphere as portending the new
King's destiny to be cold in action, severe in discipline and in the
exercise of the royal functions; others, forming a milder estimate of
the person of the King, interpreted this inclemency of the sky as the
best omen, namely, that the King himself would cause the colds and
snows of vices to fall in his reign, and the mild fruits of (p. 318)
virtues to spring up; so that, with practical truth, it might be said
by his subjects, 'The winter is past, the rain is over and gone.' For
verily, as soon as he was initiated with the chaplet of royalty, he
suddenly was changed into another man, studying rectitude, modesty,
and gravity, [or propriety, moderation, and steadiness,] desiring to
exercise every class of virtue without omitting any; whose manners and
conduct were an example to persons of every condition in life, as well
of the clergy as of the laity."

[Footnote 300: The Author has searched in vain for
any contemporary manuscript of Walsingham's
"Ypodigma Neustriae." There is a copy in the British
Museum, written up to a certain point on vellum;
the latter part, containing these sentences, is on
paper, and of comparatively a very recent date,
transcribed, as the Author thinks, not from a
previous MS. of the Ypodigma, but from a copy of
the History. His ground for this inference is the
circumstance that the interpolation in the History,
as to Edmund Mortimer's death, which is not found
in the printed editions of the Ypodigma, occurs in
this MS. The MS. on vellum, preserved in the
Heralds' College, is a copy of the History,
transcribed, as the Author conceives, by a very
ignorant copyist. The same interpolation of "Obiit"
occurs here also; and, instead of calling the
person spoken of Edmund Mortimer, it has "Edmundus
mortifer." The Author was very desirous of
comparing the original copy of Walsingham's
Ypodigma, as dedicated to Henry V, with subsequent
transcripts or versions. He entertains a strong
suspicion that the sentences here commented upon
were not in the original; but, in the absence of
the means of ascertaining the matter of fact, he
reasons upon them as though they were actually
submitted to the eye of Henry himself.]

[Footnote 301: "Quo die fuit tempestas nivis
maxima, cunctis admirantibus de temporis
asperitate; quibusdam novelli Regis fatis
impingentibus aeris turbulentiam, velut ipse
futurus esset in agendis frigidus, in regimine
regnoque severus. Aliis mitius de persona Regis
sapientibus, et hanc aeris intemperiem
interpretantibus omen optimum, quod ipse videlicet
nives et frigora vitiorum faceret in regno cadere,
et serenos virtutum fructus emergere; ut posset
effectualiter a suis dici subditis, 'Jam enim hyems
transiit, imber abiit et recessit.' Qui revera, mox
ut initiatus est regni infulis, repente mutatus est
in virum alterum, honestati, modestiae, ac gravitati
studens, nullum virtutum genus omittens quod non
cuperet exercere. Cujus mores et gestus omni
conditioni, tam religiosorum quam laicorum, in
exempla fuere."]

Unquestionably, from these expressions an inference may be drawn
fairly, and without harshness or exaggeration, that the "changed man"
had been in times past negligent of some important branches of moral
duty; vehement, hasty, and impetuous in his general proceedings; and
not considering in his pursuits their fitness for his station and
place; in a word, guilty of moral delinquencies immediately opposed to
the virtues enumerated. On the other hand, by specifying those three
moral qualities, (in which this passage is interpreted to imply that
Henry's life had undergone a sudden and total change,--rectitude,
modesty, and steadiness,) Walsingham appears to have selected exactly
those identical points, for Henry's full possession of which the
parliament of England had felicitated his father; and which, either
separately, or in combination with other excellencies, continued to be
ascribed to him at various times, as occasion offered, even to (p. 319)
a period within a few months of his accession to the throne. Never
did a young man receive from his contemporaries more unequivocal
testimony to the practical exercise in his person of propriety,
modesty, and perseverance, than Henry of Monmouth received before he
became King.

It may be said, and with perfect fairness, that the testimony of
parliament to his virtues so early as the year 1406 leaves a most
important chasm in a young man's life, during which he might have
fallen from his integrity, and have rapidly formed habits of the
opposite vices. But through that period no expressions occur in
history which even by implication involve any degeneracy, any change
from good to bad. On the contrary, to his zeal and steadiness, and
perseverance and integrity, such incidental testimony is borne from
time to time as would of itself leave a very different impression on
the mind from that which Walsingham's words in their usual acceptation
would convey; whilst no allusion whatever is discernible to any habits
or practices contrary to the principles of religious and moral
self-government. Indeed, it has been, not without reason, doubted
whether, in the absence of more positive testimony, such sudden
changes, first from good to bad, and then from bad to good, be not in
themselves improbable.

On the whole, whilst each must be freely left to pronounce his own
verdict, it is here humbly but sincerely suggested that (p. 320)
Walsingham's words fairly admit of an interpretation more in
accordance with the view of Henry's moral worth generally adopted in
these Memoirs; namely, that his character rose suddenly with the
occasion; that new energies were called into action by his new duties;
that his moral and intellectual powers kept on a level with his
elevation to so high a dignity, and with such an increase of power and
influence; and that he continued to excite the admiration of the world
by improving rapidly in every excellence, as his awful sense of the
momentous responsibility he then for the first time felt imposed upon
him grew in strength and intenseness. He became "another, a new man,"
by giving himself up with all his soul to his new duties as sovereign;
and by cultivating with practical devotedness those virtues which
might render him (and which, as Walsingham says, did actually render
him) a bright and shining example to every class of his subjects.[302]

[Footnote 302: Hardyng uses this expression:

"A new man made in all good regimence."]

Undoubtedly most of the subsequent chroniclers not only speak of his
reformation, but broadly state that he had given himself very great
licence in self-gratification, and therefore needed to be reformed.
Before Shakspeare's day, the reports adopted by our historiographers
had fully justified him in his representation of Henry's early
courses; and, since his time, few writers have considered it their
duty to verify the exquisite traits of his pencil, or examine (p. 321)
the evidence on which he rested.

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