The Great North Western Conspiracy In All Its Startling Details

I >> I. Windslow Ayer >> The Great North Western Conspiracy In All Its Startling Details

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Two of these "gentlemen" visited the office of the writer of this book
during the progress of the trial, and used the following language. "If it
be _true_, (he having inferred from Alexander's testimony that the writer
had been in the interest of the General Government), a thousand times you
had better be Charley Walsh than Dr. Ayer."

A project was considered to rally the order and carry out the original
programme, but as well might an attempt have been made to infuse life into
a body that had been buried a fortnight. A messenger who went to Lewiston,
Ill., to "see what the order would do about it," were coolly told by their
Grand Commander, S. Corning Judd, Esq., that "they wouldn't do a thing."
This unsatisfactory report proved two things--that S. Corning Judd, Grand
Commander, and candidate for Lieut. Governor of Illinois, (who might have
got the election, if the "ballot and bullet" butternut machinery had only
proved available), considered the institution as "gone up," and 2d--that
he was ungrateful to a people who had at least made him their nominee.
Gentlemen who, by request, visited the different sections of the State and
of the Northwest, all reported that immediately after it was known that
the Government knew their secrets as well as they did themselves, they
tacitly agreed not to regard themselves as a "secret" organization in
future, and we have the best of reasons to believe the entire order is so
completely uprooted that it can never again spring up to curse the land.
Home traitors have been taught, and it is well if they profit by the
lesson, they cannot form any society or order based upon treason, that can
for any considerable time continue "secret." Its purposes will transpire,
for the all-seeing eye of Him who reads the hearts of men, and will not
suffer "a sparrow to fall to the ground without his notice," that God who
hath decreed that this nation shall be re-united, shall be prosperous,
free, happy, and truly great, will not suffer traitors to be successful,
but will give them into the hands of those who reverence His mighty and
terrible name; and their cunning shall be a reproach, and their
machinations shall be known of all men, and they shall blush with burning
shame that they were ever false to their country.

[Illustration: JUDGE BUCKNER S. MORRIS

A prominent lawyer and citizen of Chicago, a bitter and strong advocate of
Democratic faith and the peculiar notions of the Sons of Liberty. He was
arrested at the same time with Walsh in his own house. He was a strong
Southern man in his feelings and openly sympathized with the rebellion,
and so strong were his sympathies that he frequently furnished escaped
rebel prisoners of war with clothing, food, and money, and otherwise aided
them in escaping from the country. B.S. Morris was at one time judge of
the Circuit Court of Cook County, and was a candidate for Governor of the
State of Illinois. He was born in Kentucky, and is about sixty years of
age. Out side of his treason, Judge Morris was generally regarded as
possessing many noble qualities of heart.]

CHAP. XVI

TESTIMONY OF GEN. B.J. SWEET--LIST OF OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE
McCLELLAN CLUBS IN CHICAGO.

The services of Brig.-Gen. B.J. Sweet, in relation to the Northwestern
Conspiracy, have already been briefly mentioned, and the reader will
perhaps find the report of that officer's testimony full of interest.
After the communications by the writer to Gen. Sweet (then Colonel) in
command of Camp Douglas, which were made by request of Gen. Paine,
dispatches were regularly forwarded to that officer, who never failed to
receive them with gratification. The service was one of extreme danger,
difficulty and delicacy, requiring the most careful attention, unceasing
vigilance, and only the consciousness of discharging an important and
imperative duty to the country, and the confident belief that invaluable
aid might thus be rendered, could have induced the writer to enter upon
and pursue a line of service, a thousand times more distasteful and
perilous than active service upon the field.

The recognition of the writer's services by Brig.-Gen. Paine, and
subsequently by Maj. Gen. Hooker, in commendatory letters, will ever be
remembered, showing as it did, a grateful appreciation by those gallant
officers, of services of which, from their character, the public could
have no knowledge for the time being.

The following is the testimony of Gen. Sweet, as substantially given
before the military commission in Cincinnati:

EVIDENCE OF COLONEL SWEET.

My name is Benjamin J. Sweet; I am and was, during the months of
September, October, and November of last year, Colonel of the 8th Regiment
Veteran Reserve Corps; I was also, and still am, Commandant of the Post of
Chicago, including Camp Douglas. The post I command extended, I suppose to
the limits of the surrounding posts.

_The Judge Advocate_.--What are the geographical limits of the command of
the Post of Chicago.

Mr. Asay objected to the question, as involving a matter of law and not of
evidence, but his objection was overruled by the Court.

_Witness continued_.--My jurisdiction extends to the limits of the posts
north at Madison, Wisconsin, southwest to Rock Island, south, or almost
south, to Springfield, and east to Detroit, Michigan. The Commandant has
jurisdiction over everything pertaining to military affairs in the
jurisdiction, over the command of all troops, and for the protection of
the property of the Government and of the people. Chicago is one of the
first military depots of supplies in the country. There are ten depots in
charge of a Colonel, and Chicago is one of them. The Depot Quartermaster
at that time was Colonel Potter. From the commencement to the latter end
of August, the number of troops under my command, fit for duty, was from
800 to 900. Towards the end of August, I was reinforced by about 1,200
men, consisting of four companies of one hundred days' men, and the 196th
Pennsylvania Regiment, which numbered 750 men, also one hundred days' men;
these remained with me sixty or seventy days. I telegraphed for these
reinforcements. There were between 8,000 and 9,000 prisoners in camp up to
November. On the 6th of November, the morning report shows 796 men, rank
and file, fit for duty. There were always on duty in Chicago about sixty
men acting as provost guard; this left 736 men in camp to do guard duty.
The sixty men in the city performed service in looking after deserters,
guarding property, &c. The depot for supplies is in the city, and is in
charge of the depot quartermaster. Troops were used for doing camp duty,
and guarding prisoners of war, and forwarding deserters to various camps.
The entire guard in Camp Douglas was about 500 men, 250 on duty at a time,
and 250 off. These were changed every other day. The camp is within the
city limits, and is about three miles from the Court House.

The conveniences to reach the camp are by way of street cars. There were
buildings on the north side of the camp; on the opposite side of the
street, also on the east side, there was a hotel and other dwellings.
Walsh's house was about one-fourth of a mile from the camp, with three or
four houses between Walsh's house and the camp. My duties are two-fold; I
have to report to Gen. Cook, at Springfield, commanding in the State, and
to Gen. Hooker, at Department headquarters. In relation to prisoners of
war, I am under the instructions of the Commissary General of prisoners at
Washington. These prisoners were arrested at my order. Messrs. Walsh,
Cantrill and Daniels were arrested by Lieut. Col. Skinner and a detachment
of troops, at Walsh's house. Grenfel and the witness Shanks were arrested
at the Richmond House, and Mr. Marmaduke was arrested at the residence of
Dr. Edwards, No. 70 Adams street. Judge Morris was arrested by Mr. Keefe
and members of the police. These arrests were made on the 6th of November.
They were arrested upon information which led me to believe that there was
on foot a conspiracy to release the prisoners, and get up a revolution in
Indiana and Illinois. I regarded the emergency as immediate, and therefore
acted promptly. I dared not trust the telegraph and the railroad, for I
understood that the Sons of Liberty had men employed upon them. There were
one hundred and fifty men arrested in all. They were principally from the
South and Central Illinois, and had lately arrived in Chicago. These were
mainly from Fayette and Christian counties, Illinois. These were arrested
in grog-shops, boarding-houses, under the pavements, and in every part of
the city. All of these men were arrested from their appearance and
description, and by their looks were taken to be vagabonds. There were but
few of them armed. They asserted that they came to Chicago to see the
city. Some of them stated that they belonged to the Sons of Liberty, and
some from the Southern army; about one tenth came from the Southern army.
These bushwhackers were arrested partly by the city police, partly by
citizens, and some by soldiers.

I have heard of such an organization as Klingmen's men. Most of them
coming from Christain and Fayette counties. It was chiefly made up of
deserters from the Federal army and those who ran away from the draft, and
was intended to resist the draft and all the operations of the Provost
Marshal and the General government in the prosecution of the war. I
succeeded in capturing the Captain and Lieutenant, and the principal men
of the organization. It was not an organization under the United States or
State law. I received all of these men up to the 8th of November, and all
being strangers, I took them in.

I do not know the exact size of Camp Douglas, but believed it comprises
from 60 to 70 acres of land. The prisoners square proper, covers about 20
acres. In November last it was enclosed by a board fence 12 feet in height
and made of lumber an inch and a quarter in thickness. The boards were
placed endways and were nailed from the inside. The outside sentinels were
stationed on a parapet about three feet from the top of the fence on the
outside. The camp was more easily assailable from without and less
defensible than if the attack was made from inside.

The Judge Advocate here exhibited to the witness a plan of the camp found
on the person of one of the conspirators.

_Colonel Sweet_.--The map is very roughly drawn and is a little out of
proportion in detail, but is a correct drawing of the camp as it was in
August and September of last year. The outlines are precisely the same. As
shown on the map there were then 40 barracks in the prison square. This
number is now increased. The Guard-house and small tents on the west side
of the camp are also moved now. The barracks marked "Yankee Barracks" is
the correct position of the barracks occupied by the garrison in Garrison
Square. The building marked "Douglas House" on the South side of the camp
is, I suppose the Douglas University. It is a magnificent building and is
located about eighteen or twenty rods from the camp fence, and overlooks
the entire camp. One hundred men, or even fifty men, stationed in that
building, would command Camp Douglas, and almost make it untenable to any
force. During the session of the Democratic Convention, and until the
danger was over, I stationed two companies near that building. I had in my
charge a prisoner named John T. Shanks at that time; he was there when I
assumed the command of the camp, on the second of May, 1864. He was a
clerk in the office for the commissary of prisoners. He applied to me to
take the oath of allegiance during the summer. His application went
through me to the Commissary General of Prisoners with my approval. I
never approved these applications unless I was fully convinced that the
applicant was desirous of becoming a loyal citizen. The application was
not granted, but I made it the basis of communication to Commissary
General that Shanks desired to serve the United States, and to take the
oath. In this camp there were some men who were more largely entrusted
than others. Shanks was a paroled prisoner, having the freedom of Garrison
Square during the day time. There were others there in the same condition--
a man named Grey, and clerks in the medical department. Shanks was allowed
to go to the city two or three times in company with an officer. The
prisoners are never permitted to have any funds. I gave Shanks a dollar.

Shanks never used a nomme de plume that I am aware of. The prisoners were
not allowed to have any money, nor did they possess any unless they
obtained it secretly. Shanks, however, had, I believe, one dollar, which I
gave him. When a prisoner is brought to camp he is thoroughly searched, and
any money taken from him is placed in bands of the Prisoner's Accountant,
to be drawn, if required, in provisions from the sutler. Letters are all
opened, and any money they contain similarly applied. I sent Shanks to the
house of Judge Morris on the 3rd of November, because five men had
just escaped from the camp, and I traced them, I believe, to that house. I
asked Shanks if he would not like to do the government a service. He
replied that he would, when I told him that I wanted him to go to the
house of Morris and represent that he had violated his parole and escaped,
and if possible must be secreted with the other prisoners. I then sent for
Keefe, and the two went to the city in a buggy. I followed on the street
cars, and went to my office, No 90 Washington street, where I had told
Shanks to report if he could not find the prisoners. After I had been
there a short time, Shanks came to me and gave me $30, which he said Mrs.
Morris had given to him, with the exception of one dollar. I do not think
he had any money when he went to her house.

I know Maurice Langhorne. He introduced himself to me on the 5th of
November, by showing me a letter from Secretary Seward to Secretary
Stanton, recommending that he be allowed to take the oath of allegiance.
He gave me some information regarding the plot, but I did not know whether
or not to take him into my confidence. At a subsequent meeting, the next
day, however, at the Tremont House, I determined that he was an honest,
reliable man, and one who could be trusted. He has been of great value to
me, and his information was ever correct. On the 12th of November, after
the first arrests were made, I first offered to employ him. I asked him to
identify all who he remembered having seen in Canada, in connection with
the conspirators, and arrest them. He personally arrested the witness,
John Maughan, at the Tremont House. He gave me information of the
ammunition in Walsh's house, and subsequent facts proved that his
information was perfectly correct. I gave him the fictitious name of
Johnson. He never acted as a detective, but simply aided in arresting men
he had known before. Shanks worked for the Government ever since I knew
him. Up to the 12th of November, he received no pay, and after that got
$100 a month as his salary. I believe, however, that I previously gave him
one month's salary, to purchase some citizen's clothing. Of the arms
seized at Walsh's house I have the shot guns at camp. The pistols were
entrusted to Col. Hough to arm a citizens' patrol, and he has not returned
them. I do not know the exact number of arms we captured. There were about
354 revolvers and 200 double barreled guns found in his house, and thirty
cavalry carbines in his barn in the city; the latter weapons were not
loaded, but those found in his dwelling were. There were also from 14,000
to 15,000 rounds of cartridges, and some roughly made buckshot cartridges,
the number of which I do not remember. We also obtained some arms from
other persons arrested, I mean the bushwhackers. I do not think that any
arms were found on any of the prisoners at the bar, except, possibly,
Grenfell.

It will be interesting to the citizens of Chicago, if not in other
localities, to peruse the following report from a newspaper, which has
perhaps done more than any other in the United States, to aid and promote
the interests and cause of the rebels--a paper, the baneful influence of
which Gen. Burnside well knew, and would have crushed out; but the editor
of that print was suffered to proceed on his dirty and devilish work, and
most industrious has he been. The most loathsome reptiles, as we see in
the economy of nature, have their uses; "the toad, ugly and venomous,
wears yet a precious jewel in his head;" the spider, cunning and fierce,
is not without his uses; the wily serpent has his office, the viper was
not made in vain, and as the mighty plan of the Great Creator of the
Universe is above the comprehension of man, we may wonder at, but never
understand why beings in the guise of men, were ever formed, who know no
patriotism, no gratitude, none of the nobler attributes of man, and whose
mission seems but destruction to his race, and deadly enmity to his
country. The Times, who in these days of victory and triumph of Union
arms, would "steal the livery of heaven to serve the devil in," and prate
of its devotion to the Union, furnishes us some information it were well
for good citizens to know, and which we will presume is (unlike most
statements in that concern) reliable.

LIST OF McCLELLAN ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CITY OF CHICAGO.

We extract the following from the Chicago Times of October 20, 1864. It
will do to keep for reference. The comments which preface the list are
from the pen of the editor of that delectable print. The only comment we
need make is, that almost every man whose name is upon the list, was a
member of the Chicago Temple of the Sons of Liberty, in good and regular
standing with the order:

"There is at present a thoroughly organized and efficient McClellan club
in nearly every ward in the city. The good that has resulted to the
democratic party from these organizations is more than can be readily
imagined. They have done much to stimulate men to an interest in the
issues of the day which never would have been felt but for the exertions
of the clubs. In those wards where these organizations have not already
been formed, meetings are appointed to take place this week for the
purpose of forming them, and by the next Sabbath there will be one in
every ward in the city. Ordinarily the clubs meet once a week, but they
convene oftener for special purposes. There are always speakers ready to
address these meetings, being local candidates, speakers residing in the
wards where the meetings are held, or speakers from abroad. Below will be
found a list of the McClellan clubs now in effect, together with the names
of their officers:"

FIRST WARD.

President, Chas. W. Patten; Vice-Presd'nt, P.D. Parks; Secretary, J.O.
More; Executive Committee, George S. Kimberly, William Y. Daniels, Dr.
J.A. Hahn, Augustus Banyon, Andrew Schall.

SECOND WARD.

President, William Baragwanatle; Vice-Presidents, Anton Berg, Dr. E.W.
Edwards, Samuel Duncan; Secretary, James Rattray; Treasurer, F.E. Barber;
Executive Committee, F.E. Barber, James Rattray, C.C. Strawn, J.
Schlossman, P.M. Donelan, H.L. Stewart, F. Cahill, Thos. Tilley, William
Hull.

THIRD WARD.

President, Geo. A. Meech; Vice-President, Stephen A. Barrett; Secretary,
Benjamin F. Smith; Treasurer, John Dalton; Executive Committee, Joshua L.
Marsh, John Schank, James McGrath.

FOURTH WARD.

President, A.A. Campbell; Vice-President, M.L. Kuth; Treasurer, Thomas
Horless; Secretary, L.W. Binz; Executive Committee, J.H. Ferrell, Mark
Kimball, Charles Walsh.

FIFTH WARD.

President, Mark Sheridan; First Vice-President, M.C. Quinn; Second
Vice-President, Jas. Brennan; Secretary, Christopher Dennis; Assistant
Secretary, James Fox; Treasurer, John Reid; Executive Committee,
Constantine Kanu, John Keyes, John Myers, L.J. Prout, John Lyons, Michael
McDermott, Michael Finucan, Thomas Barry.

SEVENTH WARD.

President, E. Gilmore; First Vice-President, D.W. Quirk; Second
Vice-President, Gotthard Schaaff; Secretary, M.A. Donahue; Treasurer,
Joseph Sherwin; Executive Committee, John Comisky, J.K. Boland, P.
Caraher, T. Tully, and T.E. Courtney.

NINTH WARD.

President, S.S. Elson; Vice-President, R. O'Malley; Secretary, A.S.
Morrison; Treasurer, P. Moran; Executive Committee, E.F. Runnison, P.S.
Hade, Michael Gerrity.

TENTH WARD.

President, Hiram M. Chase; Vice-President, H.N. Hahn; Secretary, A.L.
Amberg; Treasurer, T.T. Gurney; Executive Committee, D.W. Manchester, M.
McCurdy, Joseph Hogan.

FOURTEENTH WARD.

President, Joseph Kuhn; Vice-President, P. Stech; Treasurer, John Schierer;
Secretary, J.B. Winkelman; Executive Committee, B. Docter, Fred. Licht,
N. Gerten.

The _Times_ adds:

"The above list gives all the names that have ever been published. In some
of the wards there are two clubs, and yet the permanent organization of
either has never been given. In some other wards they have no permanent
organization, but elect officers at each weekly meeting. In the other
wards clubs will be formed within a few days. It should be borne in mind
that the above clubs are independent of the Invincible Club, which is not
a mere ward organization, but represents the whole city."

CHAPTER XVII.

PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES--THE CONSUMMATION OF
THE INFERNAL PLOT--DEATH OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND DEADLY ASSAULT UPON
SECRETARY SEWARD--RESOLUTIONS OF THE CHICAGO BOARD OF TRADE.

During the autumn of 1864, at a meeting of the Sons of Liberty, in
Chicago, a proposition was introduced which contemplated the raising of a
fund of fifty thousand dollars, which was to be expended in payment of the
services of some person who would undertake to assassinate the President
of the United States. This was an informal proceeding, the meeting having
just adjourned, but it was discussed by several of the leading members,
who declared that the "extermination of tyrants was obedience to God."

What say you, citizens of Chicago, concerning the band of traitors in your
midst, who meditate and discuss such crimes as make the soul sicken, and
the face blanch with horror; would not any honest man deliver this
department of Jeff Davis' most efficient allies into the hands of the
United States Government, by any means Heaven might place in his power? If
there is a man so fastidious of propriety, so mindful of selfish
considerations, that he would not, then, in our opinion, that man is a
coward, a traitor, an imbecile too weak to punish, and deserving the scorn
and contumely of his countrymen, for all coming time. This proposition was
the next day reported in a dispatch to Col. Sweet, and is now on file in
his office. It may be that the persons who discussed the proposition,
would not themselves have undertaken the accomplishment of the deed, but
the animus of the party was thus rendered apparent, and the proposition
was gravely considered and discussed. This occurred soon after an
interview, by the writer, with Maj. Gen. Hooker, at the Tremont House, in
Chicago, in October. It had been often said that in case Lincoln was
elected, he should never be inaugurated, implying that his life would be
terminated before that event. Some of the very parties who made these
threats, have since been prisoners in Camp Douglas, but are now at large.
On the night of the 14th of April, 1865, assassins, who were, doubtless,
members of the Sons of Liberty, in accordance with the same spirit in
which that Order came into existence, and was conducted from first to
last, consummated their hellish designs by shooting President Lincoln, and
stabbing Secretary Seward. The nation now mourns the loss of the noble
martyr of freedom, the truest heart, the most devoted patriot, the sincere
advocate of republican institutions, and the friend of the people. In
every city, town, and village, and hamlet of the land, is sincere mourning;
deepest grief swells the hearts and dim the eyes of all who have hearts
to feel, and fountains of tears, for the greatest bereavement that has
ever befallen our nation. The emblems of mourning, the solemn tolling of
bells, the universal gloom which overshadows our land, all impress upon
our hearts the terrible affliction that has come upon us, and while we
would bow reverently before Him who doeth all things well, and whose wise
purpose in this chastening of our already sorrowing people may not now be
apparent, we cannot repress the just indignation of our souls that moves
us to the enactment of that stern justice which is uncompromising, and
which cries to Heaven for vengeance, which nerves our hearts and hands to
deeds, the generous, noble, President of the nation, now silent in the
tomb, would have softened or averted. Villains have slain the man whose
heart was large enough to take into his affections and paternal love, the
whole country,--the man who knew no North, no South, no East, no West, but
whose devotion to the best good of the people, was the ruling motive of a
life so full of honors and usefulness. The North had no friend like
Lincoln! The South had no friend like Lincoln! And, as our noble armies
now march onward to victory, and crush out beneath their iron heel, the
last vestige of treason, the memory of Lincoln will prove a watch-word of
magic power; soldiers will remember the entreaties, the offers of pardon,
the paternal affection of the noble Lincoln, and the base ingratitude of
the demon who consigned him to the tomb; they who have commended his
magnanimity, his humanity, his hopefulness, his reluctance to deal out
stern justice, which required hard blows--such of our fellow-citizens will
now, with holy indignation, rise in their might, and sweep from the land
those whose treason is heard, and whose bloody hand is uplifted, aye, and
those who devise their hellish schemes in secret chambers and hiding
places in our own cities and towns. "Remember Lincoln," will be the
battle-cry of our boys as they encounter armed treason in the field, and
"Remember Lincoln," should be the watchword of friends of freedom at home,
when hesitating in clemency, to strike down Copperheads who seek to
embarrass the government, and hope for, prophecy and delight in its
reverses upon the field of contest. Remember Lincoln and Seward ye men who
would now compromise by any and all sacrifices, with a people who have
sought to destroy our country, and have stricken down the pride of our
nation, the noblest of our land, and the champion of liberty. The Chicago
Board of Trade assembled upon the morning of the 15th of April, and
adopted the following resolutions:

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