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Annual Bibliography of Commonwealth Literature 2007
This paper argues that discourses of love in Ghanaian market literature for youth offer a view into complex negotiations of agency and empowerment. Drawing on Deborah Durham's notion of youth as "social `shifters'" and Francis Nyamnjoh's conception of the "interconnectedness" of agency, I take Ghanaian market literature as one specific case of how African literature for youth foregrounds questions of continuity and change as African societies enter into increasingly complex global relations. In this literature for youth, received notions of love, often constructed out of impressions from American pop and hip hop music, carry new notions of agency that compete with existing "domesticated" forms. Authors like Ike Tandoh and Evelyn Tay employ discourses of love to offer youth alternative avenues for empowerment in a context of socio-economic disenfranchizement. In a creative process of "straddling", this writing both reveals and reproduces the contradictions that obtain in youth configurations of agency.

Amerigo Vespucci

F >> Frederick A. Ober >> Amerigo Vespucci

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"I examined some things in that hemisphere very diligently,
which enables me to contradict the opinions of philosophers.
Among other things, I saw the rainbow--that is, the
celestial arch--which is white near midnight. Now, in the
opinion of some, it takes the color of the four elements:
the red from fire, the green from the earth, the white from
the air, and blue from the water. Aristotle, in his book
entitled _Meteors_, is of a very different opinion. He says:
'The celestial arch is a repercussion of the sun's rays in
the vapors of the clouds where they meet, as brightness
reflected from the water upon the wall returns to itself.
By its interposition it tempers the heat of the sun; by
resolving itself into rain it fertilizes the earth, and by
its splendor beautifies the heavens. It demonstrates that
the atmosphere is filled with humidity, which will disappear
forty years before the end of the world, which will be an
indication of the dryness of the elements. It announces
peace between God and man, is always opposite the sun, is
never seen at noon, because the sun is never in the north.'

"But Pliny says that after the autumnal equinox it appears
every hour. This I have extracted from the _Comments of
Landino_ on the fourth book of the _AEneid_, and I mention it
that no man may be deprived of the fruits of his labors, and
that due honors may be rendered to every one. I saw this bow
two or three times; neither am I alone in my reflections
upon this subject, for many mariners are also of my opinion.
We saw also the new moon at mid-day, as it came into
conjunction with the sun. There were seen also, every night,
vapors and burning flames flashing across the sky. A little
above, I called this region by the name of hemisphere,
which, if we would not speak improperly, cannot be so called
when comparing it with our own. It appeared to present that
form only partially, and it seemed to us speaking improperly
to call it a 'hemisphere.'

"As I have before stated, we sailed from Lisbon--which is
nearly forty degrees distant from the equinoctial line
towards the north--to this country, which is fifty degrees
on the other side of the line. The sum of these degrees is
_ninety_, and is the fourth part of the circumference of the
globe, according to the true reckoning of the ancients. It
is therefore manifest to all _that we measured the fourth
part of the earth_.[13]

"We who reside in Lisbon, nearly forty degrees north of the
equinoctial line, are distant from those who reside on the
other side of the line, in angular meridional length, ninety
degrees--that is, obliquely. In order that the case may be
more plainly understood, I would observe that a
perpendicular line starting from that part in the heavens
which is our zenith strikes those obliquely who are fifty
degrees beyond the equinoctial line: whence it appears that
we are in the direct line, and they, in comparison with us,
are in the oblique one, and this situation forms the figure
of a right-angled triangle, of which we have the direct
lines, as the figure more clearly demonstrates.

"Such are the things which in this, my last navigation, I
have considered worthy of being made known; nor have I,
without reason, called this work my _Third Journey_. I have
before composed two other books on navigation which, by
command of Ferdinand, King of Castile, I performed in the
West, in which many things not unworthy of being made known
are particularly described: especially those which appertain
to the glory of our Saviour, who, with marvellous skill,
built this machine, the world. And, in truth, who can ever
sufficiently praise God? I have related marvellous things
concerning him in the aforesaid work. I have stated briefly
that which relates to the position and ornaments of the
globe, so that when I shall be more at leisure I may be
able to write out, with greater care, a work upon
cosmography, in order that future ages may bear me in
remembrance. Such works teach me more fully, from day to
day, to honor the Supreme God, and finally to arrive at the
knowledge of those things with which our ancestors and the
ancient fathers had no acquaintance. With most humble
prayers I supplicate our Saviour, whose province it is to
have compassion upon mortals, that he prolong my life
sufficiently for me to perform what I have purposed to do."


FOOTNOTES:

[13] See Chapter XVI.




XIII

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE

1503-1504


Doubtless our readers share our wish that the personality of Vespucci
could appear more strongly depicted than it has been presented in this
volume; but that is a fault, not of the biographer so much as the hero
of this biography. It must have been noticed, indeed, that Vespucci
says little or nothing of his companions on these voyages, not even
mentioning the commanders; but at the same time he makes rare mention
of himself; so we cannot ascribe it to a desire for making himself
prominent at their expense. It is simply a fault of style, or a result
of his endeavor to be concise, and bring forward the most interesting
events of the voyages and discoveries, with the least waste of time
and effort.

He was engaged in exploring new regions; his time was occupied in
noting the salient features of the scenery, the traits of the barbaric
peoples, and especially closely observing and enumerating the stars.
Astronomy was a passion with him, and he passed many nights without
sleep, during both voyages to the southern hemisphere, in rapt
contemplation of the glorious constellations. As he rightly observed
in one of his letters, his observations would surely bring him fame,
and no worthier object could claim his attention, even to the
exclusion of all other work. So it is as the self-absorbed astronomer,
the open-minded man of science, seeking to penetrate the secrets of
nature and achieve immortal fame, that we must regard our hero at this
time.

On his return from the third voyage, Vespucci was royally received by
King Emanuel, even though he had come back almost empty-handed,
without gold or gems, silver, spices, or pearls. He had sailed farther
south than any of his predecessors, having gone beyond the latitude of
the Cape of Good Hope, discovered the beautiful bay which he called
Rio de Janeiro, and perhaps looked into the mouth of the River de la
Plata. He had not discovered the "secret of the strait"--that passage
through the land-mass which confronted all the voyagers from Columbus
to Magellan; nor was it revealed until the last-named, in 1520,
penetrated the great strait that now bears his name, and sailed
through into the Pacific.

It may be argued that not Vespucci, but another (name unknown), was
the commander of this expedition; but while this other was nominally
in command, the Florentine was the chief pilot, the navigator, and
directed the ships along their courses without mishap. In fact, one of
his biographers has pointed out that the navigating of this fleet,
especially the sailing in almost a straight line from the northern
coast of Brazil to Sierra Leone, on the northwest coast of Africa, was
a triumph of scientific navigation. There is no question that Amerigo
Vespucci was the greatest navigator of his time, and a recognition of
this fact is found in his appointment by King Ferdinand, a few years
later, as the chief pilot of his kingdom.

Not alone King Emanuel and his court recognized the genius of
Vespucci, but the people of Portugal and of Florence. He was received
in Lisbon with transports of enthusiasm, and one of his ships, which
had worn itself out in the voyage, was dismantled, "and portions of it
were carried in solemn procession to a church, where they were
suspended as precious relics." His fame extended far and wide, and in
Florence, the city of his birth, public ceremonies were held, and
honors bestowed upon his family.

He returned to Lisbon in September, 1502, and eight months later, at
the urgent request of the king, started on another voyage in
continuation of the last, in the hope of finally finding a strait
through the continent by which India might be reached. About this time
two events took place which are worthy of note. His patron, Lorenzo,
died in June, 1503, and a year later a Latin version of his letter to
him was published under the title _Mundus Novus_, or New World.

We must not lose sight of this title and this publication, for (as
will be more fully explained in a succeeding chapter) they had much to
do with the future defamation of Vespucci. He, it will be observed,
was pursuing his voyage to, or from, that "New World," while that
little quarto of only four leaves, with its significant title, was
being printed and circulated in Europe. Both Vespucci and Columbus
were then absent from Europe, and both engaged in a desperate struggle
with adverse elements, at the time this pamphlet was published: the
one on the coast of Brazil, the other on his last voyage to the West
Indies, in which he suffered shipwreck and nearly perished of
starvation.

Both Columbus and Vespucci were innocent of promulgating this title,
or this pamphlet, except that the latter had used the term "new world"
as possibly applying to his discoveries in the south Atlantic. But,
while they were perilling their lives in the service of their
sovereigns, each striving for a common goal, though neither envious of
the other, capricious Fame was weaving a web in which both were to be
enmeshed, and from which Vespucci was not to escape until after the
lapse of centuries.

The inscription in this pamphlet states: "The interpreter Giocondo
translated this letter from the Italian into the Latin language, that
all who are versed in the latter may learn how many wonderful things
are being discovered every day, and that the temerity of those who
want to probe the Heavens and their majesty, and to know more than is
allowed to know, be confounded: as, notwithstanding the long time
since the world began to exist, the vastness of the earth and what it
contains is still unknown."

This inscription meant that Vespucci's letter had opened the eyes of
even the clerics to the fact that there was much in the world then
undiscovered, and existing contrary to their preconceived notions. The
interpreter was a Dominican friar of erudition for his times, one
Giovanni Giocondo, an eminent mathematician of Verona, and an
architect, who was then living in Paris, where, it is said, he was
engaged in building the bridge of Notre Dame. It was a Giocondo, and
perhaps this same man, who was sent by King Emanuel to persuade
Vespucci to enlist in his service (as told by him on page 170); but
whether the same, or one of his family, he was intimately acquainted
with the famous Florentines, including Vespucci, the Medici, and Piero
Soderini. He, doubtless, saw the letters written by Vespucci when in
manuscript, and condensed them into his narration, giving full credit
to the author in his publication. He was the unconscious cause of an
injustice to Columbus, perhaps, and also of undue prominence being
given to the name of Amerigo Vespucci, for it was through the issue of
his book that, in a roundabout way, the appellation _America_ came to
be bestowed upon the western continents.

We will elaborate this argument in another chapter; but (requesting
the reader meanwhile to retain these premises in his mind) we will
first follow Vespucci on his fourth, and last, important voyage to the
southern hemisphere. In a passage appended to the letter quoted in the
previous chapter, and which we herewith reproduce, Vespucci says:

"My three journeys I think I shall defer writing about in
full until another time. Probably when I have returned safe
and sound to my native country, with the aid and counsel of
learned men, and the encouragement of friends, I shall write
with care a larger work than this. Your excellency [Lorenzo
de Medici] will pardon me for not having sent you the
journals which I kept from day to day in this my last
navigation, as I had promised to do. The king has been the
cause of it, and he still retains my manuscripts. But,
since, I have delayed performing this work until the present
day, perhaps I shall add a _fourth journey_; for I
contemplate going again to explore that southern part of the
New World, and for the purpose of carrying out such
intention two vessels are already armed, equipped, and
supplied with provisions. I shall first go eastward, before
making the voyage south; I shall then sail to the southwest,
and when arrived there shall do many things for the praise
and glory of God, the benefit of my country, the perpetual
memory of my name, and particularly for the honor and solace
of my old age, which has nearly come upon me.

"There is nothing wanting in this affair but the leave of
the king, and when this is obtained, as it soon will be, we
shall sail on a long voyage; and may it please God to give
it a happy termination!"

This voyage was undertaken in the spring, or early summer, of 1503,
and extended over twelve months, only terminating with the return to
Lisbon on June 18, 1504. It was, perhaps, the least satisfactory of
any Vespucci had undertaken, and his disgust is plainly apparent in
the following account of it, contained in a letter to Piero Soderini,
written in Lisbon a few months after his return:

"It remains for me to relate the things which were seen by
me in my fourth voyage; and by reason that I have now become
wearied, and also because this voyage did not result
according to my wishes (in consequence of a misfortune
which happened in the Atlantic Sea), I shall endeavor to be
brief.

"We set sail from this port of Lisbon, six ships in company,
for the purpose of making discoveries with regard to an
island in the east called Malacca, which is reported very
rich. It is, as it were, the warehouse of all the ships
which come from the Sea of Ganges and the Indian Ocean, as
Cadiz is the storehouse for all ships that pass from east to
west, and from west to east, by way of Calcutta. This
Malacca is farther east, and much farther south, than
Calcutta, because we know that it is situated at the
parallel of three degrees north latitude.

"We set out on the 10th of May, 1503, and sailed directly
for the Cape Verde Islands, where we made up our cargo,
taking in every kind of refreshment. After remaining here
three days, we departed on our voyage, sailing in a
southerly direction. Our superior captain [Coelho] was a
presumptuous and very obstinate man; he would insist upon
going to reconnoitre Sierra Leone, a southern country of
Ethiopia, without there being any necessity for it, unless
to exhibit himself as the captain of six vessels. He acted
contrary to the wishes of all our captains in pursuing this
course. Sailing in this direction, when we arrived off the
coast of this country we had such bad weather that though we
remained in sight of the coast four days, it did not permit
us to land. We were compelled at length to leave the
country, sailing from there to the south, and bearing
southwest.

"When we had sailed three hundred leagues through the Great
Sea, being then three degrees south of the equinoctial line,
land was discovered, which might have been twenty-two
leagues distant from us, and which we found to be an island
in the midst of the sea. We were filled with wonder at
beholding it, considering it a natural curiosity, as it was
very high, and not more than two leagues in length by one in
width. This island was not inhabited by any people, and was
an evil island for the whole fleet, because, by the evil
counsel and bad management of our superior captain, he lost
his ship here. He ran her upon a rock, and she split open
and went to the bottom, on the night of the 10th of August,
and nothing was saved from her except the crew. She was a
carrack of three hundred tons, and carried everything of
most importance in the fleet.

"As the whole fleet was compelled to labor for the common
benefit, the captain ordered me to go with my ship to the
aforesaid island and look for a good harbor, where all the
ships might anchor. As my boat, filled with nine of my
mariners, was of service, and helped to keep up a
communication between the ships, he did not wish me to take
it, telling me they would bring it to me at the island. So I
left the fleet, as he ordered me, without a small boat, and
with less than half my men, and went to the said island,
about four leagues distant. There I found a very good
harbor, where all the ships might have anchored in perfect
safety. I waited for the captain and the fleet full eight
days, but they never came; so that we were very much
dissatisfied, and the people who remained with me in the
ship were in such great fear that I could not console them.
On the eighth day we saw the ship coming, off at sea, and
for fear those on board might not see us, we raised anchor
and went towards it, thinking they might bring me my boat
and men. When we arrived alongside, after the usual
salutations, they told us that the captain had gone to the
bottom, that all the crew had been saved, and that my boat
and men remained with the fleet, which had gone farther to
sea. This was a grievous thing to us, as your magnificence
may well think, for it was no trifle to find ourselves far
distant from Lisbon, in mid-ocean, with so few men. However,
we bore up under adverse fortune, and, returning to the
island, supplied ourselves with wood and water, using the
boat of my consort.

"This island we found uninhabited. It had plenty of fresh
water, and an abundance of trees filled with countless
numbers of land and marine birds, which were so simple that
they suffered themselves to be taken with the hand. We took
so many that we loaded a boat with them. We saw no other
animals, except some very large rats, some snakes, and
lizards with two tails. Having taken in our supplies we
departed for the southwest, as we had an order from the king
that if any vessel of the fleet, or its captain, should be
lost, I should make for the land of my last voyage. We
discovered a harbor which we called the bay of All Saints,
and it pleased God to give us such good weather that we
arrived at it in seventeen days. It was distant three
hundred leagues from the island we had left, and we found
neither our captain nor any other ship of the fleet in the
course of the voyage. We waited full two months and four
days in this harbor, and, seeing that no orders came for us,
we agreed, my consort and myself, to run along the coast. We
sailed two hundred and sixty leagues farther and arrived at
a harbor, where we determined to build a fortress. This we
accomplished, and left in it the twenty-four men that my
consort had received from the captain's ship that was lost.

"In this port we stayed five months, building the fortress
and loading our ships with dye-woods. We could not proceed
farther for want of men, and besides, I was destitute of
many equipments. Thus, having finished our labors, we
determined to return to Portugal, leaving the twenty-four
men in the fortress, with provisions for six months, with
twelve pieces of cannon, and many other arms. We made peace
with all the people of the country--who have not been
mentioned in this voyage, but not because we did not see and
treat with a great number of them. As many as thirty men of
us went forty leagues inland, where we saw so many things
that I omit to relate them, reserving them for my _Four
Journeys_.

"This country is situated eighteen degrees south of the
equinoctial line, and fifty-seven degrees farther west than
Lisbon, as our instruments showed us. All this being
performed, we bade farewell to the Christians we left behind
us, and to the country, and commenced our navigation on a
northeast course, with the intention of sailing directly to
this city of Lisbon. In seventy-seven days, after many toils
and dangers, we entered this port on the 18th of June,
1504--for which God be praised! We were well received,
although altogether unexpected, as the whole city had given
us up for lost. All the other ships of the fleet had been
lost, through the pride and folly of our commander, and thus
it is that God rewards haughtiness and vanity.

"At present, I find myself here in Lisbon again, and I do
not know what the king wishes me to do, but I am very
desirous of obtaining repose. The bearer of this, who is
Benvenuto di Domenico Benvenuti, will tell your magnificence
of my condition, and of any other things which have been
omitted, to avoid prolixity, but which I have seen and
experienced. I have abbreviated the letter as much as I
could, and omitted to say many things very natural to be
told, that I might not be tedious.

"Allow me to commend to you Sr. Antonio Vespucci, my
brother, and all my family. I remain, praying God that he
may prolong your life, and prosper that exalted republic of
Florence,

"Your very humble servant,
"AMERIGO VESPUCCI.

"_Lisbon, 4th September, 1504._"

This was the last letter, so far as we can ascertain, written by
Vespucci concerning his voyages--or, at least, the last that has been
brought to light; though it is hoped that his manuscript journals, to
which he repeatedly refers, may yet be found. They are, doubtless,
buried in the secret archives of either the crown of Portugal or of
Spain, as at different times he alludes to them as being in the hands
of the kings, from whom he hopes to receive them at their pleasure.
Both King Emanuel and King Ferdinand held Vespucci in great esteem;
but, as consideration for their subjects, whether high or low, never
entered their minds, they probably retained the manuscripts for years,
and eventually these precious documents may have been buried beneath
the vast accumulation of papers relating to the voyages and
discoveries in both hemispheres.

Vespucci was in error respecting the remaining ships of the fleet
engaged in his fourth voyage, for a few months later they came back to
Lisbon in a shattered condition, but, so far as known, with their
crews intact. They had sailed farther to the south than Vespucci went
on this voyage, probably as far as the mouth of the great river La
Plata, which Solis has the credit of discovering a few years later. It
had been learned by that time that the coasts brought to view by the
constantly lengthening voyages into the south were situated to the
west of the great line of demarcation separating the discoveries of
Spain and Portugal, and hence belonged to the former. This fact has a
bearing upon the departure of Vespucci and other noted captains from
Portugal about this time, as, if they would pursue these explorations
to their logical conclusion, they must enlist beneath the banner of
King Ferdinand. Hence we find our hero, towards the end of 1504, once
again in Spain, and in high favor with the king.




XIV

KING FERDINAND'S FRIEND

1505-1508


The summer of 1504 Vespucci passed in Portugal, attending to matters
connected with his last voyage, which had such an unsatisfactory
ending; but in the latter part of that year we find him once again in
Seville. It is presumed he was warmly welcomed by his wife, after this
long absence of nearly four years; but nothing exists at all to
indicate his marital relations, and so far as furnishing material for
his biographers is concerned, he might as well have remained single
all his life. In point of fact, Amerigo Vespucci, though sterling in
his friendships, ardent and even affectionate, was a true celibate. He
was wedded to Science, his whole nature was absorbed by the pursuits
to which he had, perhaps fortuitously, devoted his maturer years. If
we contrast him with Columbus, in respect to the higher qualities of
his character, we cannot but be impressed by the difference between
these two, for, while the latter was weak, impressionable, if not
passionate, the former was strong, flawless in his morals, devoted
ever to the star-eyed goddess in whose service he had enlisted for
life.

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