More Letters of Charles Darwin Volume I

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LETTER 271. TO FRANCIS GALTON.
Down, November 7th, 1875.

I have read your essay with much curiosity and interest, but you probably
have no idea how excessively difficult it is to understand. (271/1. "A
Theory of Heredity" ("Journal of the Anthropological Institute," 1875). In
this paper Mr. Galton admits that the hypothesis of organic units "must lie
at the foundation of the science of heredity," and proceeds to show in what
respect his conception differs from the hypothesis of pangenesis. The copy
of Mr. Galton's paper, which Darwin numbered in correspondence with the
criticisms in his letter, is not available, and we are therefore only able
to guess at some of the points referred to.) I cannot fully grasp, only
here and there conjecture, what are the points on which we differ. I
daresay this is chiefly due to muddy-headedness on my part, but I do not
think wholly so. Your many terms, not defined, "developed germs,"
"fertile," and "sterile germs" (the word "germ" itself from association
misleading to me) "stirp," "sept," "residue," etc., etc., quite confounded
me. If I ask myself how you derive, and where you place the innumerable
gemmules contained within the spermatozoa formed by a male animal during
its whole life, I cannot answer myself. Unless you can make several parts
clearer I believe (though I hope I am altogether wrong) that only a few
will endeavour or succeed in fathoming your meaning. I have marked a few
passages with numbers, and here make a few remarks and express my opinion,
as you desire it, not that I suppose it will be of any use to you.

1. If this implies that many parts are not modified by use and disuse
during the life of the individual, I differ widely from you, as every year
I come to attribute more and more to such agency. (271/2. This seems to
refer to page 329 of Mr. Galton's paper. The passage must have been
hastily read, and has been quite misunderstood. Mr. Galton has never
expressed the view attributed to him.)

2. This seems rather bold, as sexuality has not been detected in some of
the lowest forms, though I daresay it may hereafter be. (271/3. Mr.
Galton, op. cit., pages 332-3: "There are not of a necessity two sexes,
because swarms of creatures of the simplest organisations mainly multiply
by some process of self-division.")

3. If gemmules (to use my own term) were often deficient in buds, I cannot
but think that bud-variations would be commoner than they are in a state of
nature; nor does it seem that bud-variations often exhibit deficiencies
which might be accounted for by the absence of the proper gemmules. I take
a very different view of the meaning or cause of sexuality. (271/4. Mr.
Galton's idea is that in a bud or other asexually produced part, the germs
(i.e. gemmules) may not be completely representative of the whole organism,
and if reproduction is continued asexually "at each successive stage there
is always a chance of some one or more of the various species of germs...
dying out" (page 333). Mr. Galton supposes, in sexual reproduction, where
two parents contribute germs to the embryo the chance of deficiency of any
of the necessary germs is greatly diminished. Darwin's "very different
view of the meaning or cause of sexuality" is no doubt that given in "Cross
and Self Fertilisation"--i.e., that sexuality is equivalent to changed
conditions, that the parents are not representative of different sexes, but
of different conditions of life.)

4. I have ordered "Fraser's Magazine" (271/5. "The History of Twins," by
F. Galton, "Fraser's Magazine," November, 1875, republished with additions
in the "Journal of the Anthropological Institute," 1875. Mr. Galton
explains the striking dissimilarity of twins which is sometimes met with by
supposing that the offspring in this case divide the available gemmules
between them in such a way that each is the complement of the other. Thus,
to put the case in an exaggerated way, similar twins would each have half
the gemmules A, B, C,...Z., etc, whereas, in the case of dissimilar twins,
one would have all the gemmules A, B, C, D,...M, and the other would have
N...Z.), and am curious to learn how twins from a single ovum are
distinguished from twins from two ova. Nothing seems to me more curious
than the similarity and dissimilarity of twins.

5. Awfully difficult to understand.

6. I have given almost the same notion.

7. I hope that all this will be altered. I have received new and
additional cases, so that I have now not a shadow of doubt.

8. Such cases can hardly be spoken of as very rare, as you would say if
you had received half the number of cases I have.

(271/6. We are unable to determine to what paragraphs 5, 6, 7, 8 refer.)

I am very sorry to differ so much from you, but I have thought that you
would desire my open opinion. Frank is away, otherwise he should have
copied my scrawl.

I have got a good stock of pods of sweet peas, but the autumn has been
frightfully bad; perhaps we may still get a few more to ripen.

LETTER 272. TO T.H. HUXLEY.
Down, November 12th [1875].

Many thanks for your "Biology," which I have read. (272/1. "A Course of
Practical Instruction in Elementary Biology," by T.H. Huxley and H.N.
Martin, 1875. For an account of the book see "Life and Letters of T.H.
Huxley," Volume I., page 380.) It was a real stroke of genius to think of
such a plan. Lord, how I wish I had gone through such a course!

LETTER 273. TO FRANCIS GALTON.
December 18th [1875].

George has been explaining our differences. I have admitted in the new
edition (273/1. In the second edition (1875) of the "Variation of Animals
and Plants," Volume II., page 350, reference is made to Mr. Galton's
transfusion experiments, "Proc. R. Soc." XIX., page 393; also to Mr.
Galton's letter to "Nature," April 27th, 1871, page 502. This is a curious
mistake; the letter in "Nature," April 27th, 1871, is by Darwin himself,
and refers chiefly to the question whether gemmules may be supposed to be
in the blood. Mr. Galton's letter is in "Nature," May 4th, 1871, Volume
IV., page 5. See Letter 235.) (before seeing your essay) that perhaps the
gemmules are largely multiplied in the reproductive organs; but this does
not make me doubt that each unit of the whole system also sends forth its
gemmules. You will no doubt have thought of the following objection to
your views, and I should like to hear what your answer is. If two plants
are crossed, it often, or rather generally, happens that every part of
stem, leaf, even to the hairs, and flowers of the hybrid are intermediate
in character; and this hybrid will produce by buds millions on millions of
other buds all exactly reproducing the intermediate character. I cannot
doubt that every unit of the hybrid is hybridised and sends forth
hybridised gemmules. Here we have nothing to do with the reproductive
organs. There can hardly be a doubt from what we know that the same thing
would occur with all those animals which are capable of budding, and some
of these (as the compound Ascidians) are sufficiently complex and highly
organised.

LETTER 274. TO LAWSON TAIT.
March 25th, 1876.

(274/1. The reference is to the theory put forward in the first edition of
"Variation of Animals and Plants," II., page 15, that the asserted tendency
to regeneration after the amputation of supernumerary digits in man is a
return to the recuperative powers characteristic of a "lowly organised
progenitor provided with more than five digits." Darwin's recantation is
at Volume I., page 459 of the second edition.)

Since reading your first article (274/2. Lawson Tait wrote two notices on
"The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication" in the
"Spectator" of March 4th, 1876, page 312, and March 25th, page 406.), Dr.
Rudinger has written to me and sent me an essay, in which he gives the
results of the MOST EXTENSIVE inquiries from all eminent surgeons in
Germany, and all are unanimous about non-growth of extra digits after
amputation. They explain some apparent cases, as Paget did to me. By the
way, I struck out of my second edition a quotation from Sir J. Simpson
about re-growth in the womb, as Paget demurred, and as I could not say how
a rudiment of a limb due to any cause could be distinguished from an
imperfect re-growth. Two or three days ago I had another letter from
Germany from a good naturalist, Dr. Kollmann (274/3. Dr. Kollmann was
Secretary of the Anthropologische Gesellschaft of Munich, in which Society
took place the discussion referred to in "Variation of Animals and Plants,"
I., 459, as originating Darwin's doubts on the whole question. The fresh
evidence adduced by Kollmann as to the normal occurrence of a rudimentary
sixth digit in Batrachians is Borus' paper, "Die sechste Zehe der Anuren"
in "Morpholog. Jahrbuch," Bd. I., page 435. On this subject see Letter
178.), saying he was sorry that I had given up atavism and extra digits,
and telling me of new and good evidence of rudiments of a rudimentary sixth
digit in Batrachians (which I had myself seen, but given up owing to
Gegenbaur's views); but, with re-growth failing me, I could not uphold my
old notion.

LETTER 275. TO G.J. ROMANES.

(275/1. Mr. Romanes' reply to this letter is printed in his "Life and
Letters," page 93, where by an oversight it is dated 1880-81.)

H. Wedgwood, Esq., Hopedene, Dorking, May 29th [1876].

As you are interested in pangenesis, and will some day, I hope, convert an
"airy nothing" into a substantial theory, I send by this post an essay by
Hackel (275/2. "Die Perigenesis der Plastidule oder die Wellenzeugung der
Lebenstheilchen," 79 pages. Berlin, 1876.) attacking Pan. and substituting
a molecular hypothesis. If I understand his views rightly, he would say
that with a bird which strengthened its wings by use, the formative
protoplasm of the strengthened parts became changed, and its molecular
vibrations consequently changed, and that these vibrations are transmitted
throughout the whole frame of the bird, and affect the sexual elements in
such a manner that the wings of the offspring are developed in a like
strengthened manner. I imagine he would say, in cases like those of Lord
Morton's mare (275/3. A nearly pure-bred Arabian chestnut mare bore a
hybrid to a quagga, and subsequently produced two striped colts by a black
Arabian horse: see "Animals and Plants," I., page 403. The case was
originally described in the "Philosophical Transactions," 1821, page 20.
For an account of recent work bearing on this question, see article on
"Zebras, Horses, and Hybrids," in the "Quarterly Review," October 1899.
See Letter 235.), that the vibrations from the protoplasm, or "plasson," of
the seminal fluid of the zebra set plasson vibrating in the mare; and that
these vibrations continued until the hair of the second colt was formed,
and which consequently became barred like that of a zebra. How he explains
reversion to a remote ancestor, I know not. Perhaps I have misunderstood
him, though I have skimmed the whole with some care. He lays much stress
on inheritance being a form of unconscious memory, but how far this is part
of his molecular vibration, I do not understand. His views make nothing
clearer to me; but this may be my fault. No one, I presume, would doubt
about molecular movements of some kind. His essay is clever and striking.
If you read it (but you must not on my account), I should much like to hear
your judgment, and you can return it at any time. The blue lines are
Hackel's to call my attention.

We have come here for rest for me, which I have much needed; and shall
remain here for about ten days more, and then home to work, which is my
sole pleasure in life. I hope your splendid Medusa work and your
experiments on pangenesis are going on well. I heard from my son Frank
yesterday that he was feverish with a cold, and could not dine with the
physiologists, which I am very sorry for, as I should have heard what they
think about the new Bill. I see that you are one of the secretaries to
this young Society.

LETTER 276. TO H.N. MOSELEY.
Down, November 22nd [1876].

It is very kind of you to send me the Japanese books, which are extremely
curious and amusing. My son Frank is away, but I am sure he will be much
obliged for the two papers which you have sent him.

Thanks, also, for your interesting note. It is a pity that Peripatus
(276/1. Moseley "On the Structure and Development of Peripatus capensis"
("Phil. Trans. R. Soc." Volume 164, page 757, 1874). "When suddenly
handled or irritated, they (i.e. Peripatus) shoot out fine threads of a
remarkably viscid and tenacious milky fluid... projected from the tips of
the oral papillae" (page 759).) is so stupid as to spit out the viscid
matter at the wrong end of its body; it would have been beautiful thus to
have explained the origin of the spider's web.

LETTER 277. NAPHTALI LEWY TO CHARLES DARWIN.

(277/1. The following letter refers to a book, "Toledoth Adam," written by
a learned Jew with the object of convincing his co-religionists of the
truth of the theory of evolution. The translation we owe to the late Henry
Bradshaw, University Librarian at Cambridge. The book is unfortunately no
longer to be found in Mr. Darwin's library.)

[1876].

To the Lord, the Prince, who "stands for an ensign of the people" (Isa. xi.
10), the Investigator of the generation, the "bright son of the morning"
(Isa. xiv. 12), Charles Darwin, may he live long!

"From the rising of the sun and from the west" (Isa. xlv. 6) all the
nations know concerning the Torah (Theory) (277/2. Lit., instruction. The
Torah is the Pentateuch, strictly speaking, the source of all knowledge.)
which has "proceeded from thee for a light of the people" (Isa. li. 4), and
the nations "hear and say, It is truth" (Isa. xliii. 9). But with "the
portion of my people" (Jer. x. 16), Jacob, "the lot of my inheritance"
(Deut. xxxii. 9), it is not so. This nation, "the ancient people" (Isa.
xliv. 7), which "remembers the former things and considers the things of
old (Isa. xliii. 18), "knows not, neither doth it understand" (Psalm
lxxxii. 5), that by thy Torah (instruction or theory) thou hast thrown
light upon their Torah (the Law), and that the eyes of the Hebrews (277/3.
One letter in this word changed would make the word "blind," which is what
Isaiah uses in the passage alluded to.) "can now see out of obscurity and
out of darkness" (Isa. xxix. 18). Therefore "I arose" (Judges v. 7) and
wrote this book, "Toledoth Adam" ("the generations of man," Gen. v. 1), to
teach the children of my people, the seed of Jacob, the Torah (instruction)
which thou hast given for an inheritance to all the nations of the earth.

And I have "proceeded to do a marvellous work among this people, even a
marvellous work and a wonder" (Isa. xxix. 14), enabling them now to read in
the Torah of Moses our teacher, "plainly and giving the sense" (Neh. viii.
8), that which thou hast given in thy Torahs (works of instruction). And
when my people perceive that thy view has by no means "gone astray" (Num.
v. 12, 19, etc.) from the Torah of God, they will hold thy name in the
highest reverence, and "will at the same time glorify the God of Israel"
(Isa. xxix. 23).

"The vision of all this" (Isa. xxix. 11) thou shalt see, O Prince of
Wisdom, in this book, "which goeth before me" (Gen. xxxii. 21); and
whatever thy large understanding finds to criticise in it, come, "write it
in a table and note it in a book" (Isa. xxx. 8); and allow me to name my
work with thy name, which is glorified and greatly revered by

Thy servant,
Naphtali Hallevi [i.e. the Levite].

Dated here in the city of Radom, in the province of Poland, in the month of
Nisan in the year 636, according to the lesser computation (i.e. A.M.
[5]636 = A.D. 1876).

LETTER 278. TO OTTO ZACHARIAS.
1877.

When I was on board the "Beagle" I believed in the permanence of species,
but, as far as I can remember, vague doubts occasionally flitted across my
mind. On my return home in the autumn of 1836 I immediately began to
prepare my journal for publication, and then saw how many facts indicated
the common descent of species (278/1. "The facts to which reference is
here made were, without doubt, eminently fitted to attract the attention of
a philosophical thinker; but until the relations of the existing with the
extinct species and of the species of the different geographical areas,
with one another were determined with some exactness, they afforded but an
unsafe foundation for speculation. It was not possible that this
determination should have been effected before the return of the "Beagle"
to England; and thus the date which Darwin (writing in 1837) assigns to the
dawn of the new light which was rising in his mind becomes intelligible."--
From "Darwiniana," Essays by Thomas H. Huxley, London, 1893; pages 274-5.),
so that in July, 1837, I opened a notebook to record any facts which might
bear on the question; but I did not become convinced that species were
mutable until, I think, two or three years had elapsed. (278/2. On this
last point see page 38.)

LETTER 279. TO G.J. ROMANES.

(279/1. The following letter refers to MS. notes by Romanes, which we have
not seen. Darwin's remarks on it are, however, sufficiently clear.)

My address will be "Bassett, Southampton," June 11th [1877].

I have received the crossing paper which you were so kind as to send me.
It is very clear, and I quite agree with it; but the point in question has
not been a difficulty to me, as I have never believed in a new form
originating from a single variation. What I have called unconscious
selection by man illustrates, as it seems to me, the same principle as
yours, within the same area. Man purchases the individual animals or
plants which seem to him the best in any respect--some more so, and some
less so--and, without any matching or pairing, the breed in the course of
time is surely altered. The absence in numerous instances of intermediate
or blending forms, in the border country between two closely allied
geographical races or close species, seemed to me a greater difficulty when
I discussed the subject in the "Origin."

With respect to your illustration, it formerly drove me half mad to attempt
to account for the increase or diminution of the productiveness of an
organism; but I cannot call to mind where my difficulty lay. (279/2. See
Letters 209-16.) Natural Selection always applies, as I think, to each
individual and its offspring, such as its seeds, eggs, which are formed by
the mother, and which are protected in various ways. (279/3. It was in
regard to this point that Romanes had sent the MS. to Darwin. In a letter
of June 16th he writes: "It was with reference to the possibility of
Natural Selection acting on organic types as distinguished from
individuals,--a possibility which you once told me did not seem at all
clear.") There does not seem any difficulty in understanding how the
productiveness of an organism might be increased; but it was, as far as I
can remember, in reducing productiveness that I was most puzzled. But why
I scribble about this I know not.

I have read your review of Mr. Allen's book (279/4. See "Nature" (June
7th, 1877, page 98), a review of Grant Allen's "Physiological
Aesthetics."), and it makes me more doubtful, even, than I was before
whether he has really thrown much light on the subject.

I am glad to hear that some physiologists take the same view as I did about
your giving too much credit to H. Spencer--though, heaven knows, this is a
rare fault. (279/5. The reference is to Romanes' lecture on Medusa, given
at the Royal Institution, May 25th. (See "Nature," XVI., pages 231, 269,
289.) It appears from a letter of Romanes (June 6th) that it was the
abstract in the "Times" that gave the impression referred to. References
to Mr. Spencer's theories of nerve-genesis occur in "Nature," pages 232,
271, 289.)

The more I think of your medusa-nerve-work the more splendid it seems to
me.

LETTER 280. TO A. DE CANDOLLE.
Down, August 3rd, 1877.

I must have the pleasure of thanking you for your long and interesting
letter. The cause and means of the transition from an hermaphrodite to a
unisexual condition seems to me a very perplexing problem, and I shall be
extremely glad to read your remarks on Smilax, whenever I receive the essay
which you kindly say that you will send me. (280/1. "Monographiae
Phanerogamarum," Volume I. In his treatment of the Smilaceae, De Candolle
distinguishes:--Heterosmilax which has dioecious flowers without a trace of
aborted stamens or pistils, Smilax with sterile stamens in the female
flowers, and Rhipogonum with hermaphrodite flowers.) There is much justice
in your criticisms (280/2. The passage criticised by De Candolle is in
"Forms of Flowers" (page 7): "It is a natural inference that their
corollas have been increased in size for this special purpose." De
Candolle goes on to give an account of the "recherche linguistique," which,
with characteristic fairness, he undertook to ascertain whether the word
"purpose" differs in meaning from the corresponding French word "but.") on
my use of the terms object, end, purpose; but those who believe that organs
have been gradually modified for Natural Selection for a special purpose
may, I think, use the above terms correctly, though no conscious being has
intervened. I have found much difficulty in my occasional attempts to
avoid these terms, but I might perhaps have always spoken of a beneficial
or serviceable effect. My son Francis will be interested by hearing about
Smilax. He has dispatched to you a copy of his paper on the glands of
Dipsacus (280/3. "Quart. Journ. Mic. Sci." 1877.), and I hope that you
will find time to read it, for the case seems to me a new and highly
remarkable one. We are now hard at work on an attempt to make out the
function or use of the bloom or waxy secretion on the leaves and fruit of
many plants; but I doubt greatly whether our experiments will tell us much.
(280/4. "As it is we have made out clearly that with some plants (chiefly
succulent) the bloom checks evaporation--with some certainly prevents
attacks of insects; with some sea-shore plants prevents injury from salt-
water, and I believe, with a few prevents injury from pure water resting on
the leaves." (See letter to Sir W. Thiselton-Dyer, "Life and Letters,"
III., page 341. A paper on the same subject by Francis Darwin was
published in the "Journ. Linn. Soc." XXII.)) If you have any decided
opinion whether plants with conspicuously glaucous leaves are more frequent
in hot than in temperate or cold, in dry than in damp countries, I should
be grateful if you would add to your many kindnesses by informing me. Pray
give my kind remembrances to your son, and tell him that my son has been
trying on a large scale the effects of feeding Drosera with meat, and the
results are most striking and far more favourable than I anticipated.

LETTER 281. TO G.J. ROMANES.

(281/1. Published in the "Life and Letters" of Romanes, page 66.)

Down, Saturday Night [1877].

I have just finished your lecture (281/2. "The Scientific Evidence of
Organic Evolution: a Discourse" (delivered before the Philosophical
Society of Ross-shire), Inverness, 1877. It was reprinted in the
"Fortnightly Review," and was afterwards worked up into a book under the
above title.); it is an admirable scientific argument, and most powerful.
I wish that it could be sown broadcast throughout the land. Your courage
is marvellous, and I wonder that you were not stoned on the spot--and in
Scotland! Do please tell me how it was received in the Lecture Hall.
About man being made like a monkey (page 37 (281/3. "And if you reject the
natural explanation of hereditary descent, you can only suppose that the
Deity, in creating man, took the most scrupulous pains to make him in the
image of the ape" ("Discourse," page 37).)) is quite new to me, and the
argument in an earlier place (page 8 (281/4. At page 8 of the "Discourse"
the speaker referred to the law "which Sir William Hamilton called the Law
of Parsimony--or the law which forbids us to assume the operation of higher
causes when lower ones are found sufficient to explain the desired
effects," as constituting the "only logical barrier between Science and
Superstition.")) on the law of parsimony admirably put. Yes, page 21
(281/5. "Discourse," page 21. If we accept the doctrines of individual
creations and ideal types, we must believe that the Deity acted "with no
other apparent motive than to suggest to us, by every one of the observable
facts, that the ideal types are nothing other than the bonds of a lineal
descent.") is new to me. All strike me as very clear, and, considering
small space, you have chosen your lines of reasoning excellently.

The few last pages are awfully powerful, in my opinion.

Sunday Morning.--The above was written last night in the enthusiasm of the
moment, and now--this dark, dismal Sunday morning--I fully agree with what
I said.