Victor Hugo - "Actes et Paroles, vol. I"

Stella M. Francis - "Campfire Girls at Twin Lakes"

Alfred Elwes - "The Adventures of a Dog, and a Good Dog Too"

Benjamin Disraeli - "The Young Duke"

Annual Bibliography of Commonwealth Literature 2007
This paper argues that discourses of love in Ghanaian market literature for youth offer a view into complex negotiations of agency and empowerment. Drawing on Deborah Durham's notion of youth as "social `shifters'" and Francis Nyamnjoh's conception of the "interconnectedness" of agency, I take Ghanaian market literature as one specific case of how African literature for youth foregrounds questions of continuity and change as African societies enter into increasingly complex global relations. In this literature for youth, received notions of love, often constructed out of impressions from American pop and hip hop music, carry new notions of agency that compete with existing "domesticated" forms. Authors like Ike Tandoh and Evelyn Tay employ discourses of love to offer youth alternative avenues for empowerment in a context of socio-economic disenfranchizement. In a creative process of "straddling", this writing both reveals and reproduces the contradictions that obtain in youth configurations of agency.

Chancellorsville and Gettysburg

A >> Abner Doubleday >> Chancellorsville and Gettysburg




That portion of the country around Chancellorsville within the
Union lines on the morning of May 2d, may, with some exceptions,
be described as a plain, covered by dense thickets, with open spaces
in the vicinity of the houses, varied by the high ground at Talley's
on the west and by the hills of Fairview and Hazel Grove on the
south, and terminating in a deep ravine near the river. Our general
line was separated from that of the enemy by small streams, which
principally ran through ravines, forming obstacles useful for
defensive purposes. This was the case on the east and south, but
on the west, where Howard's line terminated, there was nothing but
the usual thickets to impede the enemy's approach.

As the narrative proceeds, the position of the Confederate army,
who held the broken ground on the other side of those ravines, will
be more particularly described.

After all, a defensive battle in such a country is not a bad thing,
for where there are axes and timber it is easy to fortify and hard
to force the line; always provided that free communications are
kept open to the central reserve and from one part of the line to
another. It must be confessed that the concealment of the thickets
is also favorable to the initiative, as it enables the attacking
party to mass his troops against the weak parts without being
observed. Hooker probably thought if Lee assailed a superior force
in an intrenched position he would certainly be beaten; and if he
did not attack he would soon be forced to fall back on his depots
near Richmond for food and ammunition. In either case the prestige
would remain with the Union general.

The rebels followed up our army closely, and it is quite possible
that a sudden attack, when it was heaped up around Chancellorsville,
might have been disastrous to us. Gradually, under the skilful
guidance of Captain Payne of the Engineers, who had made himself
well acquainted with the country, the different corps took the
positions they had occupied on the previous night, and order came
out of chaos. The line, as thus established, covered all the roads
which passed through Chancellorsville. The left, held by Meade's
corps, rested on the Rappahannock, near Scott's Dam; the line was
then continued in a southerly direction by Couch's corps, facing
east, French's division being extended to a point near to and east
of Chancellorsville, with Hancock's division of the same corps
holding an outpost still further to the east. Next came the Twelfth
Corps under Slocum, facing south, and then, at some distance to
the west, in echelon to the rear along the Plank Road, Howard's
corps was posted. The Third Corps under Sickles was kept in reserve,
back of the mansion. The next morning two brigades and two batteries
of Birney's division were interposed between Slocum and Howard,
with a strong line of skirmishers thrown out in front. The 8th
Pennsylvania Cavalry picketed the roads and kept the enemy in sight.
The thickets which surrounded this position were almost impenetrable,
so that an advance against the enemy's lines became exceedingly
difficult and manoeuvring nearly impracticable, nor was this the
only defect. Batteries could be established on the high ground to
the east, which commanded the front facing in that direction, while
our own artillery had but little scope; and last, but most important
of all, the right of Howard's corps as "in the air," that is, rested
on no obstacle.

Hooker was sensible that this flank was weak, and sent Graham's
brigade of Sickles' corps with a battery to strengthen it; but
Howard took umbrage at this, as a reflection on the bravery of his
troops or his own want of skill, and told Graham that he did not
need his services; that he felt so secure in his position that he
would send his compliments to the whole rebel army if they lay in
front of him, and invite them to attack him. As Hooker had just
acquiesced in the appointment of Howard to be Commander of the
Eleventh Corps, he disliked to show a want of confidence in him at
the very beginning of his career, and therefore yielded to his
wishes and ordered the reinforcements to return and report to
Sickles again.

Chancellorsville being a great center of communication with the
plank road and turnpike heading east and west, and less important
roads to the south, and southeast, Hooker desired above all things
to retain it; for if it should once fall into the hands of the
enemy, our army would be unable to move in any direction except to
the rear.

General Lee formed his line with Wickham's and Owens' regiments of
cavalry on his right, opposite Meade's corps, supported by Perry's
brigade of Anderson's division; Jackson's line stretched from the
Plank Road around toward the Furnace.

Before night set in, Wright and Stuart attacked an outlying part
of Slocum's corps and drove it in on the main body. They then
brought up some artillery and opened fire against Slocum's position
on the crest of the hill. Failing to make any impression they soon
retired and all was quiet once more.

The enemy soon posted batteries on the high ground a mile east of
Chancellorsville, and opened on Hancock's front with considerable
effect. They also enfiladed Geary's division of Slocum's corps,
and became very annoying, but Knap's battery of the Twelfth Corps
replied effectively and kept their fire down to a great extent.

As the Union army was hidden by a thick undergrowth, Lee spent the
rest of the day in making a series of feigned attacks to ascertain
where our troops were posted.

When night set in, the sound of the axe was heard in every direction,
for both armies thought it prudent to strengthen their front as
much as possible.

The prospect for Lee as darkness closed over the scene was far from
encouraging. He had examined the position of the Union army
carefully, and had satisfied himself that as regards its centre
and left it was unassailable. Let any man with a musket on his
shoulder, encumbered with a cartridge-box, haversack, canteen,
etc., attempt to climb over a body of felled timber to get at an
enemy who is coolly shooting at him from behind a log breastwork,
and he will realize the difficulty of forcing a way through such
obstacles. Our artillery, too, swept every avenue of approach, so
that the line might be considered as almost impregnable. Before
giving up the attack, however, Stuart was directed to cautiously
reconnoitre on the right, where Howard was posted, and see if there
was not a vulnerable point there.



CHAPTER III.
THE DISASTROUS SECOND OF MAY.

At dawn of day General Lee and General Jackson were sitting by the
side of the plank road, on some empty cracker boxes, discussing
the situation, when Stuart came up and reported the result of his
reconnoissance. He said the right flank of Howard's corps was
defenceless and easily assailable. Jackson at once asked permission
to take his own corps--about 26,000 muskets--make a detour through
the woods to conceal his march from observation, and fall unexpectedly
upon the weak point referred to by Stuart. It was a startling
proposition and contrary to all the principles of strategy, for
when Jackson was gone Lee would be left with but a few men to
withstand the shock of Hooker's entire army, and might be driven
back to Fredericksburg or crushed. If the Eleventh Corps had
prepared for Jackson's approach by a line properly fortified, with
redoubts on the flanks, the men protected in front by felled timber
and sheltered by breastworks, with the artillery at the angles,
crossing its fire in front, Jackson's corps would have been powerless
to advance, and could have been held as in a vise, while Lee, one-
half of his force being absent, would have found himself helpless
against the combined attack of our other corps, which could have
assailed him in front and on each flank.

There was, therefore, great risk in attempting such a manoeuvre,
for nothing short of utter blindness on the part of the Union
commanders could make it successful.

Still, something had to be done, for inaction would result in a
retreat, and in the present instance, if the worst came to the
worst, Jackson could fall back on Gordonsville, and Lee toward the
Virginia Central Railroad, where they could reunite their columns
by rail, before Hooker could march across the country and prevent
the junction. Jackson received the required permission, and started
off at once by a secluded road, keeping Fitz Hugh Lee's brigade of
cavalry between his column and the Union army to shield his march
from observation.

At 2 A.M., Hooker sent orders for the First Corps, under Reynolds,
to which I belonged, to take up its bridges and join him by way of
United States Ford, and by 9 A.M. we were on our way.

The first sound of battle came from some guns posted on the eminence
from which Hancock had retreated the day before. A battery there
opened fire on the army trains which had been parked in the open
plain in front of the Chancellorsville House, and drove them pell
mell to the rear.

At dawn Hooker rode around, accompanied by Sickles, to inspect his
lines. He approved the position generally, but upon Sickles'
recommendation he threw in a division of the Third Corps between
the Eleventh and Twelfth, as he thought the interval too great
there.

As soon as Jackson was en route, Lee began to demonstrate against
our centre and left, to make Hooker believe the main attack was to
be there, and to prevent him from observing the turning column in
its progress toward the right. A vigorous cannonade began against
Meade, and a musketry fire was opened on Couch and Slocum; the
heaviest attack being on Hancock's position, which was in advance
of the main line.

In spite of every precaution, Jackson's column as it moved southward
was seen to pass over a bare hill about a mile and a half from
Birney's front, and its numbers were pretty accurately estimated.
General Birney at once reported this important fact at General
Hooker's headquarters. It is always pleasant to think your adversary
is beaten, and Hooker thought at first Jackson might be retreating
on Gordonsville. It was evident enough that he was either doing
that or making a circuit to attack Howard. To provide for the
latter contingency the following order was issued:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC
CHANCELLORSVILLE, Va., May 2, 1863, 9.30 A.M.
MAJOR-GENERAL SLOCUM AND MAJOR-GENERAL HOWARD:

I am directed by the Major-General Commanding to say that the
disposition you have made of your corps has been with a view to a
front attack by the enemy. If he should throw himself upon your
flank, he wishes you to examine the ground and determine upon the
positions you will take in that event, in order that you may be
prepared for him in whatever direction he advances. He suggests
that you have heavy reserves well in hand to meet this contingency.
The right of your line does not appear to be strong enough. No
artificial defences worth naming have been thrown up, and there
appears to be a scarcity of troops at that point, and not, in the
General's opinion, as favorably posted as might be.

We have good reason to suppose that the enemy is moving to our
right. Please advance your pickets for purposes of observation as
far as may be safe, in order to obtain timely information of their
approach.

(Signed) JAMES H. VAN ALLEN,
_Brigadier-General and Aide-de-camp_.

For what subsequently occurred Hooker was doubtless highly censurable,
but it was not unreasonable for him to suppose, after giving these
orders to a corps commander, that they would be carried out, and
that minor combats far out on the roads would precede and give
ample notice of Jackson's approach in time to reinforce that part
of the line.

When the enemy were observed, Sickles went out with Clark's battery
and an infantry support to shell their train. This had the effect
of driving them off of that road on to another which led in the
same direction, but was less exposed, as it went through the woods.
A second reconnoissance was sent to see if the movement continued.
Sickles then obtained Hooker's consent to start out with two
divisions to attack Jackson's corps in flank and cut if off from
the main body.

Sickles started on this mission at 1 P.M. with Birney's division,
preceded by Randolph's battery. As Jackson might turn on him with
his whole force, Whipple's division of his own corps reinforced
his left, and Barlow's brigade of the Eleventh Corps his right.
He was greatly delayed by the swamps and the necessity of building
bridges, but finally crossed Lewis Creek and reached the road upon
which Jackson was marching. He soon after, by the efforts of
Berdan's sharpshooters, surrounded and captured the 23d Georgia
regiment, which had been left to watch the approaches from our
lines. Information obtained from prisoners showed the Jackson
could not be retreating, and that his object was to strike a blow
somewhere.

Birney's advance, and the capture of the 23d Georgia were met by
corresponding movements on the part of the enemy. A rebel battery
was established on the high ground at the Welford House, which
checked Birney's progress until it was silenced by Livingston's
battery, which was brought forward for that purpose. Pleansonton's
cavalry was now sent to the Foundry as an additional reinforcement.
Sickles' intention was to cut Jackson off entirely from McLaws'
and Anderson's divisions, and then to attack the latter in flank,
a plan which promised good results. In the mean time Pleasonton's
cavalry was sent forward to follow up Jackson's movement. Sickles
requested permission to attack McLaws, but Hooker again became
irresolute; so this large Union force was detained at the Furnace
without a definite object, and the works it had occupied were
vacant. While Sickles was not allowed to strike the flank, Slocum's
two divisions under Geary and Williams were sent to push back the
fortified front of the enemy in the woods; a much more difficult
operation. Geary attacked on the plank road, but made no serious
impression, and returned. Williams struck further to the south,
but was checked by part of Anderson's division. A combined attack
against Lee's front and left flank, undertaken with spirit earlier
in the day, would in all probability have driven him off toward
Fredericksburg and have widened the distance between his force and
that of Jackson; but now the latter was close at hand and it was
too late to attempt it. As the time came for the turning column
to make its appearance on Howard's right, a fierce attack was again
made against Hancock with infantry and artillery, to distract
Hooker's attention from the real point at issue.

Pleasonton, after dismounting one regiment and sending it into the
woods to reconnoitre, finding his cavalry were of no use in such
a country, and that Jackson was getting farther and father away,
rode leisurely back, at Sickles' suggestion, to Hazel Grove, which
was an open space of considerable elevation to the right of the
Twelfth Corps. As he drew near, the roar of battle burst upon his
ears from the right of the line and a scene of horror and confusion
presented itself, presaging the rout of the entire army if some
immediate measures were not taken to stem the tide of disaster.



CHAPTER IV.
THE ROUT OF THE ELEVENTH CORPS.

Notwithstanding Hooker's order of 9.30 A.M. calling Howard's
attention to the weakness of his right flank, and the probability
that Jackson was marching to attack it, no precautions were taken
against the impending danger. The simple establishing of a front
of two regiments toward the west when half his command would hardly
have been sufficient, unless protected by works of some kind, was
perfectly idle as a barrier against the torrent about to overwhelm
the Eleventh Corps. So far as I can ascertain, only two companies
were thrown out on picket, and they were unsupported by grand
guards, so that they did not detain the enemy a moment, and the
rebels and our pickets all came in together. Great stress has been
laid upon the fact that Howard did have a reserve force--Barlow's
brigade of 2,500 men--facing west, which Hooker withdrew to reinforce
Sickles; but is not shown that Howard made any remonstrance or
attached any great importance to its removal. Even if it had
remained, as there were not strong intrenchments in front of it,
it is not probable that it would have been able to resist Jackson's
entire corps for any length of time. There was no reason other
than Howard's utter want of appreciation of the gravity of the
situation to prevent him from forming a strong line of defence to
protect his right flank. If made with felled timber in front and
redoubts on the flanks, Jackson could not have overleaped it, or
even attacked it without heavy loss. If he stopped to do so,
Sickles' corps and Williams' division of the Twelfth Corps, with
the reserve forces under Berry and French, would soon have confronted
him. If he had attempted to keep on farther down to attack the
United States Ford, he would have met the First Corps there, and
would have permanently severed all connection between himself and
Lee, besides endangering his line of retreat. The apathy and
indifference Howard manifested in relation to Jackson's approach
can only be explained in the supposition that he really believed
that Jackson had fled to Gordonsville, and that the demonstrations
on his front and right proceeded merely from Stuart's cavalry; and
yet why any one should suppose that Lee would part with half his
army, and send it away to Gordonsville where there was no enemy
and nothing to be done, is more than I can imagine. Jackson was
celebrated for making these turning movements; besides, it was
easy, by questioning prisoners, to verify the fact that he had no
surplus trains with him. Nothing, in short, but ammunition wagons,
and ambulances for the wounded; a sure indication that his movement
meant fight and not retreat.

From 10 A.M., when Hooker's order was received, to 6 P.M., when
the assault came, there was ample time for Howard to form an
impregnable line. His division commanders did not share his
indifference. General Schurz pointed out to him that his flank
was in the air, but he seemed perfectly satisfied with his line as
it was, and not at all desirous of changing it in any particular.
Schurz, of his own volition, without the knowledge of his chief,
posted three regiments in close column of division, and formed them
in the same direction as the two regiments and two guns which were
expected to keep Jackson back, but the shock, when it came, was so
sudden that these columns did not have time to deploy. Devens,
having two reserve regiments, also faced them that way, of his own
accord, behind the other two, but having no encouragement to form
line in that direction it is probable both generals hesitated to
do so.

Jackson, having debouched from the country road into the plank
road, was separated from Lee by nearly six miles of pathless forest.
He kept on until he reached the turnpike, and then halted his
command in order that he might reconnoitre and form line of battle.
He went up on a high hill and personally examined the position of
the Eleventh Corps. Finding that it was still open to attack, and
that no preparations had been made to receive him, he formed Rodes'
and Colston's divisions two hundred yards apart, perpendicular to
the plank road, with the road in the centre, and with Hill's division
both on the plank road and turnpike as a support to the other two.
Fitz Lee's brigade of cavalry was left on the plank road to menace
Howard from that direction.

It will be seen by a glance at the map that his lines overlapped
that of the Eleventh Corps for a long distance, both in front and
rear. The first notice our troops had of his approach did not come
from our pickets--for their retreat and his advance were almost
simultaneous--but from the deer, rabbits, and other wild animals
of the forest, driven from their coverts by his advance. It is
always convenient to have a scape-goat in case of disaster, and
the German element in the Eleventh Corps have been fiercely censured
and their name became a byword for giving way on this occasion.
It is full time justice should be done by calling attention to the
position of that corps. I assert that when a force is not deployed,
but is struck suddenly and violently on its flank, resistance in
_impracticable_. Not Napoleon's Old Guard, not the best and bravest
troops that ever existed, could hold together in such a case, for
the first men assailed are--to use a homely but expressive word--
driven into a _huddle_; and a huddle cannot fight, for it has no
front and no organization. Under such circumstances, the men have
but a choice of two evils, either to stay where they are and be
slaughtered, without the power of defending themselves, or to run;
and the only sensible thing for them to do is to run and rally on
some other organization. The attempt to change front and meet this
attack _on such short notice_ would have been hopeless enough,
drawn up as Howard's men were, even if they had been all in line
with arms in their hands; but it is a beautiful commentary on the
vigilance displayed, that in many cases the muskets were stacked,
and the men lounging about some playing cards, others cooking their
supper, intermingled with the pack-mules and beef cattle they were
unloading. It will be remembered that in the order previously
quoted, Howard was directed _"to advance his pickets for the purpose
of observation,"_ in order _that he might have ample time for
preparation._ The object of this injunction is plain enough. It
was to make sufficient resistance to Jackson's advance to delay
it, and not only give time for the Eleventh Corps to form, but
enable Hooker to send his reserves to that part of the line. The
pickets, therefore, should have been far out and strongly backed
with a large force which would take advantage of every accident of
ground to delay the rebel column as long as possible. Howard seemed
to have no curiosity himself, as he sent out no parties; but Sickles
and Pleasonton had their spies and detachments on the watch, and
these came in constantly with the information, which was duly
transmitted to Howard, that Jackson was actually coming. Schurz
also became uneasy and sent out parties to reconnoitre. General
Noble, at that time Colonel of the Seventeenth Connecticut Infantry,
two companies of whose regiment were on the picket line there,
writes as follows: "The disaster resulted from Howard's and Devens'
utter disregard and inattention under warnings that came in from
the front and flank all through the day. Horseman after horseman
rode into my post and was sent to headquarters with the information
that the enemy were heavily marching along our front and proceeding
to our right; and last of all an officer reported the rebels massing
for attack. Howard scouted the report and insulted the informants,
charging them with telling a story that was the offspring of their
imaginations or their fears."

If this be true, there has been but one similar case in our annals,
and that was the massacre of the garrison of Fort Sims, by the
savages, in 1813, near Mobile, Alabama; soon after a negro had been
severely flogged by the commanding officer for reporting that he
had seen Indians lurking around the post.

Adjutant Wilkenson, of the same regiment, confirms General Noble's
statement and says, "Why a stronger force was not sent out as
skirmishers and the left of our line changed to front the foe is
more than I am able to understand."

General Schimmelpfennig, commanding a brigade of Schurz's division,
says he sent out a reconnoissance and reported the hostile movements
fully two hours before the enemy charged.

The Germans were bitterly denounced for this catastrophe, I think
very unjustly, for in the first place less than one-half the Eleventh
Corps were Germans, and in the second place the troops that did
form line and temporarily stop Jackson's advance were Germans;
principally Colonel Adolph Buschbeck's brigade of Steinwehr's
division, aided by a few regiments of Schurz's division, who gave
a volley or two. Buschbeck held a weak intrenched line perpendicular
to the plank road for three-quarters of an hor, with artillery on
the right, losing one-third of his force. His enemy then folded
around his flanks and took him in reverse, when further resistance
became hopeless and his men retreated in good order to the rear of
Sickles' line at Hazel Grove where they supported the artillery
and offered to lead a bayonet charge, if the official reports are
to be believed. Warren says he took charge of some batteries of
the Eleventh Corps and formed them in line across the Plank Road
without any infantry support whatever.

In reference to this surprise, Couch remarks that no troops could
have stood under such circumstances, and I fully agree with him.

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