Henry VIII.

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[Footnote 1173: John Hales in _Lansdowne MS._, 238;
_England under Protector Somerset_, p. 216.]

[Footnote 1174: _L. and P._, x., 920; "all which
died charitably," writes Husee of Anne Boleyn and
her fellow-victims; Rochford "made a very catholic
address to the people saying he had not come there
to preach but to serve as a mirror and example,
acknowledging his sins against God and the King"
(_ibid._, x., 911; _cf._ xvii., 124). Cromwell and
Somerset had more cause to complain of their fate
than other statesmen of the time, yet Cromwell on
the scaffold says: "I am by the law condemned to
die, and thank my Lord God that hath appointed me
this death for mine offence.... I have offended my
prince, for the which I ask him heartily
forgiveness" (Foxe, v., 402). And Somerset says: "I
am condemned by a law whereunto I am subject, as we
all; and therefore to show obedience I am content
to die" (Ellis, _Orig. Letters_, II., ii., 215;
_England under Somerset_, p. 308). Compare
Buckingham in Shakespeare, "_Henry VIII._," Act
II., Sc. i.:--

"I bear the law no malice for my death
... my vows and prayers
Yet are the King's; and till my soul forsake
Shall cry for blessings on him."]

The devotion paid to the State in Tudor times inevitably made expediency,
and not justice or morality, the supreme test of public acts. The
dictates of expediency were, indeed, clothed in legal forms, but laws
are primarily intended to secure neither justice nor morality, but the
interests of the State; and the highest penalty known to the law is
inflicted for high treason, a legal and political crime which does not
necessarily involve any breach whatever of the code of morals.
Traitors are not executed because they are immoral, but because they
are dangerous. Never did a more innocent head fall on the scaffold
than that of Lady Jane Grey; never was an execution more fully
justified by the law. The contrast was almost as flagrant in many a
State trial in the reign of Henry VIII.; no king was so careful of
law,[1175] but he was not so careful of justice. Therein lay his
safety, for the law takes no cognisance of injustice, unless the
injustice is also a breach of the law, and Henry rarely, if ever, (p. 436)
broke the law. Not only did he keep the law, but he contrived that the
nation should always proclaim the legality of his conduct. Acts of
attainder, his favourite weapon, are erroneously supposed to have been
the method to which he resorted for removing opponents whose conviction
he could not obtain by a legal trial. But acts of attainder were, as a
rule, supplements to, not substitutes for, trials by jury;[1176] many
were passed against the dead, whose goods had already been forfeited
to the King as the result of judicial verdicts. Moreover, convictions
were always easier to obtain from juries than acts of attainder from
Parliament. It was simplicity itself to pack a jury of twelve, and
even a jury of peers; but it was a much more serious matter to pack
both Houses of Parliament. What then was the meaning and use of acts
of attainder? They were acts of indemnity for the King. People might
cavil at the verdict of juries; for they were only the decisions of a
handful of men; but who should impugn the voice of the whole body
politic expressed in its most solemn, complete and legal form? There
is no way, said Francis to Henry in 1532, so safe as by Parliament,[1177]
and one of Henry's invariable methods was to make the whole (p. 437)
nation, so far as he could, his accomplice. For pardons and acts of
grace the King was ready to assume the responsibility; but the nation
itself must answer for rigorous deeds. And acts of attainder were
neither more nor less than deliberate pronouncements, on the part of
the people, that it was expedient that one man should die rather than
that the whole nation should perish or run any risk of danger.

[Footnote 1175: "I never knew," writes Bishop
Gardiner a few months after Henry's death, "man
committed to prison for disagreeing to any doctrine
unless the same doctrine were established by a law
of the realm before" (Foxe, ed. Townsend, vi.,
141).]

[Footnote 1176: The Countess of Salisbury and
Cromwell are the two great exceptions.]

[Footnote 1177: _L. and P._, vi., 954. It may be
reading too much into Francis I.'s words, but it is
tempting to connect them with Machiavelli's opinion
that the French _parlement_ was devised to relieve
the Crown of the hostility aroused by curbing the
power of the nobles (_Il Principe_ c. 19). A closer
parallel to the policy of Henry VIII. may be found
in that which Tacitus attributes to Tiberius with
regard to the Senate; "he must devolve on the
Senate the odious duty of trial and condemnation
and reserve only the credit of clemency for
himself" (Furneaux, _Tacitus_, Introd.).]

History, in a democratic age, tends to become a series of popular
apologies, and is inclined to assume that the people can do no wrong;
some one must be the scapegoat for the people's sins, and the national
sins of Henry's reign are all laid on Henry's shoulders. But the
nation in the sixteenth century deliberately condoned injustice, when
injustice made for its peace. It has done so before and after, and may
possibly do so again. It is easy in England to-day to denounce the
cruel sacrifices imposed on individuals in the time of Henry VIII. by
their subordination in everything to the interests of the State; but,
whenever and wherever like dangers have threatened, recourse has been
had to similar methods, to government by proclamation, to martial law,
and to verdicts based on political expediency.

The contrast between morals and politics, which comes out in Henry's
reign as a terrible contradiction, is inherent in all forms of human
society. Politics, the action of men in the mass, are akin to the
operation of natural forces; and, as such, they are neither moral nor
immoral; they are simply non-moral. Political movements are often as
resistless as the tides of the ocean; they carry to fortune, and they
bear to ruin, the just and the unjust with heedless impartiality. Cato
and Brutus striving against the torrent of Roman imperialism, (p. 438)
Fisher and More seeking to stem the secularisation of the Church, are
like those who would save men's lives from the avalanche by preaching
to the mountain on the text of the sixth commandment. The efforts of
good men to avert a sure but cruel fate are the truest theme of the
Tragic Muse; and it is possible to represent Henry's reign as one long
nightmare of "truth for ever on the scaffold, wrong for ever on the
throne"; for Henry VIII. embodied an inevitable movement of politics,
while Fisher and More stood only for individual conscience.

That is the secret of Henry's success. He directed the storm of a
revolution which was doomed to come, which was certain to break those
who refused to bend, and which may be explained by natural causes, but
cannot be judged by moral considerations. The storm cleared the air
and dissipated many a pestilent vapour, but it left a trail of wreck
and ruin over the land. The nation purchased political salvation at
the price of moral debasement; the individual was sacrificed on the
altar of the State; and popular subservience proved the impossibility
of saving a people from itself. Constitutional guarantees are
worthless without the national will to maintain them; men lightly
abandon what they lightly hold; and, in Henry's reign, the English
spirit of independence burned low in its socket, and love of freedom
grew cold. The indifference of his subjects to political issues
tempted Henry along the path to tyranny, and despotic power developed
in him features, the repulsiveness of which cannot be concealed by the
most exquisite art, appealing to the most deep-rooted prejudice. He
turned to his own profit the needs and the faults of his people, as
well as their national spirit. He sought the greatness of England, (p. 439)
and he spared no toil in the quest; but his labours were spent for no
ethical purpose. His aims were selfish; his realm must be strong,
because he must be great. He had the strength of a lion, and like a
lion he used it.

Yet it is probable that Henry's personal influence and personal action
averted greater evils than those they provoked. Without him, the storm
of the Reformation would still have burst over England; without him,
it might have been far more terrible. Every drop of blood shed under
Henry VIII. might have been a river under a feebler king. Instead of a
stray execution here and there, conducted always with a scrupulous
regard for legal forms, wars of religion might have desolated the land
and swept away thousands of lives. London saw many a hideous sight in
Henry's reign, but it had no cause to envy the Catholic capitals which
witnessed the sack of Rome and the massacre of St. Bartholomew; for
all Henry's iniquities, multiplied manifold, would not equal the
volume of murder and sacrilege wrought at Rome in May, 1527, or at
Paris in August, 1572.[1178] From such orgies of violence and crime,
England was saved by the strong right arm and the iron will of her
Tudor king. "He is," said Wolsey after his fall,[1179] "a prince of
royal courage, and he hath a princely heart; and rather than he (p. 440)
will miss or want part of his appetite he will hazard the loss of
one-half of his kingdom." But Henry discerned more clearly than Wolsey
the nature of the ground on which he stood; by accident, or by design,
his appetite conformed to potent and permanent forces; and, wherein it
did not, he was, in spite of Wolsey's remark, content to forgo its
gratification. It was not he, but the Reformation, which put the
kingdoms of Europe to the hazard. The Sphinx propounded her riddle to
all nations alike, and all were required to answer. Should they cleave
to the old, or should they embrace the new? Some pressed forward,
others held back, and some, to their own confusion, replied in dubious
tones. Surrounded by faint hearts and fearful minds, Henry VIII.
neither faltered nor failed. He ruled in a ruthless age with a
ruthless hand, he dealt with a violent crisis by methods of blood and
iron, and his measures were crowned with whatever sanction worldly
success can give. He is Machiavelli's _Prince_ in action. He took his
stand on efficiency rather than principle, and symbolised the
prevailing of the gates of Hell. The spiritual welfare of England
entered into his thoughts, if at all, as a minor consideration; but,
for her peace and material comfort it was well that she had as her
King, in her hour of need, a man, and a man who counted the cost, who
faced the risk, and who did with his might whatsoever his hand found
to do.

[Footnote 1178: In three months of "peace" in 1568
over ten thousand persons are said to have been
slain in France (_Cambr. Mod. Hist._, ii., 347). At
least a hundred thousand were butchered in the
Peasants' War in Germany in 1525-6, and thirty
thousand Anabaptists are said to have suffered in
Holland and Friesland alone between 1523 and 1546.
Henry VIII.'s policy was _parcere subjectis et
debellare superbos_, to protect the many humble and
destroy the mighty few.]

[Footnote 1179: _L. and P._, iv., Introd., p.
dcxvi.]

INDEX. (p. 441)

A.

Abbeville, 142.
Abergavenny, Baron. _See_ Neville, George.
Abingdon, 128.
Acts of Succession. _See_ Succession.
Adrian VI., Pope, 155, 156 _n_, 161, 162.
Agnadello, battle of, 52, 53.
Agostini, Augustine, 247, 248 _n_.
Albany, Duke of. _See_ Stewart, John.
Albret, Jean d', 85, 93, 136, 144.
Aless, Alexander, 347.
Alexander VI., Pope, 212, 229.
Amicable Loan, 165, 243.
Ampthill, 354.
Ancona, Peter, Cardinal of, 212.
Ancrum Moor, battle of, 413, 415.
Andre, Bernard, 20 and _note_, 21.
Angus, Earl of. _See_ Douglas, Archibald.
Annates, 290 and _note_, 297, 302, 320. _See also_ First-fruits.
Anne Boleyn. _See_ Boleyn.
---- of Brittany, wife of Louis XII., 74, 212, 217.
---- of Cleves, suggested marriage of, 383, 384;
arrival in England and marriage, 385, 386;
repudiation of, 210, 392, 395, 397, 404.
---- of Hungary, 51.
Antigone, 333.
Antwerp, 396.
Apparel, Act of, 128.
Appeals, Acts of, 298, 299, 319.
Aquinas, St. Thomas, 123, 334.
Aragon, 26, 28, 31, 51, 93, 104, 313.
------ Catherine of. _See_ Catherine.
------ Ferdinand of. _See_ Ferdinand.
Arc, Jeanne d', 65.
Ardres, 64, 141, 143.
Armada, Spanish, 249, 307, 376.
Army, Henry VIII.'s, 3, 109, 313, 315, 354;
wages of, 57, 58;
commissariat difficulties, 68, 69;
invasions of France, 64, 80, 160, 161.
Arthur, King, 14.
------ Prince of Wales, 11, 14, 38, 48, 283, 284.
Artois, 93, 157.
Ashton, Christopher, 11.
Aske, Robert, 354, 356, 357.
Athequa, George, Bishop of Llandaff, 319.
Attainder, use and meaning of, 36, 37, 390, 404, 423, 436.
Audley, Edmund, Bishop of Salisbury, 338.
------ Sir Thomas, Speaker and Lord Audley of Walden, 273, 278,
330 _n_, 393.
Augmentations, Court of. _See_ Court.
Augsburg, Peace of, 429.
Austria, 26, 30, 51, 104, 382.
Auxerre, Bishop of. _See_ Dinteville, Francois de.

B.

Bacon, Francis, Lord Verulam, 44.
Badajos, Bishop of, 73.
Badoer, Piero, 49, 53, 67, 78, 109.
Bagnal, Sir Henry, 253 _n_.
Bainbridge, Christopher, Cardinal and Archbishop of York, 1 _n_, 53,
55, 89, 229.
Bangor, Bishopric of, 318.
------ Bishop of. _See_ Skeffington, Thomas.
Barbarossa, 311.
Barcelona, Treaty of, 225, 226.
Barnes, Robert, 193, 394.
Barton, Elizabeth, 305, 324, 374.
Bath and Wells, Bishops of. _See_ Clerk, John; Hadrian de Castello;
Stillington, Robert.
Bavaria, Albert of, 28.
Bayard, Chevalier, 54.
Beaton, David, Cardinal, 373, 405, 409, 415.
Beaufort, Edmund, second Duke of Somerset, 6.
-------- Henry, Bishop of Winchester, 6.
-------- John, Earl of Somerset, 6.
-------- John, first Duke of Somerset, 6.
-------- Lady Margaret, 6, 8, 10, 20, 24.
-------- Thomas, Duke of Exeter, 6, 272 _n_.
Beauforts, the, 6, 8.
Beaulieu, 11, 375.
Becket, Thomas a, Archbishop of Canterbury, 106, 270, 271, 372, 377.
Bedford, Earl of. _See_ Russell, John.
Belgrade, surrender of, 164.
Bembridge, 414.
Bennet, Dr. William, 207.
Berlin, 68.
Bermondsey Abbey, 5, 10.
Berwick, 368, 375.
Biez, Marechal Oudart du, 413.
Bilney, Thomas, 272.
_Bishops' Book_, or _Institution of a Christian Man_, 379, 417.
Blackheath, Cornishmen defeated at, 11.
Bloody Assize, 357.
Blount, Elizabeth, 47, 183, 185, 210.
------ William, fourth Baron Mountjoy, 22-24, 183.
Boerio, Dr. Baptista, 22.
Boleyn, Anne, Henry's passion for, 173, 186-192, 209;
her "Lutheranism," 203-205, 237, 274, 347, 349, 397, 399;
canonical obstacles to her marriage with Henry VIII., 206,
208;
her unpopularity, 250, 314;
accompanies Henry to France, 294, 295;
her marriage, 281, 300, 319, 398;
coronation, 300;
unkindness to Princess Mary, 304 and _note_;
her issue, 300, 315 _n_, 321, 342, 343, 348, 360;
nullity of her marriage, 210, 344, 345;
her trial and death, 233, 344-346, 404, 434 _n_.
------ George, Viscount Rochford, 344, 434 _n_.
------ Mary, 185, 188, 208, 344.
------ Thomas, Earl of Wiltshire, 138, 188, 203, 273.
Bologna, 55, 86, 88, 283, 297 _n_.
Bolton, William, prior of St. Bartholomew, 237.
Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London, 316.
------ Humphrey, 234 _n_.
Bordeaux, 131, 156.
Borough, Edward, Lord, 410.
Bosworth, battle of, 3, 7, 9, 11, 49, 79.
Boulogne, 68, 294;
besieged, 133, 160, 412-415.
Bourbon, Charles, Duc de, 151, 158 and _note_, 159, 160, 162, 163,
171, 176.
Bourges, 283.
Boxley, Rood of, 380.
Bradshaw, Thomas, 259 _n_.
Brandenburg, Margrave of, 100.
Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, his family, 79;
promotion and suggested marriage, 80;
his previous wives, 80, 81, 199, 205;
embassy to France, 81, 85, 86;
marriage to Mary Tudor, 3, 15, 37, 82, 83;
Henry's displeasure, 82, 83;
his favour with Henry, 84;
tilts with the King, 41, 95;
army under, 159, 160, 162, 354, 412;
claim to the throne, 181;
objects to legatine courts, 223;
other references, 2 _n_, 111, 116, 246, 385.
------- William, 79.
Bray, 160.
Brereton, William, 344.
Brescia, 61.
Brest, blockade of, 63.
Brewer, John Sherren, 84 _n_, 189 _n_, 192 _n_, 197 _n_, 234 _n_,
249 _n_, 252 _n_, 261 _n_, 270 _n_.
Brian, Sir Francis, 203.
Brinkelow, Henry, 256, 257 _n_.
Bristol, 401.
Brittany, 30, 31.
Browne, Ann, 199.
Bruges, 111, 145, 146, 155, 281.
Brussels, 94.
Brydges, John, 260 _n_.
Buckingham, Duke of. _See_ Stafford, Edward.
Bullinger, Henry, 380.
Buonarotti, Michael Angelo, 44.
Burgundy, 26, 27, 30, 51, 104, 136, 168. _See also_ Netherlands.
Butler, Piers, Earl of Ormond, 189.
------ Thomas, Earl of Ormond, 187.
Byzantinism, 180 _n_, 370 _n_.

C.

Cadwallader, 5.

Caistor, 353.

Calais, 63-65, 74, 83, 93, 97, 112, 114, 129, 131, 139, 140, 142-146,
154, 159, 160, 203, 224, 254 _n_, 308-310, 315, 370, 375, 384;
parliamentary representation of, 368.
Calshot Castle, 375.
Cambrai, 94, 296.
------ League of (1508), 29, 52, 53, 90, 98.
------ Peace of (1529), 224, 246, 250, 309.
Cambridge, 20, 49, 77, 283, 334, 354.
Campeggio, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 97, 112, 155, 184, 185 _n_, 186, 190, 204,
206 _n_, 211, 215-218, 219 _n_, 220 _n_, 222, 223,
225, 237, 238, 247, 270, 311 _n_, 318.
Canon Law, 6, 117, 200, 336, 337, 349.
Canterbury, 106, 140, 143, 260 _n_, 372.
---------- Archbishopric of, 16, 296, 298, 318, 329, 417.
---------- Archbishops of. _See_ Becket, Thomas a; Cranmer, Thomas;
Langton, Stephen; Pole, Reginald; Warham,
William.
Capua, Archbishop of, 225.
Carroz, Luis, 49, 59, 61 _n_, 62, 67, 70, 76 and _note_, 132, 192.
Casale, Giovanni, 170, 207, 211, 224, 226.
Castello, Hadrian de. _See_ Hadrian.
Castile, 26-29, 51, 52, 72, 75, 92, 104, 167, 176, 313.
------- Isabella of. _See_ Isabella.
------- _See also_ Philip of Burgundy and Juana.
Castillon, Louis de Perreau, Sieur de, 370.
Catherine of Aragon, marriage to Prince Arthur, 11, 14, 48, 283;
proposals for second marriage of, 26, 27;
betrothed to Henry VIII., 27;
possibly taught Henry Spanish, 22;
marriage deferred, 28;
marriage to Henry VIII., 45, 46;
coronation, 46;
commissioned as Ferdinand's ambassador, 51;
regent in England, 65;
ally of Charles V., 137;
attends Field of Cloth of Gold, 141, 142;
legality of her marriage questioned, 173, 174, 281;
premature death of her children, 174-177;
divorce threatened, 76, 176;
ceases to bear children, 178-181;
her conscience, 178;
purity and courage of, 192, 193;
divorce unjust to her, 193, 212;
proceedings against her, 202;
correspondence with Charles, 220;
protests in person against the Legates' Court, 221;
her popularity, 250, 314;
championed by Charles, 226, 294;
alleged nullity of her marriage, 296, 319;
sentence by Cranmer, 300;
her treatment by Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn, 303,
304, 309, 310, 311 _n_;
dissuaded by Charles V. from leaving England, 311;
Pope pronounces her marriage valid, 321;
her death, 335, 336, 342;
other references to, 51 _n_, 70, 106, 200, 208, 210,
216, 251, 259, 265, 275, 282, 289,
304 _n_, 305, 312, 313, 327,
347-350, 364, 428.
--------- of France, Queen of Henry V., 5.
--------- sister of Charles V., Queen of Portugal, 100.
--------- Howard, character before her marriage, 397;
her marriage, 398, 399;
misconduct, 403;
death, 404;
her fall impairs Duke of Norfolk's influence, 416.
--------- Parr, her previous marriages, 410;
marriage to Henry, 410;
her tact, 411;
favour towards New Learning, 416.
Caxton, William, 20.
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley, 38.
Cervia, 224, 226.
Chancery, _See_ Courts.
Chapuys, Eustace, 114 _n_, 132, 185, 192 _n_, 194, 197 _n_, 247, 248 _n_,
262, 268, 271 _n_, 273 _n_, 274, 275, 284 _sqq._,
285 _n_, 295, 298, 300, 303, 304 and _note_, 305-308,
311, 313-315 and _note_, 319, 321, 332, 335, 339 _n_,
342 _n_, 343, 345 _n_, 350, 352, 359, 362 _n_, 364,
366, 373, 374, 403, 405.
Charlemagne, 52, 76.
Charles I. of England, 25 _n_, 258, 259.
------- II., 186, 432.
------- V., Emperor, suggested marriage to Mary Tudor, 26, 28, 45, 48, 65,
72-81, 83;
heir to both grandfathers, 51 and _note_;
assumes government of the Netherlands, 85;
succeeds Ferdinand, 73, 92, 93;
enters into Treaty of Noyon, 93;
difficulties in Spain, 96;
election as Emperor, 100-105;
treated by Wolsey as an equal, 111;
pensions to Wolsey, 115, 116;
his foreign possessions, 136;
reasons for peace with England, 137;
invitation to visit England, 139;
second meeting with Henry, 143;
war with France, 144, 148;
Wolsey's mediation between Francis and Charles,
145-147;
proposed marriage to Mary of England, 143, 146, 156;
Wolsey sides with Charles, 148-152;
battle of Pavia, 154;
influence on papal elections, 154, 155;
promises to aid Wolsey's candidature for the Papacy,
161, 162;
joins England against France, 159;
his supremacy in Europe, 163, 164;
marriage with Isabella of Portugal, 167;
plans for deposing Henry, 180;
his morals, 186;
champions his aunt's cause, 202, 225, 294;
peace with Henry, 224;
Treaty of Barcelona, 226;
appeal to a general council, 230 _n_;
appealed to by Wolsey, 247;
alliance with Clement, 249, 295, 297;
alliance with Francis, 250, 371, 381, 382, 392;
objects to carry out the papal sentence, 309, 310;
rivalry with Francis, 108, 312, 429;
anxious for Henry's friendship, 322, 359;
engaged in conquering Tunis, 334;
meeting with Francis and Paul III., 372;
breach with Francis, 404, 405;
intrigues with James V. of Scotland, 406;
secret treaty with Henry, 410;
peace with Francis, 412;
other references to, 76, 78, 88, 98, 108, 118, 132,
158, 193-196, 197 _n_, 201, 204, 206, 207,
212, 216, 223, 251, 261, 275, 283, 295, 301,
302 _n_, 304, 308, 311 _n_, 314, 332, 349,
361, 366, 370, 373, 376, 377, 383, 386, 393,
396, 398.
------- VIII. of France, 10, 30.
------- the Bold, 30, 51 _n_, 136.
Charlotte, daughter of Francis I., 93, 143.
Chester, Bishopric of, 318, 401.
Chichester, Bishop of. _See_ Sampson, Richard.
---------- Bishopric of, 319.
Chieregati, 95, 96, 113, 121, 135.
Chievres, William de Croy, Lord of, 85, 183.
Chobham, 421.
Christina of Milan, 370, 371 and _note_, 384.
Cinque Ports, 16.
Civil Law, 38, 334, 362 _n_.
Clarence, Duke of. _See_ George.
Clarendon, Constitutions of, 271.
Claude, Queen of France, 188.
Clement VII., Pope, his policy as Cardinal de Medici, 148, 152-154, 230;
proclaimed Pope, 162 _n_;
forms the Holy League, 168;
his imperial interests, 169;
confirmed Suffolk's divorce, 199;
his captivity, 201;
gives Wolsey legatine powers, 202;
warned by Wolsey that his fall means ruin to the
Church in England, 204-206, 211, 212, 237;
suggests two wives for Henry, 207;
anxious to avoid responsibility, 213;
urges Catherine to enter a nunnery, 213 and _note_,
214;
commission to Campeggio and Wolsey to try the divorce,
214, 215, 221;
his indecision, 216, 224-227, 280, 294;
instructs Campeggio to procrastinate, 216, 222;
refuses to declare the brief a forgery, 220;
his motives for siding against Henry VIII., 224, 225;
his treaty with the Emperor, 225, 226;
revokes his commission to Campeggio and Wolsey, 226,
227;
bull of 1530, 281, 282;
interviews Charles, 295;
apparent friendship with Henry VIII., 296, 297;
delays in the divorce suit, 298;
prepares the final ban of the Church against
Henry VIII., 302, 303, 316;
pronounces Catherine's marriage valid, 321;
his dispensation for the marriage of Anne Boleyn,
208-210, 344;
his death, 322;
other references to, 187 _n_, 210, 218, 230 _n_, 247,
276, 309, 319, 428.
Clerk, John, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 154, 155, 161, 197 _n_, 318, 338.
Cleves, Anne of. _See_ Anne.
------ Duke John of, father of Anne of Cleves, 382, 383.
------ Duke William of, brother of Anne, 383, 386, 393.
Coinage, debasement of, 418.
Coire, 99.
Colet, John, Dean of St. Paul's, 134.
Commons, House of. _See also_ Parliament.
------- ----- More pleads its privileges, 165, 259;
throws out attainder against Wolsey, 246;
packing of, 252 _sqq._;
free speech in, 259, 288, 289;
powers of, 259 _n_;
feared by the Church, 270, 280;
Audley chosen Speaker, 278;
refuses to remit Henry's loan, 279;
attacks abuses, 291;
passes Act of Appeals, 299;
waits on Henry, 320;
passes attainder against Cromwell, 390;
opposition to Cromwell, 391.
Conquet, 63.
Constable, Sir Robert, 357.
Constantine, the Emperor, 363 _n_.
Contarini, Cardinal, 153, 318, 359.
Copley, Sir Roger, 253.
Cork, 10.
Corneto, 215.
Cornwall, Dukes of. _See_ Arthur, Prince, and Henry VIII.
Coron, 312.
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 49, 206 _n_.
Council, Ordinary, 364 _n_.
------- government by, 364 _n_.
------- Privy, 288, 289, 356, 365, 403, 416.
------- of the North, 358, 366.
------- of Wales, 364 _n_, 365, 366.
------- of Trent, 299.
Court of Augmentations, 337.
----- Chancery, 319, 320, 327.
----- Requests, 38, 368.
----- Star Chamber, 35, 38, 119, 120, 368.
----- Wards and Liveries, 368.
Courtenay, Henry, Marquis of Exeter, 183, 305, 374, 375.
--------- Sir William, 374.
Coventry and Lichfield, Bishopric of, 318.
Coverdale, Miles, 379.
Cowes, 57.
Cradock, Sir Matthew, 11.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, suggests an appeal to the
Universities, 282;
appointed Archbishop, 296;
expedition of his bulls, 296-298;
his court made final, 299;
declares Catherine's marriage void and Anne's valid,
300, 302;
crowns Anne as queen, 300;
declares Anne's marriage invalid, 344;
licenses Henry to marry a third wife, 346;
informs Henry of Catherine Howard's misconduct, 403;
his hold on Henry, 416;
discusses the _King's Book_ with Henry, 417;
is attacked, 418;
sent for in Henry's illness, 424, 425;
other references to, 191, 197 _n_, 230 _n_, 282 and
_note_, 325 _n_, 327 and _note_, 354,
379, 385, 391 _n_, 393, 401 _n_.
Croke, Richard, 282 _n_.
Crome, Edward, 274.
Cromwell, Oliver, 368, 432.
-------- Thomas, Earl of Essex, humble birth, 38, 42;
rising to notice, 159;
opposes Wolsey's attainder in the Commons, 246, 278;
his agents, 254;
his interference in elections, 260 and _note_, 261, 317;
reports on Parliament to the King, 263 _n_;
becomes secretary, 273, 323;
prepares bills for Parliament, 289 _n_, 291;
said to "rule everything," 318;
anxious to make Henry despotic, 323 and _note_, 329;
anxious to make Henry rich, 341;
never in Wolsey's position, 350;
anxious for government by council, 364;
appointed vicar-general, 378;
vicegerent, 379;
induces Henry to marry Anne of Cleves, 384, 385;
packs Parliament in favour of his own policy, 392;
his fall, 397, 416;
created Earl of Essex;
his death, 2, 394;
other references to, 290, 325 _n_, 339 _n_, 349, 354,
366 _n_, 381, 399, 400, 434 _n_, 436 _n_.
Crowley, Robert, 257 _n._
Crown, succession to the. _See_ Succession.
Culpepper, Thomas, 398, 403.

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